Intellectual History As Constitutional Theory
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Nondelegation and the Unitary Executive
NONDELEGATION AND THE UNITARY EXECUTIVE Douglas H. Ginsburg∗ Steven Menashi∗∗ Americans have always mistrusted executive power, but only re- cently has “the unitary executive” emerged as the bogeyman of Amer- ican politics. According to popular accounts, the idea of the unitary executive is one of “presidential dictatorship”1 that promises not only “a dramatic expansion of the chief executive’s powers”2 but also “a minimum of legislative or judicial oversight”3 for an American Presi- dent to exercise “essentially limitless power”4 and thereby to “destroy the balance of power shared by our three co-equal branches of gov- ernment.”5 Readers of the daily press are led to conclude the very notion of a unitary executive is a demonic modern invention of po- litical conservatives,6 “a marginal constitutional theory” invented by Professor John Yoo at UC Berkeley,7 or a bald-faced power grab con- jured up by the administration of George W. Bush,8 including, most ∗ Circuit Judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. ∗∗ Olin/Searle Fellow, Georgetown University Law Center. The authors thank Richard Ep- stein and Jeremy Rabkin for helpful comments on an earlier draft. 1 John E. Finn, Opinion, Enumerating Absolute Power? Who Needs the Rest of the Constitution?, HARTFORD COURANT, Apr. 6, 2008, at C1. 2 Tim Rutten, Book Review, Lincoln, As Defined by War, L.A. TIMES, Oct. 29, 2008, at E1. 3 Editorial, Executive Excess, GLOBE & MAIL (Toronto), Nov. 12, 2008, at A22. 4 Robyn Blumner, Once Again We’ll Be a Nation of Laws, ST. -
Public Choice, Constitutional Political Economy and Law and Economics
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics 0610 PUBLIC CHOICE, CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY AND LAW AND ECONOMICS Ludwig Van den Hauwe Brussels, Belgium © Copyright 1999 Ludwig Van den Hauwe Abstract The various subdisciplines within the emerging ‘new institutionalism’ in economics all draw special attention to the legal-political constraints within which economic and political agents choose and therefore represent a return of economics to its appropriate legal foundations. By changing the name of his research programme to constitutional political economy Buchanan distanced himself from those parts of the public choice literature that remained too close to the traditional welfare economics approach. This chapter draws lessons for law and economics from recent developments in the re-emerging field of constitutional political economy. CPE compares alternative sets of institutional arrangements, in markets and the polity, and their outcomes, using ‘democratic consent’ as an internal standard of comparison. The chapter discusses the methodological foundation of the CPE approach, presents Buchanan’s reconstruction of the Coase theorem along subjectivist-contractarian lines and gives an overview of recent contributions to the literature. JEL classification: B41, D70, H10 Keywords: Constitutional Economics, Constitutional Political Economy, Public Choice, James M. Buchanan, Methodological Foundation A. The Manifold Legacy of Adam Smith 1. Introduction As the title of this chapter suggests, the new law and economics movement on the one hand and the now rapidly emerging field of constitutional political economy - as well as the somewhat older public choice branch of economics from which it emerged - on the other hand, are research traditi- ons that are in some respects genuinely related. -
Keep Reading Contracts, Constitutions, and Getting The
PAPERS Contracts, Constitutions, and Getting the Interpretation-Construction Distinction Right GREGORY KLASS* ABSTRACT Interpretation determines the meaning of a legal actor's words or other sig- ni®cant acts, construction their legal effect. Using contract law and two nine- teenth century theories of constitutional interpretation as examples, this Article advances four claims about interpretation, construction, and the relationship between the two. First, many theorists, following Francis Lieber, assume that rules of construction apply only when interpretation runs out, such as when a text's meaning is ambiguous or does not address an issue. In fact, a rule of con- struction is always necessary to determine a legal speech act's effect, including when its meaning is clear and de®nite. Construction does not supplement inter- pretation, but compliments it. Second, there exists more than one form of inter- pretation, and correspondingly more than one type of meaning. The meaning a text or other speech act has depends on the questions one asks of it. Third, which type of meaning is legally relevant depends on the applicable rule of con- struction. Rules of construction are in this sense conceptually prior to legal interpretation. This priority has important consequences for how legal rules of interpretation are justi®ed. Finally, because there exist multiple types of mean- ing, when one form of interpretation runs out, another form might step in. Whether that is so again depends on the applicable rule of construction. These four claims apply to legal interpretation and construction generally. This Article supports them with a close examination of the interpretation and construction of contractual agreements. -
