Handy in USA ------Table of Contents INTRODUCTION TO THE TWO FAMILIES...... 2 THE HANDYS OF ALVESTON ...... 2 SAMUEL HANDY 1819-1882...... 7 LIFE IN ENGLAND ...... 7 FIRST HEARING OF THE MORMONS - 1852 ...... 11 Poem written on the voyage of the Cynosure ...... 14 ANOTHER PASSENGER ’S DIARY OF THE VOYAGE ...... 15 ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK ...... 16 TRAVELLING TO IOWA CITY ...... 18 DEPARTURE FROM FLORENCE JUNE 1859 ...... 19 THE JOURNEY OVER THE PLAINS BEGINS – JUNE 13 TH 1859 ...... 21 Monday 20 th June – 1 week...... 22 Monday 27 th June – 2 weeks...... 24 Monday 8 th August – nine weeks...... 27 Monday 22 nd August – eleven weeks journey...... 29 UTAH TERRITORY 1859 ...... 34 PROVO TO FRANKLIN 1860...... 35 INDIAN WARFARE AND A MASSACRE IN 1863...... 42 THE HANDYS AND A DRUNKEN INDIAN : ...... 47 ORDINARY LIFE AGAIN : ...... 48 HANNAH , MRS SAMUEL HANDY 1820-1893 ...... 57 SAMUEL HANDY ’S SON JAMES HENRY HANDY , 1855-1935...... 58 JAMES ’ MARRIAGE TO SAMUEL HANDY ’S DAUGHTER MARY HANDY 1847-1915, ...... 60 SAMUEL HANDY ’S DAUGHTER MARY HANDY 1847-1915, ...... 61 SAMUEL HANDY ’S SON WILLIAM HANDY 1842-1919 ...... 62 SAMUEL HANDY ’S SON JOSEPH HANDY 1844-1855 ...... 66 SAMUEL HANDY ’S DAUGHTER ELIZA HANDY ,1849-1913 ...... 67 HANNAH HANDY 1825 -1860? ...... 68 WILLIAM HANDY 1817 – 1902 ...... 69 THE DEVIL ’S GATE DISASTER OF 1856...... 70 The winter of 1856/57 at Fort Seminoe with Daniel Jones ...... 85 LIFE AFTER THE MARTIN COMPANY DISASTER ...... 102 SOURCE APPENDICES...... 111 Appendix 1 – The Brown Company Roster 1859...... 111 THE DAY FAMILY...... 115 Introduction to the two families

These documents study two sets of second cousins – both of whom emigrated to the USA in the 19 th century.

Firstly: in this document • Samuel Handy’s Family of Alveston and Stratford on Avon, • his brother William Handy, of Alveston • their sister Hannah Green.

Secondly: in “Baldwin of Stratford and Birmingham.doc”

• David Baldwin and his wife, Elizabeth Cutler of Birmingham and their family, • his brother Richard Baldwin, • and one of their sisters (as yet un-identified) The Handys of Alveston

Joseph Handy of Clifford Chambers in Warwickshire, a descendant of the Handy family of Ilmington, had the following children – three of who emigrated to the USA. Two certainly went as Mormon converts – perhaps Hannah, the third, did as well.

Figure 1: Siblings William, Samuel and Hannah Handy – emigrants to the USA.

James Handy Joseph Handy William Samuel Handy David Handy Hannah Handy bn 1812 bn 1813 Handy Bn 1819 Bn 1821 Bn 1825 Alveston Alveston Bn 1817 Alveston Alveston Alveston Alveston In Lawley Emigrated Emigrated Emigrated on Street, Aston aged 38 on the aged 36 on the the Tuscarora juxta Cynosure in Cynosure in 1857, with Birmingham, 1855, with 1855 with husband John as an Brother Brother Green and two unmarried Samuel and William and daughters, via labouring his Family, via own family, London and lodger in 1851 Liverpool and via Liverpool Philadelphia. “he was single New York. and New at my father’s York. death and was the last I heard of him. (1866)” 1

1861 Same address: 48 year old unmarried Carter/Hay and Straw Dealer.

Died about Unknown date Died 1902 Died 1882 Died 1823 at Died 1815 of death in Portsmouth, Franklin, Alvaston somewhere in England Shelby, Iowa, Oneida, Idaho, the USA – in USA USA 1860 ?

Samuel, the second child, took his whole family with him – and for ease of following the narrative they were as follows: Figure 2: Children of Samuel and Hannah Handy Samuel Handy 1819 Alveston Warks. UK 1882 Franklin, Oneida, Idaho Wife Hannah Handy 1820 Alveston Warks UK 1893 Franklin, Oneida, Idaho Son William 1842 Alveston Warks. UK 1919 Franklin, Oneida, Idaho

1 Handy,Samuel. Autobiography (Special Collections, File MS #92) (Utah State University) Handy in USA ------Son Joseph 1844 Alveston Warks. UK 1855 Williamsburgh, New York Dau Mary Ann 1847 Alveston Warks. UK 1915 Franklin, Oneida, Idaho Dau Eliza 17/2/1850 Bapt Stratford, Warks, UK 1913 Oxford, Bannock, Idaho Son Samuel 1853 Alveston, Warks. UK 1854 Alveston, Warks. UK Son James Henry 1855 Alveston Warks. UK 1935 Franklin, Oneida, Idaho

Samuel and his children and siblings soon split up and went their different ways – but the following large table is an attempt to give some idea of their rather complicated movements before we look at them in detail.

Table 1- Handy Family Summary

Year Samuel Handy Son William Son Joseph Dau Mary Ann Handy Dau Eliza Handy Son James Brother Sister Hannah Handy Handy Henry Handy William Handy Handy

