What Conservatives Could Learn from Betsy DeVos

By Jim Blew May 2021

Key Points

• Conservative education reformers have not had much success shaping federal education policy, largely because our opposition is playing to win the long game—and we are not. • We can win the contest over federal education policy if we prepare for inevitable attacks, persuasively communicate, and effectively manage our assets, especially human talent. • We can learn from our experiences and succeed in our efforts to empower families, unfet- ter teachers, and keep education decisions local. But, we must stay in the game and start playing to win.

As Betsy DeVos’ assistant secretary for policy, I improve education. The people closest to problems— witnessed the messy business of making and imple- namely, educators, families, and students—will have menting federal education policy during the cha- even less power to fix those problems. That, in turn, otic administration. From that could easily accelerate the declines in student out- front-row seat, I learned more than I expected comes, especially for our most vulnerable children. about what conservatives and education reformers All this should cause concerns about our growing do right and what we do that’s self-defeating and educational inequities and their implications for counterproductive. our national prosperity. Conservative education reformers have not had Given the stakes, conservatives should raise our much success shaping federal education policy, game. Someday, perhaps as early as 2025, conserva- largely because our opposition is playing to win the tives will return to the US Department of Education long game—and we are not. They doggedly pursue (ED). This report outlines several ways we can take their full-blown vision of an expensive and expan- full advantage of that next opportunity and start to sive federal role across decades. We wistfully opine take the fight to our opponents. that a federal role should be limited or eliminated when out of office and then scramble to figure out how Stand Up for Civility and Substance to manage the federal role when given the chance. Unless we change our ways, opponents to reform First, we need to prepare for what awaits the next (and defenders of the status quo) will increasingly reform-minded US secretary of education. The exercise greater control from Washington, DC. Their attacks on the next one could be as brutal as those success will inevitably curtail the freedom of states, on DeVos. localities, and individuals to experiment, innovate, and

AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 1 It was popular to comment how DeVos brought point as a political weapon seems to have subsided the vicious, personal vilification campaign upon these days, perhaps because DeVos is less of a herself. If only she had been as knowledgeable and threat or because a few of President ’s savvy as the pundits were, then she would have cabinet nominations have also squeezed through maintained her credibility. In my view, the situation with one-vote margins. was a bit more complicated. The secretary herself had a centered sense of From the moment the DeVos nomination was humor about this topic—good-naturedly noting, announced, the unions and their allies assailed her for example, that her confirmation hearing was a with three central lines of attack. Her name had been “real bear.” She was already familiar with the put forward by President Trump (enough reason teachers unions’ brass-knuckle techniques from for a large segment of the public to despise her). decades in this work, so she accepted that every She was part of the “1 percent” (suggesting that, mistake would be made into a media sensation. She among other things, she was out of touch with the also recognized that she might make more mistakes. concerns of low- and middle-income families). No one other than a long-term department insider And, for an audience that has only the vaguest idea could possibly master everything her critics might of what the US secretary of education actually ask about dozens of germane laws, hundreds of does, she did not have a background that qualified regulations and legal cases, and thousands of activ- her for the job. Specifically, she had never run a ities embedded in the department’s $95 billion total public school district or taught in a public school. annual budget. She shrugged it off and told the rest To the unions and their allies, her decades of work of us to focus on the real work, not her reputation. trying to improve schools and reform the system But for those of us advising her, that wasn’t so were not only a scary break from the status quo but easy. We could admire that when they went low, also definitive evidence she was wrong for the job. she invariably went high. But, her shredded credi- Their three themes were hammered through social bility made the real work much harder, which was, media and by mainstream reporters, and they were after all, why reform opponents orchestrated their eventually picked up and reinforced by late-night campaign. Even school visits became politicized, comedy: Hey, don’t criticize Betsy DeVos until so that schools that epitomized the reform vision you’ve walked a mile . . . on her yacht. would eschew her public visits, privately admitting Next, her opponents turned to making her nom- their fears that they would be labeled “Trumpian” ination hearing into a circus. As expected during (a code word in some circles for racist). four-plus hours of hostile grilling on an intimidating This wasn’t the first vilification campaign the range of topics, from repayment plans unions and their allies conducted, and it won’t be to preschoolers with disabilities, she made some their last. Credibility destruction is their playbook mistakes. At one point, Sen. Mike Enzi (R-WY) was whenever anyone threatens their stranglehold over emphasizing the need to respect local control of education policy. Remember what they did to Eva schools, noting that, in his state of Wyoming, a Moskowitz, , and , among handful of schools had to keep bear guns on hand others. Their ad hominem attacks are designed to because of nearby grizzlies. Later, in response to a distract us from the real issues, such as whether all question about guns in schools, DeVos asserted families (not just the affluent and well-connected that local authorities should decide such issues— ones) should be empowered to choose a school specifically noting Sen. Enzi’s grizzly bears. Again, and control their children’s education. late-night comedians had a heyday. The lesson is that next time an education reformer After the hearing came the floor vote. The Senate ascends to a position of power, we must not shrink approved her nomination by a 51–50 vote, with Vice away from crying foul over ad hominem attacks or President breaking the tie and providing from demanding a substantive discussion of the a talking point that her opponents sometimes still issues. We should be ready to hit back, and we recite as proof she was unqualified. In reality, the obviously should not pile on. This is true even close vote was the result of politics and a multimillion when we aren’t in full agreement with the nominee dollar lobbying campaign. The use of this talking

AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 2 and even if we hold some envy for them. Otherwise, to reopen, but she did help make the case for reo- the bullies will win, every time. pening and supported local leaders who were dealing with union intransigence. Careful with That Megaphone The person with the larger megaphone was, of course, Trump. Once he weighed in, his message was The vilification of DeVos did have at least one resid- simpler and clearer than the secretary’s. In one of ual benefit. As the union made her a household his all-caps tweets, he said: “SCHOOLS MUST name, they handed her an outsized megaphone. OPEN IN THE FALL!!!”4 He did not mention the Generally, most Americans never pay much attention harm school closures caused students, the growing to the US secretary of education or can recall their evidence to support his position, or the challenges names, but that obscurity changed under DeVos. of safely reopening. Americans knew her, and they knew her signature Instantly, Trump made school reopening divisive issue: . While the public often held and top of mind for more Americans. The sudden unfavorable opinions of her, their negative feelings salience was not all bad; it was good for voters to did not spill over to school choice. In fact, public question why teachers would be allowed to go to favorability for school choice proposals rose to new bars and restaurants but not classrooms. However, highs during her tenure, especially among African the reaction from the union leadership and their American voters.1 allies was also blunt and intractable: Schools must The growing popularity of school choice is not not open. The unions wanted to ensure zero risk of entirely due to DeVos. The issue has other promoters infection for their members and would settle for and is naturally compelling. Americans intuitively nothing less, even as other essential workers strug- appreciate that if some families have educational gled to find safe childcare due to school closures. choice, then all families should. Plus, parents’ frus- They claimed Trump did not care about teachers tration during the pandemic clearly boosted interest or children and wanted schools to open only so in the issue, as they longed for an option (any option) parents could return to work and help the economy. beyond plopping their children in front of a computer None of this has served children well. According screen for months. Circumstances clearly helped to AEI’s Return to Learn Tracker, a majority of school DeVos bully pulpit her message. Regardless, she districts still did not provide full-time, in-person must be credited for successfully elevating the topic instruction a full year after the massive school clo- on the national agenda. sures.5 Remote instruction will likely persist for a Someone else had an even larger megaphone while, despite vaccinations and pressure from Biden, than DeVos did, sometimes amplifying and some- who in early December vowed, with a couple of times undermining her messaging. By midsummer caveats, “to see that the majority of our schools can 2020, two things were becoming clearer. First, our be open by the end of my first 100 days” (which children were being gravely harmed by not being was April 29, 2021). physically in school, especially our youngest children All this should teach conservatives and reformers and those with disabilities or from low-income that it does not pay to bully the teachers unions, if households. Second, schools could safely reopen for our primary goal is to change policy and practice. in-person learning. In July, the Centers for Disease We need to reject their political agenda, challenge Control and Prevention and the American Academy their policy agenda, and work to change their behav- of Pediatrics issued relevant guidance.2 School reo- ior, but bullying won’t be our winning strategy. pening would not be easy, but it was possible, as Today, union leaders directly and indirectly hold most private schools and many public schools were most of the decision-making power in most school already proving.3 districts. After schools were closed, the union lead- DeVos’ messaging around this issue made ership had every incentive to hold out and resist sense. Children are being hurt, and adults should reopening as long as their members were getting be doing everything possible to safely reopen our paid. Among other things, the situation gave them schools. Her deep commitment to the law and local leverage in negotiations over resources and policies, control of education kept her from coercing schools opportunities to reinforce their brand as zealous

AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 3 defenders of classroom teachers, and the ability to communications infrastructure in place to chal- shape an election overshadowed by a pandemic lenge everything we say. and the related economic downturn. They masked We have the facts on our side to spark reform. these incentives by repeatedly reminding everyone, Our current education system is demonstrably perhaps correctly, that most classroom teachers failing millions of students. But, if we are going to wanted nothing more than to be back in person win and fix American education, our communications with their students. Given the unions’ power, if we must always be carefully persuasive and relentlessly wanted to change their behavior, we would have respectful of educators. More pointedly, a key audi- needed to change their incentives. For many reasons, ence for our communications is the millions of excel- we did not try that. lent, student-centered teachers across America. When enough of them start saying we need systemic changes such as more freedom for families and educators to serve all students better, we will have Divisive communications on education reached the tipping point. Without them, we will issues do not, on balance, help not succeed. Republican candidates. Prepare Better for Department and Pol- icy Management One can easily challenge my analysis by noting that changing policy and practice were not Trump’s While the bully pulpit is easily the most important only communications goal. In addition to wanting policy lever available to a secretary, it is hardly the schools to reopen, the former president wanted to only one. Secretaries are charged with faithfully create a wedge issue that would benefit his reelec- implementing the federal laws affecting elementary tion campaign. That brings me to my second point: and secondary education, students with disabilities, Divisive communications on education issues do and postsecondary education, among others. And not, on balance, help Republican candidates. On they are given a budget that dwarfs what all but a the other hand, persuasive communications on handful of states have available to them. these divisive issues can and do. The ED is a complex organization with around No one should mistake the former president’s 3,000 full-time employees in nine major divisions, communication style as persuasive. On this and each largely operating in a silo. Thousands of others many other issues, Trump’s approach tapped into work indirectly for the department through contrac- people’s frustrations and built passion for him as a tors and student loan servicers. Managing it well candidate among a sizable base. But, conservatives requires strong executive skills, commitment, and need to recognize divisive and negative communi- discipline. Investing the required energy to manage cations are not the winning path forward. Too it better might not feel worth it for short stints in many swing voters loathe the resulting conflict and power, but doing so would be worthwhile and enhance blame their discomfort on the communicator, or our effectiveness. “instigator,” regardless of the true source of the The department’s main job is to responsibly dis- conflict. Divisive communications cause us to lose tribute appropriations, roughly $75 billion of dis- those voters and crucial elections. cretionary funds as of fiscal year 2021. It also lends This voter backlash is especially true around K–12 more than $75 billion each year to help postsecond- education issues. Most of the public does not yet ary students afford college and secure higher-paying discern the separation between classroom teachers, jobs. Most of ED’s appropriations are disbursed who are held in the highest regard, and the union through formula-driven grants to school districts, leadership, who represents them at bargaining college students, and others. Less than 10 percent tables and in elections. Most voters are not aware of its budget goes out through a handful of true of how the unions’ activities affect our children. Few grant competitions. Almost all of ED’s staff and share our anger over their callousness about that nearly $2 billion administrative budget are focused impact. In addition, the unions have a substantial on distributing funds and collecting student loan

AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 4 payments. Beyond distributing funds, ED spends committees, were predictably enraged. Teachers, about $100 million on enforcing our civil rights laws on the other hand, were enthusiastic. in schools, districts, and colleges and about $600 At this point, I need to express some envy over million on collecting data and evaluating programs the Biden team’s insider understanding of how to through the Institute for Education Sciences. execute against these flexibilities and opportuni- All that to say, the department’s main purpose ties. While our team lost time getting up to speed, is not to make education policy. That’s a role Congress partly because our opponents successfully interrupted jealously and rightfully reserves to itself, along with and delayed us, the new administration immediately state and local governments. It’s true, some activists pulled all the important policy levers, reversed any try to make more policy than is appropriate from of our actions they disagreed with, and generally their seats at the department (and yes, those activists placed a firm management hand on the institution. tend to be on the left, although not exclusively). Conservatives and reformers should aspire to do But in general, policymaking at the department is the same when the next transition in power comes. done at the margins, and that limited space is the The key will be quickly putting the right people in source of tussles between the White House and ED place. during every administration. While I bristle when people overstate ED’s policy Build a Political Talent Pipeline role, I also do not want to understate it. Congress does rely on ED to help stakeholders interpret its Ideally, a new administration should begin execut- sometimes intentionally vague and ambiguous leg- ing a well-formed plan with a leadership team of islative texts. For Title IV of the Higher Education experienced, competent, aligned, and hardworking Act, which deals with student grants and loans, ED professionals on day one, and as noted, the Biden fulfills this role by following an arduous negotiated administration has done exactly that. In the Trump rulemaking process (known as neg-reg), in which administration, many factors kept that from hap- rules are meant to be worked out collaboratively pening. Some were outside our control, including with stakeholders. For K–12, ED occasionally fulfills Senate Democrats’ devastating efforts to stall key its interpretive role through a regulatory process appointments for months. But many of those fac- that includes public notice and comment, but it more tors were within our control, and I hope future commonly unilaterally issues sub-regulatory guid- reform administrations can learn from our han- ance. Clever lawyers have for decades shaped the dling or mishandling of them. interpretation of laws through such regulations A century and a half after a campaign worker and guidance. assassinated President James Garfield for not giving More subtly, Congress also gives the department him an executive branch job, the hiring of political some flexibility with competitive grants, and polit- leadership for any administration still has tinges of ical leadership can be thoughtful and creative with patronage. For the Trump White House, this meant those flexibilities. In general, the DeVos department “Never Trumpers,” Democrats, and independents designed all its grant-making to pass along the had little chance of securing administration jobs, maximum flexibilities from Congress to its grantees. regardless of people’s experience, competence, and When there were opportunities to empower families work ethic. For education, it also meant that nuanced and educators with choices, we also did that. For public positions on, say, Common Core State example, after dozens of teachers who met with Standards, could disqualify an otherwise excellent the secretary complained universally about the candidate. So might other well-considered views worthlessness of most professional development on ancillary issues such as Deferred Action for (PD), we remodeled one of the competitive grants Child Arrivals students, gun control, and instruction so that teachers could design their own PD and on environmental issues. receive stipends for it. When those stipends were Personnel decisions were outside my job descrip- described as “teacher vouchers,” the unions’ tion, so I don’t have all the facts about most of staunchest congressional allies, including the them. Of course, I completely agree with the need ranking members of the education authorizing for some political alignment. We, for example, would

AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 5 not have welcomed a political appointee who believed Once again, the left is equipping itself to play that allowing low-income children to escape the the long federal policy game, and we handicapped system hurts the system and must, therefore, be ourselves. To help level the playing field, future opposed. But, to me, the Trump administration conservative administrations need to hire more seemed to apply its litmus tests too bluntly. Many generously, balancing our desire to cut costs and good people were precluded from serving the admin- limit government with the benefits of having band- istration, to our own detriment. We could have width to effectively run the department. And, we used the extra capacity, and, given the demands need to build opportunities for conservatives to and complexity of governing, we could have bene- stay in federal policy when we are out of office. fited from more diversity of opinion and thought. We exacerbated the talent problem by making Work with Civil Servants too few political appointments, especially during the crucial first 18–20 months. The motivation for Political leadership—the group that sets the policy this was positive, as we wanted to be lean and respect- direction for a couple of years—does not actually ful of taxpayers. We tried to operate effectively run this complex federal department. Daily man- with about 75–80 political appointees.6 In contrast, agement of ED largely falls to a couple hundred the administration had staffed up to civil servants, most of whom are members of the about 150 political appointees. My own shop (the federal government’s senior executive service. This Office of Planning, Evaluation, and Policy Develop- group—sometimes derided as the deep administra- ment, or OPEPD) was asked to operate with five tive state—is often criticized by conservatives for political appointees, including me, when it had resisting reform, especially market-based reforms, nearly 30 under President Obama. and undermining political leadership. This attitude The Spartan approach has some advantages— impedes working effectively with them. including saving taxpayers millions of dollars and My experience with the career elite at ED was incentivizing appointees to fully use knowledgeable mostly limited to the OPEPD, the Office of the Sec- civil servants. But we did not appropriately weigh retary, the Office of General Counsel, the Budget those benefits against the need for additional Service, and the Institute of Education Sciences. bandwidth. It is likely that 150 appointees would Recognizing those limits, I can honestly report have been too many, leading to duplication, infighting, that, in my experience, these civil servants are and people tripping over each other. But additional strong executives who match the talent and sophis- talent would have allowed us to proactively pursue tication I’ve seen across corporate America. Most our goals and wrestle more successfully with the live up to their high calling to ensure that political constant attacks from the unions and their allies leadership—regardless of party—succeeds with its (often in the form of “oversight” after the Democrats agenda (as long as it’s lawful) and to keep things retook the House in 2018). running smoothly through the back-and-forth More political appointees also would have helped transfers of power. When they occasionally under- our cause following the Trump administration. mined us, I could usually see that it was inadvertent The smaller DeVos team meant we had half as and due to us not openly communicating our goals many conservative voices with department creden- and intentions. There are, of course, a few bad tials engaging in DC’s ongoing policy debates. In apples (just as there are in corporate America), and fact, our numbers are likely less than half of the they participate in a salary bonus program that Obama team’s, as many of us left the Beltway and sometimes makes them difficult to manage. But on moved into state or local positions, while our oppo- the whole, America’s citizens should be glad they nents tend to stay in the area. The alumni from are in place, and conservatives should learn to ’s and John King’s tenures are legion, work better with them.7 and they are eager to share their Obama creden- You might think I’ve gone native after a couple tials and opinions at both substantive and social of years in federal government, but my point is not DC events. that we should hand control over to the civil serv- ants. Instead, I am arguing that conservatives have

AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 6 good reasons to respect career leaders as central to salaries. They likely were ecstatic when Kamala our democracy, to trust them as professionals, and Harris promised having federal taxpayers provide to see them as valuable instruments in the policy a $13,000 annual base to each of the estimated toolbox. The rewards of developing strong working three million unionized teachers across America, relationships with them are well worth it, and the regardless of individual effectiveness. risks can easily be controlled. More federal resources have always been accom- panied by more burdens and demands for homoge- Rethink the Importance of Federal Edu- neity and DC-styled correctness. At times, it seems cation Policy the left and big labor won’t stop until our compul- sory education system stretches from early child- One key reason conservatives don’t play to win hood through higher education and the only service federally is that we don’t consider federal education provider is the government, staffed solely by union policy all that important. On this topic, I am a convert, members. and I now believe federal policy is crucial. Like many other reformers, I thought (and still wish) the real policy action took place in states and local- ities, where more than 90 percent of K–12 revenue Conservatives should take federal is generated, teacher contracts are bargained, and education policy more seriously, the most consequential legislation for students and families is enacted. I was, of course, aware that filling the void we created and then the funds and burdens emanating from the nation’s allowed unions and their allies fill. capital were growing steadily, but I saw them as a watercolor backwash. In fact, because so many school Unlike prior secretaries, DeVos consistently districts had failed egregiously in the key areas of pushed against the ongoing campaign to grow fed- federal involvement—low-income students, students eral education funding and power. She had concerns with disabilities, and civil rights discrimination—I about how the trend would erode the freedom of probably rationalized the growing federal role. teachers and families, and she had fears about its Plus, it is easy to argue that education is a side impact on innovation and efforts to continuously show in federal policy. Total ED spending represents improve. Hers was a lonely voice, because every a tiny fraction of federal appropriations—less than conceivable group of public school employees— 2 percent of discretionary spending and less than from the state chiefs to school bus drivers—has a 1 percent of the combined discretionary and man- trade group in DC, and they all agitate for more datory budgets. ED does not even manage the largest federal dollars for the system. K–12 program, the federal free and reduced-price Seeing where the pressures were inevitably meal program, which the Department of Agriculture leading Congress, DeVos even proposed taking all runs. And the Department of Health and Human the money (about $20 billion) appropriated under Services (appropriately) manages early childhood the Elementary and Secondary Education Act and education and childcare. distributing it as a no-strings-attached block grant. While conservatives’ lack of focus on federal edu- That way, states and districts could escape at least cation policy is understandable, our neglect of it has some of the burdens and expectations that come consequences. The opponents of reform and pro- with federal funds. Congress, as usual, barely tectors of the status quo have a different vision for acknowledged the budget proposal. Instead, during American education than conservatives do, and they the Trump administration, Congress increased are driving toward that vision through the federal federal K–12 spending more and at a faster rate government. In particular, they want to expand than it had during Obama’s eight years.8 federal funding substantially, because federal dollars Conservatives should take federal education are conceptually limitless, unlike state and local policy more seriously, filling the void we created revenue. The labor unions representing teachers and then allowed unions and their allies fill. This are especially keen to add federal dollars to educator should be done in ways large and small. At the

AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 7 granular level, conservatives or reformers need to meaning students and families. We would encourage apply for grant competitions or become peer review- new education providers to better leverage technol- ers. Because we haven’t, the establishment domi- ogy and rethink the deployment of educators. We nates those programs. On the grander level, our best would move beyond the industrial model of educa- option is reducing federal funding. Assuming Con- tion and teaching to the average. We would accom- gress will never have the audacity to do that, we modate each child’s uniqueness and offer individ- should at least block grant funds and do away with ualized plans that would motivate and help each the dozens of programs that require extra staffing student learn what is needed to achieve their full and paperwork. Let’s act on our belief that local potential and lead productive, fulfilling lives. educators can figure out ways to spend money that But unless we change our approach to ED and are at least as good as the ideas generated in DC. federal education policy, our voices will likely be drowned out. Our opponents are well organized, Stay in the Game politically savvy, and relentless—and they are well- resourced through substantial annual dues from We will likely remember the COVID-19 pandemic millions of union members. We are unorganized as a time when America largely set aside our students’ and easily distracted, and we lack consistent funding. needs, naively buying into the myth that students The recently enacted $1.9 trillion America Recov- are “resilient” and will recover. When we needed ery Plan proves my point. After already providing to be doing everything possible to ensure students the K–12 system with $67 billion in federal COVID-19 were in school learning and interacting with peers relief in 2020, Congress provided another $129 bil- and teachers, we too often let them and their parents lion, for a total of $196 billion. (For context, the K–12 languish. We do not yet know the lasting impact of system spent $860 billion in fiscal year 2019, and our behavior, but we do know that our education only 7 percent came from federal taxpayers.) These system has never before figured out how to reme- supplemental appropriations are especially offen- diate learning loss, especially not at the scale we sive to those of us who believe, based on data, that are facing. most of the additional funds are unwarranted, After helping cause this problem, public school won’t be fully expended for years, further empower employees will predictably demand that the federal unions (and not teachers), and set a dangerous taxpayers invest in their solution to remediate vul- precedent of federal taxpayers supporting teacher nerable children. They will argue that traditional salaries and pensions. In exchange for those funds, public schools desperately, unquestionably need there is only an implied quid pro quo that teachers more money, and anyone who votes against them would be obliged to return to in-person instruction. will be framed as unfeeling and callous toward We will see what happens. teachers and students. Yet, somehow, I am optimistic. We can win the Conservatives and education reformers have a contest over federal education policy if we prepare better solution: to empower entrepreneurs to develop for the inevitable attacks, persuasively communicate, innovative solutions and to empower families so and effectively manage our assets, especially human they can choose what they think is best for their talent. We can learn from our experiences and suc- children. Our education sector would begin oper- ceed in our efforts to empower families, unfetter ating more like every other sector of our economy, teachers, and keep education decisions local. But, innovative and responsive to the needs of customers, we must stay in the game and start playing to win.