The Cambridge School Richard Bourke
The Cambridge School Richard Bourke 1. What are the origins of the Cambridge School? The existence of a “Cambridge School” was first identified by J. G. A. Pocock in the early 1970s, but the description was intended to refer to an approach to the history of ideas that began to achieve prominence in the 1960s. The practitioners whom Pocock had in mind as exemplary members of this School included himself, Quentin Skinner and John Dunn. Over time, it became clear that these three figures had distinct concerns in the fields of intellectual history and political theory. Pocock himself has tended to focus his research on the history of historiography, Skinner on the history of philosophy, and Dunn on political theory understood as a branch of historical inquiry. However, in the 1960s they shared much common ground. By the end of the decade, they had all contributed to methodological debates in the history of ideas. At the same time, each of them had made significant contributions to the study of the history of political thought itself: Pocock, the eldest of the three, had produced a major account of the ideology of ancient constitutionalism in seventeenth-century English political debate; Dunn had produced his classic treatment of the political thought of John Locke; and Skinner had published original studies of the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. What distinguished these works was their use of properly historical forms of investigation to explore the writings of past thinkers. This meant eschewing a range of historical fallacies: most importantly, anachronism, prolepsis, and teleology. It also entailed treating ideas as arguments rather than as disembodied entities. -
Randy E. Barnett* Whether Or Not They Are Originalists, Most Constitutional
THE MISCONCEIVED ASSUMPTION ABOUT CONSTITUTIONAL ASSUMPTIONS Randy E. Barnett* INTRODUCTION Whether or not they are originalists, most constitutional scholars and observers assume that the basic assumptions held at the time the Constitution was enacted or amended are relevant to ascertaining its original meaning. Some originalists use constitutional assumptions to constrain judges in their interpretations of the more abstract passages of the text. Others reject originalism precisely because they object to the outmoded assumptions that prevailed at the time of enactment, and they assume that these assumptions must shape the original meaning of the text. For example, some claim that because of widespread concern about the continued vitality of the militia, the original meaning of the Second Amendment’s right to keep and bear arms is limited to those who are in service to the militia. Others think that because many in the Thirty-Ninth Congress and elsewhere assumed the continued existence of segregated government schools or the inferiority of women, the original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment must be consistent with segregated schools and the common law rules of coverture. Still others claim that because people assumed at the time the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted that laws regulating private morality were within the police power of the states, such laws must be consistent with its original meaning. In this article, I challenge this misconceived assumption about the constitutional status of basic assumptions, which derives from a mistaken conflation of constitutions and contracts. Because the shared background assumptions of the parties are relevant to the enforcement of written contracts, it seems natural to treat written constitutions the same way. -
REVIEW the Inescapability of Constitutional Theory
REVIEW The Inescapability of Constitutional Theory Erwin Chemerinskyt Cosmic ConstitutionalTheory: Why Americans Are Losing Their Inalienable Right to Self-Governance J. Harvie Wilkinson III. Oxford, 2012. Pp 3, 161. INTRODUCTION The Constitution inevitably must be interpreted. There are countless issues-such as whether the president can fire cabinet officials' or rescind treaties2 or assert executive privilegea- where the document is silent, but a constitutional answer is nec- essary. So much of the Constitution is written in broad language that must be given meaning and applied to specific situations. What is "Commerce ... among the several States"N or 'liberty"B or "cruel and unusual punishments"6 or "equal protection of the laws"7-and countless other phrases-must be defined and ap- plied. The assurances of freedom and equality in the Constitution are not absolute,8 and it is necessary to decide what justifications t Founding Dean and Distinguished Professor of Law, University of California- Irvine School of Law. 1 See Myers v United States, 272 US 52, 134 (1926). 2 See Goldwater v Carter,444 US 996, 1002 (1979) (Rehnquist concurring in denial of certiorari) (positing that a challenge to the president's rescinding a treaty was nonjusticiable). 3 See United States v Nixon, 418 US 683, 706 (1974) (holding that the president may invoke executive privilege, but it must yield to other overriding needs for information). 4 US Const Art I, § 8, cl 3. See United States v Lopez, 514 US 549, 567-68 (1995) (holding that the Gun Free School Zone Act, prohibiting firearms within one-thousand feet of a school, exceeded the scope of Congress's Commerce Power). -