1840 21 23 15 1841 22 Md Atherstone 24 with Parents 16 Gls. in cottage at Alveston Fields. 1842 23 Child bn 0 Bn Ailstone 25 17 Ailstone 1843 24 1 26 18 1844 25 Child bn 2 Alveston 0 Alveston 27 19 Alveston 1845 26 3 1 28 20 1846 27 4 2 29 21 1847 28 Child bn 5 Alveston 3 Alveston 0 Alveston 30 22 Alveston 1848 29 6 4 1 31 23 1849 30 Child bn 7 Stratford 5 Stratford 2 Stratford 32 24 Stratford 1850 31 8 6 3 0 33 25 dau Harriet Green born 1851 32 In Stratford 9 Stratford 7 Stratford 4 Stratford 1 Stratford 34 In Alveston 26 Census with parents 1852 33 8 5 2 35 27 BAPTISED MORMON 1853 34 Child bn 10 Alveston 9 Alveston 6 Alveston 3 Alveston 36 28 Alveston 1854 35 11 10 7 4 37 29 1855 36 Child Alveston 12 Departed 11 Departed 8 Departed Liverpool 5 Departed Liverpool 0 Departed 38 Departed 30 Dep Liverpool Liverpool Liverpool BAPTISED MORMON Liverpool Liverpool BAPTISED BAPTISED MORMON MORMON Died NY 1856 37 At 13 At 9 At Williamsburg-Toms R. 6 1 At Williamsburg- 39 Martin 31 Williamsburg- Williamsburg- Toms R. Handcart Toms R. Toms R. incident in Wyoming 1857 38 At Tom’s River 14 At Tom’s River 10 At Tom’s River 7 2 At Tom’s River 40 Provo 32 dau Fanny born and emigration on “Tuscaroora” Hannah, husband and 2 daughters. 1858 39 At Iowa City 15 At Iowa City 11 At Iowa City 8 3 At Iowa City 41 Provo 33 1859 40 To Salt Lake 16 To Salt Lake 12 To Salt Lake and Provo 9 4 To Salt Lake and 42 Md at Provo 34 and Provo and Provo Provo 1860 CENSUS 41 To CENSUS 17 To CENSUS 13 To Cache Valley from Provo CENSUS 10 CENSUS 5 To CENSUS 43 To 35 Died 21 Feb Handy in USA ------Year Samuel Handy Son William Son Joseph Dau Mary Ann Handy Dau Eliza Handy Son James Brother Sister Hannah Handy Handy Henry Handy William Handy Handy Cache Valley from Cache Valley from Cache Valley from Cache Valley somewhere in Provo Provo Provo from Provo Illinois 1861 42 18 14 11 6 44 1862 43 19 15 12 7 45 Returned to Provo after 2 years 1863 44 20 16 Md Isaac Hawk Vail at Salt Lake City 13 8 46 1864 45 Father and 21 17 14 9 47 Son Indian Incident At Franklin 1865 46 22 18 Child Orson Vail born Franklin Idaho 15 10 48 1866 47 23 Md at Franklin 19 16 Md David Boice in Salt Lake 11 49 Apostatized ? City 1867 48 24 Md at Franklin 20 Emmeline Vail born ? 17 12 50 1868 49 25 21 18 13 51 Child born at Council Bluffs? 1869 50 26 At Franklin 22 Elizabeth Vail born 1870 19 Child born Harrisville, 14 52 Weber County, Utah 1870 51 27 At Franklin 23 20 15 53 CENSUS Shelby Co, Cass, IA 1871 52 28 At Franklin 24 21 Child born at Franklin, 16 54 Idaho 1872 53 29 At Franklin 25 22 17 Married at Salt 55 Lake City 1873 54 At Franklin 26 Md Joseph Smith Nelson Salt Lake City – 23 18 Son James 56 dau Mary Nelson born Oxford, Franklin. Harvey born Franklin 1874 55 To Whitney 27 24 19 son died 57 Franklin 1875 56 At Whitney 28 25 20 child born 58 Franklin 1876 57 29 26 21 59 1877 58 30 27 22 child born 60 Franklin 1878 59 31 28 Child died aged 6 Worm 23 61 Creek, Oneida, Idaho 1879 60 32 Married James Atkinson at Franklin. – 29 24 child born 62 child James Atkinson bn Chadville, Oneida Franklin Co., Franklin. 1880 CENSUS CENSUS 33 30 25 CENSUS 63 1881 34 31 26 child born 64 Franklin 1882 Died at Franklin 35 son John Atkinson, at Coleville, UT. 32 27 65 1883 36 33 28 child born 66 Franklin Year Samuel Handy Son William Son Joseph Dau Mary Ann Handy Dau Eliza Handy Son James Brother Sister Hannah Handy Handy Henry Handy William Handy Handy 1884 37 dau Fanny, bn Coleville UT 34 29 67 1885 38 35 30 68 1886 Other children undated. 36 31 child born 69 Franklin 1887 37 32 70 1888 33 child born 71 Franklin 1889 34 child born 72 Franklin 1890 35 73 1891 36 74 1892 37 child born 75 Franklin 1893 38 76 1894 39child born 77 Franklin 1895 40 78 1896 41 Child born 79 Franklin 1897 42 80 1898 43 Child born 81 Franklin 1899 44 82 1900 45 83 1901 46 84 1902 47 85 Died 1902, Shelby, Indiana 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 Died Oxford Bannock Co. 1914 1915 Died Franklin 1916 1917 1918 1919 Died 1919 Franklin 1920 Died 1935

Handy in USA ------Samuel Handy 1819-1882

Life in England. Samuel Handy’s own Autobiography, at present lying in the Archives of Utah State University, tells us the story of his life: 2 for the following reason:

“The above names are as correct as I can give them at the present date, Feb 4 th 1880. I find that the use of education I have had the above written for the above written for the benefit of my children and grand-children, that in the future if they go to England, they may hunt up the particulars of my ancestors, and attend to the ordinances for the dead of my race. Feeling that life is insecure I embrace the first and best opportunity of having a brief history written.”…

and so it begins:

“Samuel Handy, the subject of this memorial, was born on the 23 rd of March A.D. 1819 Alveston, Warwickshire, England. I went to day school? but little, and to Sunday School only a short time the school house being about 3 ½ miles from our? home. I could read but poorly and could barely sign my own name.

Figure 3: Picture of Samuel Handy – from “Utah Pioneers and Prominent Men” (via Ancestry.com)

Here are photographs of his parents, James (1784-1866) and Rebecca. (1787-1866) 3 from his future home in Idaho, USA

2 Handy, Samuel. Autobiography (Special Collections, File MS #92) (Utah State University) 3 http://www.ourfamilylegacy.info/handy/handyjoseph1784/handyjoseph1784photo.htm

At 8 years of age I went to work at 4 pence a day (8cents) I was herding sheep and keeping birds from the grain. When I was 9 years old I drove Plough: this was at AlderMarston (Alderminster Ed.?) on the River Stour, in Gloucestershire: I was a plough boy till I was 12 Years old – then I drove a Bull and cart doing various kinds of work. I worked for this employer 6 years till I was 14 years old, this employer’s name was Darby Ford – Mr Ford was a very profane man, but his business was superintended by his Bailiff, a Mr Packer. When I was 9 years old I had 5 pence a day; at 10 years old I had 6 pence a day; at 11 years of age I had 7 pence a day, and at 12 years of age I had 8 pence a day. When I was 13 + 14 years old I had one shilling per day (24 cents).

When I was 15 years old (1834 Ed) I went to work for Mr. Richard Smith my Father’s employer at one shilling a day as a farm hand – he was a very kind man I lived very hard – hardly anything but bread to eat, we had one pound of salt butter a week, and two ounces of tea and one pound of sugar a week.

We had barely enough to eat for my Father’s family, and it was a rare thing to obtain? of meat.

My brother James died when he was a small boy about 2 or 3 years old. My brother David died when he was about 2 years old.

I was hired to Mr William Smith for one year as under ploughman for the sum of 3.10.0 and board – this was at Atherstone on Stour Gloucestershire. Thomas Warner was my next employer, I worked one year and received 4.10.0 and board and was underploughman to him. I next worked for a widow woman a Mrs Rose, at Hoosley Green as ploughman at 8.0.0 for the year. My next employer Mr John Avery at Bently Heath at SoleHull at 10.0.0 for the year and board as ploughman; I staid with him 6 months over the year for 6.0.0 more. I worked for Thomas Avery six months for 6.0.0 as ploughman. My next employer Mr William Horn, at Warwick Old Park , as ploughman for most of the year at 9.0.0.

I then worked around for various persons and went mowing in the summer time. When I was 23 years (1842 Ed) old nearly, I married Hannah Watts in October 1841, a young woman that I had been acquainted with from childhood. We were Married by the Rev. Dr. C4ox in Atherstone on Stour, Gloucestershire.

4 Both these photographs come from: http://www.ourfamilylegacy.info/handy/wattshannah1820/wattshannah1820photo.htm though the left hand one is listed as hanging in the Franklin, Idaho Museum. Handy in USA ------

Figure 4: Hannah Watts Handy

When I was married I had 10.0.0 in my pocket; this we soon spent in getting things for house keeping. At this time I had 10 shillings a week my wife had gleaned 9 bushels of wheat previous to our marriage, this was quite a help to us in that poverty stricken country.

After my marriage I went to work for Thomas Adams, a Miller and Farmer, and we lived in the village of Clifford (Chambers Ed?) Gloucestershire about a year. We went to live at Ailstone (Alveston ?) and I was sick about 6 weeks, severely. Our first child was born at Ailstone, a son, on the 30 th day of July 1842. This boy we named William, after my wife’s Father: he was quite weakly when born. After I got well I removed to Waterloo 5 in Alvestone 6 Parish, Warwickshire, and worked for Mr Lane, 7 a Farmer – here our second child was born, him we named Joseph, born April the 10 th , 1844. Here also our third child was born which we named Mary, on the 5 th day of December 1847.

5 There are two sites named Waterloo in Alveston, one Waterloo Farm near Charlecote, and the other, Waterloo Cottages on the Banbury Road. Since the Census of 1851 places Mr Lane at Crofts Farm, and Croft’s farm is geographically only a mile from Waterloo Cottages. I am inclined to place their home at Waterloo Cottages.Victorian maps are from http://www.old-maps.co.uk/oldmaps/large_ind.jsp

6 Map from http://www.old-maps.co.uk/ 7 Address: 1851, Crofts Farm, Alveston Stratford on Avon, Warwickshire PRO Reference: HO/107/2074 Folio: 636 Page: 20 FHL Film: 0087343 Thomas W. LANE Head M 59 M Farmer 618 Ac Emp 17 Men 7 Boys Haselor-WAR Ann LANE Wife M 52 F --- Willington-SOM Samuel LANE Son U 18 M Farmers Son Emp on Far, Alveston-WAR Edward LANE Son U 14 M Farmers Son Emp on Farm Alveston-WAR Louisa LANE Daur - 15 F Scholar at Home Alveston-WAR Albina LANE Daur - 13 F Scholar at Home Alveston-WAR Jane S. LANE Daur - 12 F Scholar at Home Alveston-WAR F. J. REDNAP Tutr U 19 M Tutor Brighton-SUS Elizabeth KEMP Serv U 25 F House Serv Stratford on Avon-WAR Maryan PEARCE Serv U 22 F House Serv Pebworth-GLS William LOW Serv U 16 M Farm Serv Pillerton-WAR ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Handy in USA ------After Mary’s birth we moved to Stratford on Avon and I worked for Mr Charles Lucy, 8 and lived in Lucy’s Cottages about one year; here our second daughter was born which we named Eliza, she was born December the 20 th 1849.

