Thinking Globally • Labor and the Left • Election Strategy
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Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q
Hastings Law Journal Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 3 1-1965 Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q. Sibley Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mulford Q. Sibley, Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration, 16 Hastings L.J. 351 (1965). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol16/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration By MuLorm Q. Smri.y* A MOST striking aspect of the integration struggle in the United States is the role of non-violent direct action. To an extent unsurpassed in history,1 men's attentions have been directed to techniques which astonish, perturb, and sometimes antagonize those familiar only with the more common and orthodox modes of social conflict. Because non- violent direct action is so often misunderstood, it should be seen against a broad background. The civil rights struggle, to be sure, is central. But we shall examine that struggle in the light of general history and the over-all theory of non-violent resistance. Thus we begin by noting the role of non-violent direct action in human thought and experience. We then turn to its part in the American tradition, par- ticularly in the battle for race equality; examine its theory and illus- trate it in twentieth-century experience; inquire into its legitimacy and efficacy; raise several questions crucial to the problem of civil disobedience, which is one of its expressions; and assess its role in the future battle for equality and integration. -
Candidate Climate Plan Summary BERNIE SANDERS
DATA FOR PROGRESS Candidate Climate Plan Summary BERNIE SANDERS ABOUT THE PROJECT The Green New Deal is an ambitious policy agenda to tackle the climate crisis, create quality jobs, and promote justice. It has become a core element of many Democrats’ platforms in the 2020 Presidential race, with more than half of all candidates endorsing the Green New Deal and widespread, bipartisan support among American voters. To determine the thoroughness of each candidate’s climate platform in addressing the features of the Green New Deal and allow for some basis for comparison, Data For Progress created a Candidate Climate Plan Summary for the debate-eligible Democratic candidates’ climate policy proposals to- date. We include on a rolling basis candidates with published presidential campaign plans, rather than public statements or legislative history. Using a rubric of 48 essential Green New Deal components, we identify where each candidate 1) addressed a component with a proposed federal policy or action, 2) acknowledged a component but lacked clear policy details, or 3) did not include a component. We assess only the presence of specific components, but do not evaluate the merits of any particular approach. If you see something missing from our analysis, please contact Data For Progress via our website. DATA FOR PROGRESS • DECEMBER 2019 1 Candidate Climate Plan Summary BERNIE SANDERS Has called for a Green New Deal? YES PROPOSALS Very thorough BERNIE SANDERS’S ★ The Green New Deal POLICY AGENDA: Thorough ★ Housing for All Addresses 45 of 48 Incomplete components in our GND rubric Very Acknowledges 1 component incomplete Sanders’s climate plan aims to fundamentally restructure the federal government’s relationship with the energy system - in fact, he specifically names eight agencies and sub-agencies that he plans to reorganize to do so. -
New Left Collection
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf3k4002tq No online items Register of the New Left collection Finding aid prepared by Ron Bulatoff; revised and edited by David Jacobs and Emilia Schrier Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2014 Register of the New Left 69001 1 collection Title: New Left collection Date (inclusive): 1923-2004 Collection Number: 69001 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 70 manuscript boxes, 4 oversize boxes, 1 oversize folder, 1 envelope, 1 microfilm, 3 phonorecords(28.0 linear feet) Abstract: The New Left Collection largely relates to radical movements for political and social change in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s. It is the largest resource in the archives devoted to this turbulent period in American history. Organized alphabetically by subject file, the collections consists of serial issues and other printed matter, and includes a great deal of ephemera, especially leaflets and flyers. Topics covered in the collection include the movement against the Vietnam War; student radicalism; the civil rights movement and black militancy; revolutionary organizations; the women's liberation movement; and the counter-culture. Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1969. An increment was added in 2011. Related Collection(s) Radical Right Collection, Hoover Institution Archives Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. -
Freedom Budget for All Americans As an Economic Plan
ISSN: 2278-3369 International Journal of Advances in Management and Economics Available online at www.managementjournal.info RESEARCH ARTICLE The Freedom Budget for All Americans as an Economic Plan Enrico Beltramini Notre Dame de Namur University Abstract In the second part of the sixties, A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin envisioned an ambitious economic plan aimed primarily at eradicating poverty and joblessness for all Americans and significantly expanding the boundaries of Johnson’s Great Society. It never gained traction and by the end of the Johnson Presidency was relegated to the margins of historical memory. While the recent literature on the Freedom Budget has argued that the program was politically infeasible, this paper sustains that the Freedom Budget as a plan was economically infeasible. After a summary of the aims and content of the Great Society and the Freedom Budget, this paper determines that a main point of the program’s irrelevance lies to some degree in the implausibility of its economic assumptions and in the denial of any necessary economic trade-off. Keywords: Freedom Budget, Keyserling, Johnson Administration, Great Society, Keynesianism. Introduction The Freedom Budget for All Americans: budget and self-sustainability of the Budgeting Our Resources, 1966-1975, To program, as well as the denial of any Achieve Freedom from Want (also, Freedom necessary economic trade-off, including the Budget or simply Budget), written under the one between inflation and employment. supervision of Bayard Rustin and released First, the article summarizes the main in 1966 by the A. Philip Randolph Institute, features of the Great Society, President was a well developed policy program seeking Johnson’s grandiose vision of universal to secure full economic citizenship for all access to benefits, privileges, income, Americans via an unprecedented housing, hopes, visions, values, government investment. -
Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit?