Anti-Intellectualism, Corporatization, and the University Henry Reichman American Association of University Professors, [email protected]
Journal of Collective Bargaining in the Academy Volume 9 Creating Solutions in Challenging Times Article 2 December 2017 Anti-Intellectualism, Corporatization, and the University Henry Reichman American Association of University Professors, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://thekeep.eiu.edu/jcba Part of the Collective Bargaining Commons, and the Higher Education Commons Recommended Citation Reichman, Henry (2017) "Anti-Intellectualism, Corporatization, and the University," Journal of Collective Bargaining in the Academy: Vol. 9 , Article 2. Available at: http://thekeep.eiu.edu/jcba/vol9/iss1/2 This Op-Ed is brought to you for free and open access by The Keep. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Collective Bargaining in the Academy by an authorized editor of The Keep. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Anti-Intellectualism, Corporatization, and the University Cover Page Footnote This was modified from a presentation at the Annual Conference of the National Center for the Study of Collective Bargaining in Higher Education in New York City, April 2017. This op-ed is available in Journal of Collective Bargaining in the Academy: http://thekeep.eiu.edu/jcba/vol9/iss1/2 Reichman: Anti-Intellectualism, Corporatization, and the University Anti-Intellectualism, Corporatization, and the University Henry Reichman1 In bargaining collectively over conditions of employment, college and university faculty and administrations face a peculiar challenge. Unlike much labor faculty work is primarily intellectual work and the conditions of employment are much impacted by societal attitudes toward intellect and intellectuals. We are accustomed, of course, to bargaining over protections to academic freedom and intellectual property. -
Against Constitutional Theory
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 1998 Against Constitutional Theory Richard A. Posner Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard A. Posner, "Against Constitutional Theory," 73 New York University Law Review 1 (1998). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NEW YORK UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW VOLUME_ 73 APRIL 1998 NurwER 1 AGAINST CONSTITUTIONAL THEORY RIcHARD A. POSNER* In this Madison Lecture, Chief Judge Posner advocates a pragmaticapproach to constitutionaldecisionmaking, criticizingconstitutional theorists who conceal their normative goals in vague and unworkable principles of interpretation. After dis- cussingspecific constitutionaltheories as well as the legal academy's increasingreli- ance on theory in genera Posner demonstrates the ineffectuality of constitutional theory, using the Supreme Court's decisions in United States v. Virginia and Romer v. Evans as examples. He argues not that these cases were necessarily wrongly decided, but that the opinions lack the empiricalsupport diat is crucial to sound constitutionaladjudication. Posnerurges law professors to focus theirschol- arship on forms of inquiry that will actually prove usefid to judges and concludes by asking that judges themselves recognize and acknowledge the limitationsof their empiricalknowledge INTRODUCrION Constitutional theory, as I shall use the term, is the effort to de- velop a generally accepted theory to guide the interpretation of the Constitution of the United States. -
Constitutional Theory & the Political Process
Pepperdine Policy Review Volume 11 Article 8 5-10-2019 Constitutional Theory & The Political Process Stephen Richardson Pepperdine University, School of Public Policy, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/ppr Recommended Citation Richardson, Stephen (2019) "Constitutional Theory & The Political Process," Pepperdine Policy Review: Vol. 11 , Article 8. Available at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/ppr/vol11/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Public Policy at Pepperdine Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pepperdine Policy Review by an authorized editor of Pepperdine Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. Constitutional Theory & The Political Process By: Stephen Richardson Abstract Constitutional Theory is at the center of legal and political debates in the United States. In recent decades, legal scholars and politicians alike increasingly treat their respective theories of interpretation as articles as faith. From originalism, to textualism, to treating the constitution as a “living document,” many contend that their theory is better than the others and offers the most suitable answers to raging constitutional debates. This paper tests that popular convention by examining how the Constitution was written, and whether there is indeed any one way to interpret it. I will then compare and contrast two dominant theories of interpretation; Originalism and Legal Pragmatism to show their strengths and weaknesses. Further, I will examine four landmark Supreme Court cases to outline examples of where both theories got it right and wrong. -