Whilst the Family were at Stratford on Avon the 1851 Census was taken:

Census of 1851 Hill Cottage, Stratford on Avon. (HO/107/2074 Fol 500 Page 10)

Samuel Handy Head 32 Agricultural Labourer Alveston Warks. Hannah Handy Wife 31 Alveston Warks. William Handy Son 7 Alveston Warks. Joseph Handy Son 5 Alveston Warks. Mary Handy Dau 3 Alveston Warks. Elizabeth Handy Dau 1 Stratford

Sam Handy continues:

“After Eliza’s birth we moved to Waterloo again and worked for Mr James a farmer, here our third son was born on the 5th day of November 1853 which we named Samuel and he died on the 27 th of May the following year, 1854. On the 18 th of April 1855 our fourth son was born, which we named James Henry.

My wife became a Baptist about the year 1848.

Poverty was our lot for years – Bread 3 ½ lbs of meat, 1 lb of butter, 1 lb of sugar, and 2 oz of tea for two weeks, occasionally we had a few potatoes, this was hard fare.

First hearing of the Mormons - 1852

About the beginning of the year 1852 we first heard of the Mormons, through John Horton, 9 one of our neighbours – several of us went one Sunday night and heard one Mormon elder & we were convinced of the truth of the Gospel and were ready for Baptism, and on the 8 th day of February 1852 I was baptized into the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints by George Smith . I was confirmed by Wm. Smith I was baptized in the Avon River, Stratford Branch of the Warwickshire Conference. My wife was baptized on the 22 nd of February in 1852, by George Smith and confirmed by the same man. George Smith was president of the Branch of the Church when we were baptized. Considerable opposition to the Church was made by outsiders when we came into the Church, and it was thought best for us to be baptised on different occasions. Several were baptised on each occasion at our baptisms. We lived in the Waterloo Cottages from the time we came into the Church ‘till we left England for America.

My wife worked on the farm very hard and performed a slavish part from the time we married till we left. My son William lived a short time with my father previous to our emigration. Every doctrine belonging to the Church we received with gladness, and through my Mother we had enough money given us to take us to New York. My Father was much assistance to us before leaving. I was ordained to the office of a Priest on 30 th day of April 1854, by Elders Smith and Ange. Was ordained an Elder on the 29 th day of May 1855 by Oliver G. Workman.

8 Address: 1851, Mill, Stratford On Avon, Old Stratford Stratford On Avon, Warwickshire PRO Reference: HO/107/2074 Folio: 501 Page: 12 FHL Film: 0087343 Charles LUCY Head M 52 M Magistrate Farmer 300 Ac Emp 14 Ag Lab 14 Women 11 Men Stratford-War Sarah LUCY Wife M 53 F --- Stratford-War Harriot LUCY Daur U 25 F --- Birmingham-War Mary Ann LUCY Daur U 22 F --- Stratford-War Jane LUCY Daur U 21 F --- Stratford-War Elizabeth LUCY Daur U 18 F --- Stratford-War Tom LUCY Neph U 21 M Master Miller ----Gls Elizab.JACKSON Serv U 32 F Cook Stratford-War Ann HODGKINS Serv U 23 F Housemaid Ilmington-War MaryCOLDICOTE Serv U 26 F Housemaid Weston-Gls ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

9 Address: Ely Street, Stratford on Avon, Stratford on Avon, Warwickshire PRO Reference: HO/107/2074 Folio: 281 Page: 6 FHL Film: 0087342 John HORTON Head M 61 M Ag Lab Northend-Warwick Ruth HORTON Wife M 65 F --- Piddletown-Dorsetshire My Mother and Brother William had two cottages – they sold them and I received 20.0.0 and had about 10.0.0 of my own money through selling our household goods. We had calculated to have some of the children baptised before we left England, but this was not done.

During the beginning of July 1855 we were very busy preparing to leave the home & land of our childhood. We received notice to be in Liverpool ready to sail on the ship Cynosure that was to sail on the 28th day of July for New York.

The following account is furnished by Elder William J. Silver, of Salt Lake City – who was a Counsellor on the Ship Cynosure – and is taken from the Mormon Immigration Index:

'In the summer of 1855 and for several years afterwards, a large number of European Saints who had not sufficient means to defray the travelling expenses from their native lands all the way to Utah, were organized into companies and forwarded by the presidency in Liverpool to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and other places in the United States , where they could earn means to enable them to proceed further on their journey , and at the same time form nucleuses for branches of the Church, and help Elder John Taylor, in New York, and Elder Erastus Snow, in St. Louis, to sustain the Mormon and the Luminary -- papers published by them in the interest of the Church.

It was intended to send a company on the ship “Australia,” but as some defects were discovered in her which could not be repaired in time, the Cynosure, Captain Pray, was substituted.”

As will be seen later, Samuel and his family took their journey in slow stages, working and saving for the next part of the journey, so they probably fit this group.

Samuel continued :

“I paid 22.10.0 to F. [Franklin] D. Richards’ agent George Turnbull. The president of the Warwickshire Conference, John A. Hunt went with us to Liverpool. We sailed from Liverpool, Sunday, July 29th. George Seager, president of our company W. [William] Rogers and W. [William] J. Silver, counsellors.” When we arrived in Liverpool 10 we received a ship ticket with our names and ages which are as follows:

Samuel Handy, age 36 years; Hannah Handy, age 35 years; William Handy, age 13 years; Joseph Handy, age 11 years; Mary Handy, age 9 years; Eliza Handy, age 6 years; James H. Handy, age 4 months”.

Firstly the Mormon publication “Saints on the Seas” tells us : 11

“US Ship “Cynosure”, departing Liverpool 29 July 1855, 1258 tons, Master J.Pray, 159 Latter Day Saints, arrived New York 5 September 1855, passage days 38, Company Leader, George Seagar”

Then the Mormon Immigration Index 12 reads:

"DEPARTURE. -- The ship Cynosure, Captain Pray, sailed on Sunday the 29th ultimo for New York, with 159 souls of the Saints on board, under the presidency of Elder George Seager, with Elder William Rogers and William J. Silver as counsellors. Millennial Star Newspaper, Aug. 11, 1855 p.505 the British Parliamentary Papers then say: 13

““Cynosure”, Liverpool to US, departing 19 March 1855 New York, 382 embarked, 1 death, 45 English, 6 Scotch, 375 Irish, 10 Foreign, .26% death rate.”

And notes to a diary of a fellow passenger say: 14

“The Cynosure was a 1,258 ton ship, 190 feet by 38 by 19 and was built in 1853 at Bath, Maine. This Yankee square rigger transported 159 saints under the presidency of Elders George Seager, William Rogers, and William J Silver.”

11 via Internet Site. “Saints on the Seas” 12 Commercially available CDROM of Emigration records produced by LDS Church. 13 British Parliamentary Papers, 1855 XXIV 14 Robert Clarkson’s Diary - Internet Link through “www.indirect.com/www/crockett” Handy in USA ------

The Roster of passengers reads: 15

Name on list Editor’s identification Samuel Handy Hannah Handy James Henry Handy, Samuel and Hannah’s children Joseph Handy, Mary Handy, William Handy, Eliza Handy, William Handy Brother of Samuel Handy

15 Internet site www.vii.com/~nelsonb “Cynosure” 16 Poem written on the voyage of the Cynosure

The Cynosure is under weigh. The sailors shout their cheers; Nobly she does her helm obey, As on her course she steers. The Saints rejoice, With heart and voice (Their trust in God is sure;) While seas ring out, With song and shout, On board the Cynosure!

Shine on, shine on, thou polar star, Thy beams propitious shed; To guide our ship to realms afar, And gladness round us spread. Our ship’s thy name, Bright by thy flame. While forth our prayers we pour; And seas ring out, Our song and shout, On board the Cynosure!