The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Hornstein Jewish Professional Leadership Program Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner Ph.D., Advisors In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Leah Robbins May 2020 Copyright by Leah Robbins 2020 Acknowledgements This thesis was made possible by the generous and thoughtful guidance of my two advisors, Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner. Their content expertise, ongoing encouragement, and loving pushback were invaluable to the work. This research topic is complex for the Jewish community and often wrought with pain. My advisors never once questioned my intentions, my integrity as a researcher, or my clear and undeniable commitment to the Jewish people of the past, present, and future. I do not take for granted this gift of trust, which bolstered the work I’m so proud to share. I am also grateful to the entire Hornstein community for making room for me to show up in my fullness, and for saying “yes” to authentically wrestle with my ideas along the way. It’s been a great privilege to stretch and grow alongside you, and I look forward to continuing to shape one another in the years to come. iii ABSTRACT The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Leah Robbins Fascination with the famed “Black-Jewish coalition” in the United States, whether real or imaginary, is hardly a new phenomenon of academic interest. -
Bernie Sanders Foreign Policy Speech Transcript
Bernie Sanders Foreign Policy Speech Transcript Synchronistical and speedful Arvind reunite while enclosed Johnathan ghosts her Venusians underwater and retie deliriously. Breathless Virgie abating some lightships after acromegalic Ricky despatch factually. Extravagant Wright swage aboard while Pyotr always weans his primary despises incontrollably, he recede so diagrammatically. Offer people walking back people at foreign policy has seen as well. Kim jong un green climate accords and moving toward globalization and sustainable energy that bernie sanders speech transcript, acting homeland unless we discovered capability is! Bernie-sanders-full-text-transcript-foreign-policy-speech-westminster. Senator Bernard Sanders 1941 In Congress 1991 Present Get alerts. Letting ISIS run wild. More shots of the jets flying over Tampa! The broth of a partial transcript of internal comments in which Microsoft. OK, I get it. My son both had other eye area this zombie baby grew a bone now. Bernie transcript was a foreign relations committee campaign finance team to. All we need to do is start believing in ourselves and in our country again. For bernie transcript was a foreign policy statements and there have to bolster their doors in fact, they would they do the critics say in america. Fortune Media IP Limited. Cafta agreement on i grew soft here raise our friends. Bernie Sanders Just Gave something of the Finest Speeches of His. Defense Department, State Department, and other foreign policy agencies. Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders arrives for the 59th Presidential. The Stump Speech Analyzer Bernie Sanders PolitiFact. Chris Hayes partakes in lively conversations and debates with his guests. Dramatic response of transcripts do that risk worth taking place during these funny, crushed terracotta is to sanders dnc transcript was? How do just bernie dnc speech transcript provided by emailing the piece of the beginning here. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez, and the Images of Their Movements
MIXED UP IN THE MAKING: MARTIN LUTHER KING JR., CESAR CHAVEZ, AND THE IMAGES OF THEIR MOVEMENTS A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School University of Missouri-Columbia In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by ANDREA SHAN JOHNSON Dr. Robert Weems, Jr., Dissertation Supervisor MAY 2006 © Copyright by Andrea Shan Johnson 2006 All Rights Reserved The undersigned, appointed by the Dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled MIXED UP IN THE MAKING: MARTIN LUTHER KING JR., CESAR CHAVEZ AND THE IMAGES OF THEIR MOVEMENTS Presented by Andrea Shan Johnson A candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of History And hereby certify that in their opinion it is worthy of acceptance. __________________________________________________________ Professor Robert Weems, Jr. __________________________________________________________ Professor Catherine Rymph __________________________________________________________ Professor Jeffery Pasley __________________________________________________________ Professor Abdullahi Ibrahim ___________________________________________________________ Professor Peggy Placier ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe thanks to many people for helping me in the completion of this dissertation. Thanks go first to my advisor, Dr. Robert Weems, Jr. of the History Department of the University of Missouri- Columbia, for his advice and guidance. I also owe thanks to the rest of my committee, Dr. Catherine Rymph, Dr. Jeff Pasley, Dr. Abdullahi Ibrahim, and Dr. Peggy Placier. Similarly, I am grateful for my Master’s thesis committee at Indiana University-Purdue University at Indianapolis, Dr. Annie Gilbert Coleman, Dr. Nancy Robertson, and Dr. Michael Snodgrass, who suggested that I might undertake this project. I would also like to thank the staff at several institutions where I completed research. -
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class William P. Jones The very decade which has witnessed the decline of legal Jim Crow has also seen the rise of de facto segregation in our most fundamental socioeconomic institutions,” vet- eran civil rights activist Bayard Rustin wrote in 1965, pointing out that black work- ers were more likely to be unemployed, earn low wages, work in “jobs vulnerable to automation,” and live in impoverished ghettos than when the U.S. Supreme Court banned legal segregation in 1954. Historians have attributed that divergence to a nar- rowing of African American political objectives during the 1950s and early 1960s, away from demands for employment and economic reform that had dominated the agendas of civil rights organizations in the 1940s and later regained urgency in the late 1960s. Jacquelyn Dowd Hall and other scholars emphasize the negative effects of the Cold War, arguing that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and other civil rights organizations responded to domestic anticom- munism by distancing themselves from organized labor and the Left and by focusing on racial rather than economic forms of inequality. Manfred Berg and Adam Fair- clough offer the more positive assessment that focusing on racial equality allowed civil rights activists to appropriate the democratic rhetoric of anticommunism and solidify alliances with white liberals during the Cold War, although they agree that “anti- communist hysteria retarded the struggle for racial justice and narrowed the political Research for this article was supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities/Newhouse Fellowship at the New York Public Library’s Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture and the Graduate School at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. -
Explorations in Adult Higher Education an Occasional Paper Series Learning in and out of the University
Explorations in Adult Higher Education An Occasional Paper Series Learning In and Out of the University summer 2016 • number 4 Editor: Alan Mandell Associate editor: Karen LaBarge Director of publications: Kirk Starczewski Print Shop supervisor: Ron Kosiba Office assistant 2 (keyboarding): Janet Jones SUNY Empire State College Print Shop Cover and inside art by Steven Phillip Harris Steven Phillip Harris ’12 is a New York-based artist living in Brooklyn. He holds a Master of Fine Arts degree in Studio Art from Queens College/CUNY, where he currently teaches photography. He also earned his B.A. in fine art photography/digital media from SUNY Empire State College. The surrealist relationship to camera-less photographs became a focus for Harris as he experimented with the chemical process and materiality of the analog photographic medium, creating images that play with modes of perception with an unexpected spontaneous style. Harris has exhibited his work at Mana Contemporary gallery in Jersey City, New Jersey; the New York State Museum in Albany, New York; The Hudson Gallery at SUNY Empire State College, New York, NY; and at Queens College/CUNY, Flushing, New York. Clients include work produced for the artist Marina