About the Author

Jim Blew was the assistant secretary for planning, evaluation, and policy development at the US Department of Education under Secretary Betsy DeVos. Before that, Blew advocated for through leader- ship roles with StudentsFirst, 50CAN, and the Alliance for School Choice. From 2005 through 2014, he helped guide the Walton Family Foundation’s investments in K–12 education reform.

AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 8 Notes

1. American Federation for Children, “2020 National School Choice Poll,” https://www.federationforchildren.org/2020- national-school-choice-poll/; and Education Next, “Results from the 2020 Education Next Poll,” August 18, 2020, https://www. educationnext.org/2020-ednext-poll-interactive/. 2. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “CDC Released New Resources and Tools to Support Opening Schools,” press release, July 23, 2020, https://www.cdc.gov/media/releases/2020/p0723-new-resources-tools-schools.html; and American Academy of Pediatrics, “Purpose and Key Principles,” https://services.aap.org/en/pages/2019-novel-coronavirus-covid-19-infections/clinical- guidance/covid-19-planning-considerations-return-to-in-person-education-in-schools/. 3. The cost of reopening was also becoming clearer, and it seemed manageable. The Superintendents Association (which might be expected to exaggerate the projected need) developed cost estimates equating to about $500 per student. Assuming 56 million students, that implied a $28 billion cost. In three rounds of funding just for the Elementary and Secondary Schools Emergency Relief Fund, Congress has already directed the department to distribute $189.5 billion to states and local districts. See Association of School Business Officials International, “What Will It Cost to Reopen Schools?,” https://network.asbointl.org/HigherLogic/System/ DownloadDocumentFile.ashx?DocumentFileKey=c47d56c0-811b-c444-5dc7-890f18f0420a&forceDialog=0. 4. Frederick M. Hess, “Trump Botches a Vital Back-to-School Message,” Education Week, July 14, 2020, https://www.edweek.org/ policy-politics/opinion-trump-botches-a-vital-back-to-school-message/2020/07. 5. American Enterprise Institute and College Crisis Initiative of Davidson College, Return to Learn Tracker, https:// returntolearntracker.net/. 6. During the last few months of the Donald Trump administration, the White House made a couple dozen additional Department of Education appointments, apparently to gear up for a second term and begin infusing the department with loyalists. Most of these late appointees had limited education policy backgrounds and did not add significantly to our capacity. 7. I might make an exception to this general point because of the Office of Federal Student Aid (FSA), which comprises about half the staff in the department. FSA operates as a “performance-based organization,” including substantial compensation for its staff, but without the discipline of a balanced budget. The secretary is currently the sole governance for FSA and its $1.5 trillion loan portfolio but is given little power to reform it. Because of the dangers this represents to taxpayers, Secretary Betsy DeVos proposed spinning off FSA into an independent government corporation with professional governance, akin to Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. 8. Apart from the hundreds of billions funneled to state agencies and local districts for COVID-19 relief and stimulus, the normal discretionary appropriation for elementary and secondary education was essentially flat during the Barack Obama years and rose steadily during the Trump years. The amounts went from $37.9 billion in fiscal year (FY) 2008 to $37.4 billion in FY2012 to $38.2 billion in FY2016. By FY2020, Congress appropriated $41.3 billion, an 8.3 percent increase from FY2016.

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The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, 501(c)(3) educational organization and does not take institutional positions on any issues. The views expressed here are those of the author(s).

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