Father! To thee all praise and prayer, Now by thy Saints be given; That we, thy gospel blessing share, To lead us up to heaven. O holy Lord, Who by the word, Hast made thy promise sure, To thee we’ll raise, The song of praise, On board the Cynosure!

We pray for wives and children dear, And friends we’ve left behind; That over the seas they soon may steer, A home with us to find. We Mormons then, Will shout again, In Zion’s land secure; And bless the day, We sailed away, On board the Cynosure! . . . [p.1]

Joseph Linfitt.

16 Linfitt, Joseph. [Poem] “The Cynosure” The Mormon vol. 1, no. 30 (Sept. 15, 1855) p.1 (HDA) from Mormon Immigration Index Handy in USA ------

Another passenger’s diary of the voyage

One of the other passengers on the crossing, William Silver, kept the following diary 17

July 27. We all went on board, but the “Australia” had her [- - -] as defected so we were put on the Cynosure which started on the 29th. Brother Turnbull of the Liverpool office organized our company with Brother Seager as president & 6 wards. July 30. Sailing pretty rough. July 31. " " " Aug 1. still rough, my family all sick. Aug 2. still rough, family sick 3. " " " " 4. " " " " 5. Sailing, quiet weather held 2 meetings. 6. " fine " 7. " rough " 8. Sailing, 9. " " " " " " " " 10. At 5 a.m. Mary A. Morgan 4 month old died. At 9:30 Charles Jones 11 months old died, both buried in the waves at once. 11. Sailing, 12. " held one meeting [p.2] on deck and one below, held a general fast, praying for a fair wind & speedy passage. 13. Sailing, 14. " very fine day. All that could go had to go on deck as the ship had to be fumigated. 15. Sailing, 16. " " " " " " " 17. " " ". 18. Sailing, Sunday 19. " Held 2 meetings below, 20. Sailing, 21. " " " 22. " " " 23 Sailing, 24. " 25. " 26. " held 3 meetings. Mary [Mona] Pickering 23 month died, buried same day. 27. Sailing. 28. " 29. " 30. " 31. " Sept 1. "I am this day 23 years old. 2. " Held 2 meetings. 3. " Pilot came on board in the afternoon. 4. " 5. " Came in sight of New York and soon landed at Castle Garden. Several brothers from the Mormon office came to see us. 6. President John Taylor came to see us and we was into lodgings in Brooklyn.

17 Silver, William John, Diary, (Ms 2199) Acc. #33004 pp. 2-4(HDA) Arrival in New York “We have much pleasure in quoting the following from” the Mormon, Sept. 8” 18

“We feel great pleasure in announcing the arrival of the Cynosure in New York, on Wednesday morning, the 5th instant after a tolerable good passage of 38 days. This vessel left Liverpool on the 28th of July, with a company of Saints to the number of 162, under the presidency of Elder George Seager. During the passage there were three deaths under two years, one birth, and two marriages. On her arrival opposite the battery the lighter was towed alongside the vessel, and the whole of the passenger, all in good health, with their luggage, were landed in about an hour and a half. The following letter to the president of the company by the surgeon may serve as another evidence of the superior order maintained by our emigrants. The company express the best of feelings toward that gentleman..”

The following account is furnished by Elder William J. Silver, now a resident of the Seventeenth Ward, Salt Lake City – who was a Counsellor on the Cynosure – and is taken from the Mormon Immigration Index:

“This ship left the dock at Liverpool, July 28th, 1855, and sailed the following day for New York, where she arrived, after a pretty fair voyage, on the morning of September 5th, at Castle Garden, they being one of the first companies of Latter-day Saints which were accommodated in that historic building, which had opened for emigration purposes a short time previous. This was a very agreeable surprise to the emigrants, as it gave them time to make their arrangements, etc., while those who wished to go further could do so without incurring expenses for lodging. In New York, the emigrants were received by Apostle John Taylor and his assistants, N. H. Felt and Elder Robbins, and by the active exertions of W. H. Miles and Charles Davey, were soon comfortably housed; and before long most of the men found employment. There were several miners from Wales, who went to Pennsylvania and there located, while some went to other localities. Most of them subsequently came to Utah." ”

From the Autobiography of Samuel Handy 19

We had considerable seasickness in the family across the sea—there were some 300 passengers on this ship; only a part of them being members of the Church, 159 in number. Captain Pray, master of the ship.

… Our journey across the sea was very different from living in England; for my family we had 17-1/2 lbs. of Navy bread, 5-1/1 lbs of flour, 11 lbs. of oatmeal, 5-1/2 lbs of pork, 5-1/2 lbs of beef, 5-1/2 lbs of peas, 5-1/1 lbs of rice, 2-1/2 lbs. of sugar, 11 oz. of tea, 11 oz. of salt, weekly, 16-1/2 quarts of water daily, 11 lbs. of butter, and 5-1/2 pints of vinegar for the voyage….

18 “Arrival of the Cynosure,” [Letter], Latter-day Saints’ Millennial Star 17:41 (October 13, 1855) p. 650. (HDL) from Mormon Immigration Index 19 Handy, Samuel. Autobiography (Special Collections, File MS #92) pp. 11-14 (Utah State University) Handy in USA ------We were nearly 6 weeks crossing the Atlantic Ocean, and landed in New York, at Castle Garden with about $15.00 in cash in my pocket. Stayed at Castle Garden about 3 days”. (Ed 5 th , 6 th , 7 th September?)

The Autobiography continues:

“Then went to Williamsburg where we stayed till about Christmas.

My sons, William and Joseph, were both baptized at Castle Garden on the 7th day of September 1855 by Ebenezer Bunten [Bunting]. Mary was baptized also at the same time by Brother Bunten.

Joseph was sick on board ship and after his baptism was confirmed by W. Rogers on the 14th of Sept., he died on the 18th and was buried on the [p.12] 20th of September 1855 at Flatbush, New York .

At Williamsburg, we suffered for food. I was searching for employment for about 2 months, and finally obtained employment at Toms River, Ocean County, New Jersey , where I lived two winters and one summer. I was chopping cordwood through the winter, and worked loading schooners & other kinds of employment in the summer. I saved money enough at this place to take me to Iowa City, & my employers loaned me $20.00 to help me on my way. The employer that loaned me the money was named Edward Ivins – his wife was a good Latter-day Saint. The part of New Jersey were we lived was swampy & well timbered— we lived close by the seashore; we could get plenty of fish cheap, and lived much better than we did in England.

When we left Toms River in the spring of the year 1857 we sailed on a schooner to New York City, and took the ferry boat for Jersey City, where we got aboard the railway for Iowa City in the state of Iowa.”

Another part of Samuel’s Autobiography explains that at this time, 1857, his brother William, who had sailed with them and left them after arrival at New York, finally arrived in Utah after an atrocious winter trapped in the Mountains at the notorious “Devil’s Gate” in Wyoming – whilst Sam and family are still on the East Coast. He had obviously travelled directly onwards. As a single man, perhaps he had enough money to do this.

“He came to Utah in the Spring of 1857..”

Travelling to Iowa City The following two maps show the 1856 map of route of the new York and Eerie Railway Company 20 There is no information to hand on which rail-route the family used from Jersey City to Iowa City, but this Company was running quite direct connections to Iowa City – and the family could have taken this route.

The latter part of the journey had to take place on the Rock Island Railroad, newly opened in 1856. There was no other service to Iowa City in 1857 21

The main narrative continues:

“Nearly all the money we had we spent in railroad fare. There was one more family left New York when we did and travelled with us to the terminus of the railroad. 22 ”

20 http://www.davidrumsey.com/maps756.html 21 http://www.simpson.edu/~RITS/histories/RIHistory.html

22 Mormon Pioneer”, published by the USA National Parks service at http://www.cr.nps.gov/history/online_books/mopi/hrs6.htm discusses this rail route “RAIL AND TRAIL PIONEERS: 1856-1868 Prior to the 1850s, Mormon emigrants seldom used railroads. There is one account of rail travel in 1837, and a few traveled to Nauvoo, Illinois, by rail in the 1840s. But it was not until 1856 that the use of railroads by Mormons became common. As has already been noted in the discussion of the handcart companies, Mormon emigrants made little use of railroads until the Chicago and Rock Island RR reached the Mississippi River at Rock Island, Illinois, in 1854, whence it was possible to continue west by riverboats to various jumping-off sites, such as Fort Handy in USA ------

“At Iowa City 23 we found a branch of the [p.13] Church, presided over by a man named William Williams— during our stay in this place John Taylor succeeded Brother Williams in presiding over the Iowa City Branch. Edwin Stratford 24 , three Brother Taylors and others, with their families made quite a nice little branch of the Church. I went to work immediately on my arrival, and got $1.25 per day and my dinner all through the summer, and in the winter I carried the buck & saw & sawed wood and made about 75 cents per day—some days only 50 cents and some days I was idle. We paid some 2, 3, and sometimes 4 dollars a month rent while we were at Iowa City. My wife went washing while we lived there and assisted considerably in getting our outfit for Utah.