Intellectual Culture: the End of Russian Intelligentsia
Russian Culture Center for Democratic Culture 2012 Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia Dmitri N. Shalin University of Nevada, Las Vegas, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture Part of the Asian History Commons, Cultural History Commons, European History Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons, Political History Commons, Slavic Languages and Societies Commons, and the Social History Commons Repository Citation Shalin, D. N. (2012). Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia. In Dmitri N. Shalin, 1-68. Available at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture/6 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Article in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Russian Culture by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia Dmitri Shalin No group cheered louder for Soviet reform, had a bigger stake in perestroika, and suffered more in its aftermath than did the Russian intelligentsia. Today, nearly a decade after Mikhail Gorbachev unveiled his plan to reform Soviet society, the mood among Russian intellectuals is decidedly gloomy. -
Inventing 'Humanity': Early- Modern Perspectives
[Intellectual History Archive 5, 2018] Kontler, Inventing ‘humanity’ INVENTING ‘HUMANITY’: EARLY- MODERN PERSPECTIVES László Kontler1 Central European University I. Introduction This essay addresses a crucial chapter in the development of the modern concept of humanity (mankind , humanité, Menschheit) in European culture. 2 It is not an empirical study based on primary research, rather an attempt to sketch an analytical framework for approaching and understanding a broad array of specific historical topics and phenomena within the parameters of an encompassing theme. The methodological assumption at its heart is trivial: our concept of ‘humanity’ is not an intrinsic one, but a contextually defined cultural product shaped by processes of philosophical, historical, social-anthropological and political self-reflection, and of encounter with ‘others’ in modern times, which all raised important and disturbing questions about the differentiae specifica of the human kind. In tackling some of these questions and significant answers to them during the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, I focus on early-modern versions of three important intellectual frameworks that determined the consideration of the diversity versus unity, and diversity within unity, of mankind. These are, first, the temporalization of human difference: the notion that such difference is largely a matter of patterns in the development of human faculties and relations both among men and between them and their environment across (virtual) time. Second, the historicization of nature: the study of nature on the basis of the collection and ordering of data about phenomena as they actually exist in space as well as in time. Third, the naturalization of man: the study of humans without the ascription of a special status to them, with the approach of the naturalists, as coequal from the methodological point of view with any other product of the Creation. -
Theories of Constitutional Interpretation
ROBERT POST Theories of Constitutional Interpretation Moderndemocracy invites us toreplace the notion of a regimefounded upon laws, of a legitimatepower, by the notion of a regimefounded upon the legitimacyof a debate as to what is legitimateand what is illegitimate-a debatewhich is necessarily withoutany guarantor and withoutany end. -Claude Lefort' IN 1979 ERNEST CHAMBERS was a barber who had for nine years rep- resented a predominantlyblack districtof Omaha in the Nebraska Unicameral Legislature. He had been brought up in "a religiousstrait-jacket" in the funda- mentalistChurch of God and Christ,but as he had grownolder he had come to renounce Christianityand all beliefin God. Consequentlyhe was uncomfortable when the chaplain hired by the legislatureopened each session with prayer.In facthe feltcompelled to leave the legislativechamber, so thathe and the chaplain were "almostin a race to see whether"the chaplain could "get to the frontbefore" Chambers could "get out the back door."2 The chaplain of the Nebraska Legislature during that time was Robert E. Palmer, a Presbyterianclergyman who had ministeredto the legislatorssince 1965. His prayerswere short,almost perfunctory.He stroveto make them non- sectarian,to reflect'just civilreligion in America,"which he understood to consist of "the Judeo-Christiantradition," the "kind of religious expressions that are common to the vast, overwhelmingmajority of most all Americans."He viewed the purpose of his prayersto be the provisionof "an opportunityfor Senators to be drawn closer to theirunderstanding