Abramović, The New York Times Magazine, video projects for the Sculptors Guild, and images produced for the SKNY gallery, as well as exhibitions at the Whitney Museum of American Art. Harris continues to explore, exhibit, teach and pursue the limits of the photographic process. Cover: Sphere Studies III, 2014, Unique gelatin silver print, 20” x 24” Explorations in Adult Higher Education An Occasional Paper Series Learning In and Out of the University summer 2016 number 4 f SUNY Empire State College’s occasional paper series brings together the ideas, voices and multiple perspectives of those engaged in thinking about adult higher education today. -
1 Revolutionary Communist Party
·1 REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST PARTY (RCP) (RU) 02 STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY 03 WHITE PANTHER PARTY 04 UNEMPLOYED WORKERS ORGANIZING COMMITTE (UWOC) 05 BORNSON AND DAVIS DEFENSE COMMITTE 06 BLACK PANTHER PARTY 07 SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY 08 YOUNG SOCIALIST ALLIANCE 09 POSSE COMITATUS 10 AMERICAN INDIAN MOVEMENT 11 FRED HAMPTION FREE CLINIC 12 PORTLAND COMMITTE TO FREE GARY TYLER 13 UNITED MINORITY WORKERS 4 COALITION OF LABOR UNION WOMEN 15 ORGANIZATION OF ARAB STUDENTS 16 UNITED FARM WORKERS (UFW) 17 U.S. LABOR PARTY 18 TRADE UNION ALLIANCE FOR A LABOR PARTY 19 COALITION FOR A FREE CHILE 20 REED PACIFIST ACTION UNION 21 NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN (NOW) 22 CITIZENS POSSE COMITATUS 23 PEOPLE'S BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION 24 EUGENE COALITION 25 NEW WORLD LIBERATION FRONT 26 ARMED FORCES OF PUERTO RICAN LIBERATION (FALN) 1 7 WEATHER UNDERGROUND 28 GEORGE JACKSON BRIGADE 29 EMILIANO ZAPATA UNIT 30 RED GUERILLA FAMILY 31 CONTINENTAL REVOLUTIONARY ARMY 32 BLACK LIBERATION ARMY 33 YOUTH INTERNATIONAL PARTY (YIPPY) 34 COMMUNIST PARTY USA 35 AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 36 COALITION FOR SAFE POWER 37 IRANIAN STUDENTS ASSOCIATION 38 BLACK JUSTICE COMMITTEE 39 PEOPLE'S PARTY 40 THIRD WORLD STUDENT COALITION 41 LIBERATION SUPPORT MOVEMENT 42 PORTLAND DEFENSE COMMITTEE 43 ALPHA CIRCLE 44 US - CHINA PEOPLE'S FRIENDSHIP ASSOCIATION 45 WHITE STUDENT ALLIANCE 46 PACIFIC LIFE COMMUNITY 47 STAND TALL 48 PORTLAND COMMITTEE FOR THE LIBERATION OF SOUTHERN AFRICA 49 SYMBIONESE LIBERATION ARMY 50 SEATTLE WORKERS BRIGADE 51 MANTEL CLUB 52 ......., CLERGY AND LAITY CONCERNED 53 COALITION FOR DEMOCRATIC RADICAL MOVEMENT 54 POOR PEOPLE'S NETWORK 55 VENCEREMOS BRIGADE 56 INTERNATIONAL WORKERS PARTY 57 WAR RESISTERS LEAGUE 58 WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE & FREEDOM 59 SERVE THE PEOPLE INC. -
Biographical Sketch of Fannie Lou Hamer
ERICA AM F E IN C D OI YOUR V Fannie Lou Hamer: A Biographical Sketch By Maegan Parker Brooks, PhD “I question America. Is this America, the land of the free and the home of the brave, where we have to sleep with our telephones off the hook because our lives be threatened daily, because we want to live as decent human beings, in America?” With this critical question, delivered at the 1964 Democratic National Convention, Fannie Lou Hamer became revered across the nation. Malcolm X referred to her as the “country’s number one freedom fighting woman” and rumor has it Martin Luther King, Jr—though he loved her dearly— feared being upstaged by Hamer’s soul-stirring speeches. Over her lifetime (1917-1977), Fannie Lou Hamer traveled from the Delta of Mississippi to the Atlantic City Boardwalk, from Washington, D.C. to Washington State, from Madison, Wisconsin to Conakry, Guinea—always proclaiming the social gospel that all human beings are created equal and that all people are entitled to basic rights of food, FIGURE 1: Fannie Lou Hamer addresses the shelter, dignity, and a voice in the government to 1964 Democratic National Convention. which they belong. Fannie Lou Hamer held strong convictions, but she was no idealist. Born the twentieth child of James Lee and Lou Ella Townsend, Fannie Lou and her large family struggled to survive as sharecroppers on plantations controlled by Whites. As an outgrowth of slavery, the sharecropping system was largely designed to keep Black people indebted to White landowners. This economic control held social and political implications as well.