In the spring of 1859 I got ready for Utah. I had purchased a yoke of 4-year-old cattle the summer previous to leaving for $45.00 also an old wagon. We had plenty to eat on our journey to the valley. There were about 12 wagons of us in our company among who were George Sparks, 25 William Sparks and 3 families of Campbells. We had good times in coming through Iowa, plenty of grass, our teams improved, and we arrived in Florence in good trim.

Departure from Florence June 1859

W e

s t a y e d

in Florence , old Mormon Winter Quarters about a month. Here we found lots of Mormon emigrants preparing for crossing the plains. Our company from this place consisted of 63 wagons, James Brown, captain...[p.14]”

Leavenworth, on the Missouri River. When the railroad went from Rock Island, Illinois, to Iowa City, Iowa, in 1856, many Mormon emigrants, especially the handcart pioneers, "took cars" to that terminal.

23 Thousands of immigrants from England and Wales who joined the Church and the trek west, took on a new form of transportation to Salt Lake City. They couldn't afford wagons after leaving their homeland, so they pulled handcarts. The human-powered handcarts, which were envisioned by Brigham Young, proved to be one of the most brilliant-- and tragic -- experiments in all western migration. Iowa City was the end for the west bound railroad in 1856. It was here that the convert emigrants were outfitted with handcarts to begin their trek. With nearly empty carts they made good time across Iowa to Council Bluffs. Here they acquired the remaining provisions for their long march.” Faith in every footstep” CD 24 “our Pioneer Heritage” says of Edwin Stratford “1855… The following February they embarked on the sailing vessel Caravan for the United States. After a six weeks ocean trip they landed in New York, Mar. 27, 1856. Edwin found work in Tarrytown, a village near New York City and they lived there until 1857 when they moved to Iowa City, Iowa. There he found employment chopping wood. That part of Iowa was then frontier country and covered with timber. Hard times was their lot and their staff of life was bread made of shorts. John Taylor presided over the branch of the church and Edwin was his counselor. When President Taylor left for Utah he made Edwin president of the branch. In May, 1861 the father and mother with three children left Florence, Nebraska in Homer Duncan's Company. Their outfit consisted of a wagon, two oxen named Tom and Jerry and a yoke of cows. They arrived in Salt Lake City Sept. 13, 1861, and soon moved to Farmington where they lived until the Spring of 1864 when they went to Providence, Cache County.” 25 “ William Sparks, of Smithfield, has traveled far on life's journey, having passed the seventy-third milestone. For a long period he was identified with ranching but is now living retired. He was born in Worcestershire, England, July 11, 1846, a son of George and Hannah (Lake) Sparks, who in 1857 came with their family to the United States. At Boston, Massachusetts, on the 2d of July of that year, the mother passed away. The family continued to reside in Boston for a year and then removed west to Iowa , living in Iowa City for another year or until the spring of 1859, when they came to Utah by ox team in the James S. Brown company under Captain Lina L. Ferrell, who was captain of ten. William Sparks, then a lad of eleven years, walked the entire distance to Salt Lake, where they arrived in October. They soon removed to Harriman Fort, where William Sparks had a brother living at the time. Soon afterward they removed to Lehi, where the father passed away in April, 1868, having up to that time followed farming.” Utah Since Statehood. On Ancestry.com The departure lists show of the company: 26

“Departure Post: Florence, Nebraska Departure Date: 13 June 1859 Company Captain: James Brown III, 1 st . Wagon Company Number of People: 353 Wagons: 59 Arrival Date: 29 August 1859 References in: Journal History 12 June 12 June 1859 “Deseret News Vol 9 page 197”

They were listed in the Roster 27 as:

“Handy, Samuel and Family”

It is recorded that 1859 saw 1,431 emigrants leaving the Council Bluffs/Winter Quarters area for Utah.28

Sam’s own description of his crossing is rather short and without much detail, and begins:

“We had a good trip across the plains – we found a few stray sheep which we butchered – we also got a little wild game. G H Farrel his father in law Mr Steel, Bro Budno, Bro Watson, Bro Funk and others are a few of the names I remember, our company were peaceable and we enjoyed the trip. “

John Unruh shows that by the period of Sam’s crossing most of the dangers of the journey through Salt Lake had been ironed out: 29 “By 1860 overlanders did not need to travel in the traditional manner: they could bounce from Missouri to California as passengers in the stagecoaches specified by Government mail contracts.. If, as almost all continued to do, they chose to travel in the customary covered wagon or by pack train, they did soon a trail which had been surveyed, shortened, graded, and improved by government employees. Overlanders even enjoyed the luxury of crossing bridged streams and watering their stock at large reservoirs. For the injured or ill there were army hospitals along the route, and sutlers, blacksmiths, and generous commanding officers standing ready to distribute provisions to destitute travellers. There were even post offices where letters were mailed and received.”

The extracts from Captain Brown’s Journal, the leader of the party, (See Photo) 30 reveal the story in much greater detail: 31

“On Sunday, June 12th, Elders Eldredge and Cannon visited the camp and held a meeting, then organized the company, naming James S. Brown for president and captain, the selection being unanimously sustained. George L. Farrell was made sergeant of the guard, William Wright, chaplain, and John Gordon, secretary. A captain was appointed over each ten wagons, namely: first, Win. Steel; second, W. Williams; third, Christopher Funk; fourth, Newbury; fifth, Kent; sixth, Girldens. These names were suggested by Messrs. Eldredge and Cannon, and were unanimously sustained by the company of three hundred and fifty-three souls.

The outfit consisted of fifty-nine wagons and one hundred and four yoke of oxen, eleven horses, thirty-five cows, and forty-one head of young cattle that were driven loose. We had provisions for seventy-five days.

Historical Resource Study, Mormon Pioneer National Historical Trail, Pages 136-150; Stanley Kimball. 1991 US Dept of Interior. Obtained through Internet link www.vii.com/~nelsonb/company.htm 27 Link from Internet Site www.inovion.com/~aewold/_Companies/wagon_1859Brown.html

28 “The Plains across” John D. Unruh, Pimlico Books, published 1992. Page 85.

29 “The Plains across” John D. Unruh, Pimlico Books, published 1992 Page 196

30 http://www.lds.org/churchhistory/library/pioneercompany/0,15797,4017-1-73,00.html

31 Source: Our Pioneer Heritage ¸ Carter, Kate B., ed. 20 vols. Salt Lake City: International Society, Daughters ofUtah Pioneers, 1958-1977. Link in Internet Site through Ancestry.Com Mormon Records - reference not yet established. Handy in USA ------

The Journey over the plains begins – June 13 th 1859

Brown begins: On June 13, (Monday) 1859, the company set out for Salt Lake City, Utah. There were nine different nationalities of people represented, namely: English, Irish, Scotch, Welsh, Danish, Swedish, Norwegians and Icelanders; we also had some Americans from the Eastern, Middle and Southern States, all mixed together. Many of them had never driven an ox one mile in their lives, and the result was almost like herding a train on the plains. If it had not been for G. L. Fartell, James Nickson, Samuel Garnet and Willis Brown, all excellent ox teamsters, besides some five or six others that were quite handy, we would doubtless have had most destructive stampedes. As it was, the company did not have any serious mishaps.

In a few days the train became regulated and we had more system and order in travel. For the first five or six days of the journey the stock seemed in danger of being destroyed by flies and mosquitoes, and the people suffered much from the same cause.

After two days travel (about the 15 th ) the 353 people in the company were joined by:

“24 persons, 7 wagons, 9 yoke of cattle, 9 cows and 5 horses were added to the train, which made a grand total of 387 souls, 66 wagons, and 418 head of

cattle.”32

Brown continues:

On the 18th we passed Captain Rowley with the handcart company

On June 19th the camp stopped on the Loup Fork , 33 a tributary to the Platte River. 34 There was a small town there called Columbus.

32 Gordon, John H., Report, in Journal History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 29 Aug. 1859, 2-3. 33 “Like the Elkhorn, the crossing of Loup Fork represented one of the early and very difficult river crossings during the trek west. All emigrants travelling west from Council Bluffs faced this obstacle. Latter-day Saints crossed at several locations along the Loup River before reaching the Platte River.” Faith in every footstep” CD

Monday 20 th June – 1 week.

On the 20th the company moved up the river and camped on a small stream, Looking Glass Creek. (Near Monroe) 35 That afternoon I baptized and re-baptized eighty souls, and other Elders confirmed them, while some men of the company bridged the stream. “

This day’s journey, Columbus to Looking Glass Creek, amounted to about 13-15 miles.

Brown describes the 7 mile trip to Genoa Ferry:

On the 21st we proceeded to Genoa Ferry , where we were joined by Captain Walding's company of thirty- seven souls and ten more wagons, increasing my company to three hundred ninety people, with sixty-nine wagons, with cattle and other property in proportion. At that place we chartered the ferryboat from J. Johnston (see Joel Johnson below) and did the work ourselves. We paid seventy-five cents a wagon, and it took fifteen hours hard labour to cross. The stock all swam safely over and the company proceeded up the river.

Joel Johnson, in later notes on his life at the Genoa Ferry ,36 said of this crossing:

“Monday, June 20th. Went to the ferry and commenced crossing Brother Brown's company of 60 wagons , and at about 4 o'clock the rope came in too near the north side landing. (having rotted off by acids being put upon it by some fiend in human shape--Cotton). The boat was loaded with one wagon and yoke of cattle and about 40 or 50 men, women, and children when the rope parted. The boat went whirling down stream by the swift current for several rods until some of the men on board caught the longest end of the main rope and pulled it in shore on the south side; otherwise no one knows how far the boat might have gone down stream and how many lives might have been lost. After the boat and all was landed safely, we got a man to splice the rope, and we then stretched it across the river again and crossed over three wagons before dark.

Tuesday 21st, went to the ferry this morning and assisted in crossing over the balance of Brother Brown's company and about noon commenced crossing over the handcart company. While crossing the third wagon, the rope parted again near the south landing, but the boat was pulled ashore on the north side by hands catching the longest end of the main rope. It was rotted off as usual by acids. The cords were fastened and stretched across the river again quickly and the handcart company was all crossed over before dark, free of expense. ”

Brown continues:

We met with a company of Sioux Indians on the 24th. These formed a line of battle across the road ahead of the company, and sent two men to meet us. I was travelling in advance of the company, and although I had never been among the Sioux Indians in my life for an hour, nor had I ever been where I had an opportunity to study their language, I had not the slightest difficulty in talking to them, or they to me. Consequently, I learned at once that these Indians were on the warpath, and were hunting the Omahas and Poncas. They were hungry and said they must have food from the company; so they were told to form a line parallel with the road, and to keep one-fourth of a mile back, so as not to stampede the train or frighten the women and children. They were allowed to send two men on foot to spread blankets where the company could put such food, as we had to spare.

Meanwhile, I gave orders to the sergeant of the guard, G. L. Farrell, and the several captains to draw up in close order, have every teamster in his place, and all the women and children in the wagons, and for each man to have his gun where he could lay his hand on it without a moment's delay. Each family was to place some food on the blankets by the roadside. Not one team was to stop without orders. The wagons were to be corralled as quickly as possible, if they must be, at the first signal from the captain to do so; for the Indians appeared very warlike in their paint and feathers.

34 “For hundreds of miles, all emigrants who left the Missouri travelled along the Platte River. The Latter-day Saints generally, but not always, travelled along the north side of the river, where they faced fewer chances for unpleasant encounters with westbound emigrants from the states of Missouri or Illinois, all potentially former enemies. The prevailing opinion among Latter-day Saints that the north side of the river was healthier also contributed to its heavy use by Church members. All emigrants, Mormon and non-Mormon alike, travelled where feed for stock could be obtained. If it was found in short supply on the side they were travelling, they often would switch to the opposite side. In desperate years, such as 1849, 1850, and 1852, traffic became so heavy along the Platte that frequently all available feed was stripped from both sides of the river. Coupled with the constant threat of cholera, the overland trip along the Platte was at best a deadly gamble.” “Faith in every footstep” CD

35 "Near the mouth of the Looking Glass Creek, which flows into the Loup near the present town of Monroe is an extensive ruin,” http://www.rootsweb.com/~neresour/OLLibrary/Journals/HPR/Vol07/nhrv07pa.html

36 Joel Johnson - http://www.genealogy.org/~smcgee/genealogy.texts/jhj_jrnl3.html Handy in USA ------When the red men learned that it was a company of Mormons they had met, they readily complied with the captain's terms, and a number rode up and shook hands. As the company passed their lines of not more than one hundred and fifty warriors, there came fourteen buffalo in sight, quite close, and attention was turned to them so much that the Indians took what the company had placed on their blankets and we passed on without further interruption. It was about this date that the teamsters had become acquainted with their teams and the latter acquainted with their drivers, so that things began to work more orderly than before. The camp was called together every evening for prayers, and for instructions for the next day.

John Unruh records in his book “the Plains across” that the major difficulty with Indians at this time was not violence but thieving 37 , and that despite the image of the murderous Indian given in other sources, more Indians were killed by emigrants in recorded sources between 1840 and 1860 (362 emigrants as opposed to 426 Indians – a surprisingly low figure for 20 years – and 90% of those west of South Pass.) 38

37 “The Plains across” John D. Unruh, Pimlico Books, published 1992 Page 141 38 “The Plains across” John D. Unruh, Pimlico Books, published 1992 Page 144

About the 26th the company started across from the Loup Fork to Wood River . That night the stock took

fright and gave some trouble before they were recovered; but the next morning the company resumed its journey, leaving Wood Birdno to pursue two valuable young fillies, one his own and the other belonging to Capt. Brown. Br. Birdno did not overtake the company till the fifth day.

Monday 27 th June – 2 weeks.

About this time, two weeks into the journey, there is evidence that Brown became ill, and George Lionel Farrell had to deputise: 39 … he joined Captain James S. Brown's company as assistant captain and captain of the guard. After they had been on the road for two weeks Captain Brown was taken ill and Bishop Farrell was called to take his place. (CHECK HIS DIARY !!)

Brown’s Journal continues:

One evening the company camped on a tributary of the Platte River, where Almon W. Babbitt was killed by the Sioux Indians some eighteen months or two years before. 40 The company crossed the stream and camped just opposite where that terrible tragedy occurred , and just as the cattle were being unyoked the Sioux Indians flocked into camp, all well armed warriors. I saw that it was quite possible that they meant mischief, as there were no Indian families in sight; so I called to the company to continue their camp duties as if nothing unusual had happened, but for every man to see to his firearms quietly and be ready to use them if an emergency should arise.

Then I turned to the chief, and it being again given to me to talk and understand the Indians, I asked what their visit meant, if it was peace, that they go with me to the middle of the corral of wagons and smoke the pipe of peace and have a friendly talk, as myself and people were Mormons and friends to the Indians, and that I wished them to be good friends to me and my people. The chief readily responded, and called his peace council of smokers to the centre of the corral, where they seated themselves in a circle.

I took a seat to the right hand of the chief and then the smoking and talking commenced. The chief assured me that their visit was a friendly one, and to trade with the emigrants. I inquired of him why, if their visit meant peace, they all came so well armed. He answered that his people had just pitched camp a short distance back in the hills, and not knowing who we were had come down before laying down their arms.

By this time it seemed that there were about three Indians to one white person in the camp. I told the chief that it was getting too late to trade, my people were all busy in camp duties, and I was going to send our stock to where there was good feed for them. It was my custom, I said, to send armed men to watch over them, and the guards always had orders to shoot any wild beast that might disturb them, and if anybody were to come among the stock in the night, we thought them to be thieves and our enemies. If they attempted to drive off our stock,

39 Utah Since State: Historical and Biographical. Volume IV.

40 “On the 25th of August, about thirty miles below Fort Kearney, a party of Cheyennes attacked Almon W. Babbitt, secretary of the territory of Utah, who was on his way to Salt Lake with a train of four wagons. The party was attacked in the night while encamped on the north side of the Platte. Two men and a child were killed, and the child's mother and another passenger of the train were carried off. Mr. Babbitt proceeded on his journey from Fort Kearney in a carriage with two other men, and at a point on the north side of the Platte , about 120 miles west, all three of the men were killed by Indians and all their property, including a considerable amount of money, was carried off.” History of Nebraska By Morton & Watkins Handy in USA ------the guards had orders to shoot, and our camp guards also were ordered to shoot any thief that might come prowling around camp at night. I said that, as we did not desire to do the Indians any harm, we wished the chief and his men to go to their camp, as it was now too late to trade, but in the morning, when the sun shone on our tents and wagon covers, not when it shone on the mountain tops in the west, they could leave their arms behind and come down with their robes, pelts and furs and we would trade with them as friends; but he was not to allow any of his men to visit our camp or stock at night. The chief said that was heap good talk, and ordered his people to return to their own camp. They promptly obeyed, to the great relief of the company, which had been very nervous, as scarcely one of them except myself had ever witnessed such a sight before.

Next morning, between daylight and sunrise, the Indians appeared on the brow of the hill north-east of camp. There seemed to be hundreds of them formed in a long line and making a very formidable array. Just as the sunlight shone on the tents and wagon covers they made a descent on us that sent a thrill through every heart in camp, until it was seen that they had left their weapons of war behind, and had brought only articles of trade. They came into the centre of the corral, the people gathered with what they had to trade, and for a while great bargaining was carried on. For once I had more than I could do in assisting them to understand each other, and see that there was no disturbance or wrong done in the great zeal of both parties.

The trading was over without any trouble, and there was a hearty shaking of hands, and the company resumed its journey up the river, passing and being repassed by numerous companies moving west to Pike's Peak and to Utah, California or Oregon. There were gold seekers, freighters, and a host of families of emigrants and as the company advanced to the west we met many people going to the east. They were travelling all ways, with ox, horse and mule teams, as well as by pack trains of horses and mules; while some were floating down the Platte River in small row boats.”

Brown continues:

“I have omitted many dates, but feel that I must say that some time in July (1859) we came up with Captain Horton Haight, 41 who started two weeks ahead of us, with a Church train of seventy-one wagons of freight.

Both trains passed Fort Laramie 42 that same day. Mine camped seven miles above the fort on the river, where we laid over the next day, and had our wagons unloaded and thoroughly cleaned from the dust and dirt; then they were reloaded so as to balance their loading anew. All sick cattle were doctored, while the female portion of camp washed and did considerable baking.

The next day we proceeded on to the Black Hills , 43 in good spirits, the people generally well and encouraged. The road then began to be rough and gravelly, so that the cattle began to get sore-footed, and that changed the tone of feelings of some of the people.

The “Deseret News” Newspaper later records them on August 6 th at “Greasewood” 44 (This is Greasewood Creek, known as Horsecreek & Sage Creek). 45

…. Brown's company, consisting of nearly 70 wagons, and the Church train, 71 wagons, in charge of H. D. Haight and F. Kesler, were (both) encamped on Greasewood on the 6th inst., …. The companies were all getting along very well, though somewhat slowly, and will not arrive as soon as has been anticipated. “

41 “It is said that Mr. Haight crossed the plains fourteen times, either as a member of the expedition or as one of the captains in the train. In 1859 he was appointed captain to lead a company consisting of one hundred and fifty four people, seventy-one wagons. They left Florence, Nebraska in June and arrived in Salt Lake City September 1st. Two things stand out as characteristic of Captain Haight's leadership, namely, his kind treatment of the people under his supervision, and his humane treatment of the oxen and horses. Many men remarked how clean and well fed the animals of the Haight train appeared after being brought home from a three thousand mile trip. He had a great capacity for understanding the Indians. Ofttimes before the company reached an Indian camp he rode alone to meet them always bringing presents and food which never failed to win the respect and confidence of the redmen. He had such blue eyes and light hair they called him Pi-up Anicum .” Heritage Gateway Table of Contents

42 “The site was originally known as Fort William, then Fort John. The original site was abandoned and Fort Laramie constructed nearby, taking its name from a French trapper, Jacques LaRamie. It always served as a trading post, even after it became a legitimate U.S. military outpost in 1849. As a major resting and re-provisioning point for almost all emigrants on the trek west, it was a welcome sight. At Fort Laramie, Brigham Young's vanguard company met an advance party of the Mississippi Saints who had wintered with the sick detachment of the Mormon Battalion at Pueblo. Fort Laramie would also play a role in one of the great tragedies in Mormon history. In the late fall of 1856, the Willie Handcart Company failed to obtain additional provisions while at the fort, a circumstance that proved fatal for many members of the company when they were caught in early sonly 130 miles to the west”. “Faith in every footstep” CD

43 These are not the famous Black Hills of Dakota. “The Gathering of Zion” Wallace Stegner, University of Nebraska Press, 1992 Bison Books, Page 142 states” The Black Hills spoken of in overland journals are the Laramie Range … roughly parallel to the course of the North Platte … so that to travellers approaching Fort Laramie it showed ahead and to the left.”

44 "Arrivals," Deseret News, 17 Aug. 1859, 188 – ref: http://www.lds.org/churchhistory/library/pioneercompanysources/0,16272,4019-1-73,00.html

45 http://www.nchistorical.com/trailinfo/horsecreek.html Handy in USA ------Monday 8 th August – nine weeks.

Mildred Johnson’s Journal continues:

“We had ice and frost among the Rocky Mountains on the 8th of August and there is snow on the tops of them all the year through. In passing through some of the Canyons in the Mountains we found bushels of wild currants, serviceberries, and chokecherries. They were just ripe and we feasted on them. Some of the Canyons are so narrow that only one wagon can pass at a time. I have rambled over the sides of these steep mountains for miles gathering berries, and what a pleasant time we had with the other girls.”

Brown continues: We went on in peace over hills and dales to the Sweetwater, thence up that stream to what we called the last crossing , 46 where we stopped one day, and again overhauled our load, doctored sick cattle, baked, etc.

From there we crossed the summit 47 of the great Rocky Mountains to Pacific Springs 48 , so called because their waters flow down the plains and saleratus deserts, to the Little Sandy , then to what was called the Big Sandy , and thence to Green River , the last hundred miles being the most soul-trying of the whole journey, owing to being sandy and poisonous to the stock. We travelled day and night, all that the cattle could endure, and, in fact, more than many of the people did endure without much complaint and faultfinding. “

Samuel Handy’s Autobiography interrupts at this point:

“My brother William Handy came and met us on Green River and brought us a supply of provisions – this was very acceptable as we were just out.”

Green River was a popular spot to meet travellers on this route as the “Faith in every footstep” CD describes:

“This was another ferry established by the Latter-day Saints in 1847 as a commercial venture and to assist emigrating saints. …. In later years, ferrying prices often created friction with non-Utah-bound gold seekers and competing ferry operators. In the late nineteenth century the site was known as the Lombard Ferry.”

46 Also known as “Burnt Ranch,” a Pony Express stop.

47 One might presume this is the South Pass.

48 Pacific Springs, 300 feet lower than South Pass, appear in a valley just to west as an extensive marsh in a bleak, dry landscape. This, the first good water west of South Pass, provided the emigrants their first encounter withwhat J. Goldsborough Bruff called "the fountain source of the Pacific streams…" Clayton’s Guide recorded that there was an "abundance of grass any where for a mile. Good water, and plenty of Wild Sage for fuel." He called it a "pretty good place to camp" but warned that it was not a good crossing. "After you leave here you will find a good road but very little water." wyoshpo.state.wy.us/trailsdemo/ pacificsprings.htm Handy in USA ------

Brown’s account continues:

“After a day's rest on the Green River , however, and being told that there was no more such country to cross, the train entered on the last hundred and fifty miles of the journey, crossing over to Ham's Fork ,

Brown continues: explaining that they followed the course of the Black’s Fork from Ham’s Fork crossing

“then to Fort Bridger 49 on Black's Fork , “

Brown continues: explaining they continued in a south-westerly

and on to the two Muddy's and to Quaking Aspen Ridg e, the highest point to be crossed by the emigrant road. “

Monday 22 nd August – eleven weeks journey.

“At this famous fort, the Oregon Trail swung North, from Fort Bridger while the Mormon Trail continued on another one hundred miles west to the Salt Lake Valley. In 1855, the Church purchased the fort from Jim Bridger and his partner, Louis Vazquez, for $18,000. In September of 1857 it was burned to the ground to keep it from falling into the hands of Albert Sidney Johnston's advancing federal army during the so-called "Utah War." Faith in every Footstep CD. Diary entries

Deseret News continues :

CAPT. BROWN'S COMPANY.--Owing to the absence of the secretary of the company which arrived on the evening of the 29th ult., in charge of Capt. James Brown 3d, of Ogden, at the time our reporter visited their encampment on Union Square the next day, no definite report of the company was obtained till after we went to press. From the report, since received, it appears that the company left Florence, June 13, consisting of 353 persons, with 59 wagons, 114 yoke of oxen, 11 horses, 36 cows and 41 head of loose cattle. By the way a few scattering families were picked up, and on their arrival here, the company consisted of 387 persons, 66 wagons and 415 head of cattle. There were two deaths and five births in the company while crossing the plains. Some 25 head of cattle died or were lost; only one wagon was upset, and no serious accident occurred. On arriving in the city, Capt. Brown did not leave his company till they were all provided with homes or places of residence, which was truly commendable

Source: Gordon, John H., Report, in Journal History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 29 Aug. 1859, 2-3.

Full Text: The following brief account of the organization of Capt. Brown's company at Florence and the journey across the plains is culled from the writing of John H. Gordon:

Horace S. Eldredge, Joseph W. Young, and Geo. Q. Cannon met with the saints at the camp near Florence, N. T., June 12, 1859, for the purpose of organizing a company to cross the plains for Utah, the meeting was called to order by Geo. Q. Cannon and the following resolutions proposed and unanimously adopted. 1st. That Elder James Brown (3rd) be appointed president and captain of the company. 2nd. That Joseph L. Farrell be appointed sergeant of the guard. 3rd. That John H. Gordon be appointed secretary. 4th That Wm. Wright be appointed chaplin. The following named brethren were appointed as captains of companies of tens. 1st Company of Ten Wm. Steele, 2nd " " " Eli Kent, 3rd " " " Wm. Gittings, 4th " " " C. [Christopher Madsen] Funk, 5th " " " ---Neuberg [Anders Olsson Nyborg], 6th " " " Richard Willaims The organization be completed, Elders Young, Cannon and Little delivered appropriate [appropriate strikeout] addresses designed for the well being of the emigrating saints. A good feeling prevailed in the camp and the faithful saits rejoiced in being members of the kingdom of God and felt disposed to carry on counsels and instructions of those placed over the. [a strikeout] hymn was sung and the meeting dismissed by Geo. Q. Cannon. The company, consisting of 353 souls, including men, women and children, with 59 wagons, 114 yokes of oxen, 11 horses, 36 cows, 41 loose cattle (making a total of 316 head of cattle) started on their journey Monday, June 13th, in excellent health and spirits. After two day's travel, 24 persons, 7 wagons, 9 yoke of cattle, 9 cows and 5 horses were added to the train, which made a grand total of 387 souls, 66 wagons, and 418 head of cattle. The captain was prompt, energetic and faithful to be the trust committed to his charge; meetings were held every evening and on the Sabbath, at which the captain instructed the saints on all matters relating to their safety and their every day duties and responsibilities. The journey across the plains was prosperous, only two deaths having occurred. The were four births about 25 head of stock died. The trip was made in 75 days. The foregoing is only an abridged report, if at any time you want the details of my journey, I have them entered in my journal. Excuse me for not reporting sooner; this is about the first opportunity I have had to write to you, as all my time as been occupied." (Letter on file)

Sources to check Source: Ahlstrom, Mary Larsen, Autobiographical sketch, 1919, 2-4.

Available at the following institutions: Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah

Source: Handy in USA ------Boyce, Mildred Moss, [Biographical sketch of Mildred Eliza Johnson Randall] 1979, 2-3.

Available at the following institutions: Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah

Source: Brown, James S., Giant of the Lord: Life of a Pioneer [1960], 415-22.

Available at the following institutions: Brigham Young University, Harold B. Lee Library, Provo, Utah Church History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah University of Utah, J. Willard Marriott Library, Salt Lake City, Utah

Source: Brown, James Stephens, Reminiscences and journals, 1857–1900, 11 p.

Source: Davis, John Catley, Diary, 1859 June–Aug., fd. 2, 9 p.

Available at the following institutions: Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah

Source: Farrell, George Lionel, [Interview], in "Utah Pioneer Biographies," 44 vols., 10:16-17.

Available at the following institutions: SEE THIS Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah

Source: McKay, Williamena McKay, A short story of the life of Williamena McKay McKay, in Nora Crystal Hall Lund, Biographies collection [ca. 1950-1983], reel 2, 2..

Available at the following institutions: Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah

Brown continues:

“From there we went down into Echo Canyon , 50 thence to Weber River , crossed it and over the foothills to East Canyon Creek and to the foot of the Big Mountain , 51 where we met Apostles John Taylor and F. D. Richards.

A halt was called to listen to the hearty welcome and words of cheer from the Apostles. Then the company passed over the Big Mountain to the foot of Little Mountain , where we camped. Many of the people were sick from eating chokecherries and wild berries found along the roadside.

Next day we proceeded to the top of Little Mountain . When I saw the last wagon on the summit, I left the Sergeant G. L. Farrell, in charge, and went ahead to report the approach of my company and their condition, as there were one hundred or more without food for their supper.

I called first on General H. S. Eldredge, and took dinner with him. He received me very kindly, and accompanied me to President Brigham Young's office. The President welcomed us as cordially as a father could. After he had inquired and was told the condition of the company, he sent word to Bishop Edward Hunter to have the tithing yard cleared for the cattle, to have cooked food for all who needed it, and to have the company camp in Union Square . When steps had been taken to carry out these orders, I called on my father- in-law in the Fourteenth Ward, where I learned that my family was well. Then I went back, met the company on the bench east of the city, and conducted it down to the square where we found Bishop Hunter and a number of other Bishops and people of the several wards, with an abundance of cooked food for supper and breakfast for the whole company. Several of the Twelve Apostles were on the ground to bid the company a hearty welcome, and delivered short addresses of good cheer.

(29th August ? Ed) Next morning, Orson Hyde, Orson Pratt, Wilford Woodruff, Ezra T. Benson, Charles C. Rich and Erastus Snow of the Twelve Apostles, Bishop Hunter and other prominent officers of the Church, came to the camp, called the people together, and again bade the Saints welcome to our mountain home. They advised the people where to go, and what to do to support themselves for the winter. “

Another member of the party, Mildred Johnson, summarises the trip: 52

50 July 16, 1847 "There was a very singular echo in this ravine, the rattling of wagons resembled carpenters hammering at board inside the highest rocks. The report of a rifle resembled a sharp crack of thunder and echoes from rock to rock for some time. The lowing of cattle and braying of mules seemed to be answered beyond the mountains. Music, especially brass instruments, had a very pleasing effect and resembled a person standing inside the rock imitating every note. The echo, the high rocks on the north, high mountains on the south, with the narrow ravine for a road, formed a scenery at once romantic and more interesting than I have ever witnessed." “Faith in every footstep “ CD [William Clayton's Journal (Salt Lake City: Clayton Family Organization, 1921), 296] faith IN every footstep CD 51 http://mormonpioneertrail.com/parleys_canyon/last_mountain.htm Source: Our Pioneer Heritage ¸Carter, Kate B., ed. 20 vols. Salt Lake City: International Society, Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1958-1977. Handy in USA ------“I had, take it altogether, a pleasant trip, though sometimes I got very tired, had to walk about half the way. A great many of the women walked all the way, and felt as well as if they had not walked any. For hundreds of miles we had to travel over sandy roads and sand hills, with a burning sun over our heads and burning sands beneath our feet and no wood at all for weeks, nothing but Buffalo chips to cook with and we got along finely, and I never had better health. “

Utah Territory 1859

After arrival in Salt Lake as described above, they went to join brother William, who had arrived in the Spring of 1857 53 and at that time was living in Provo.

“We arrived in Salt Lake Valley in the early part of September (1859 Ed) and I went to live at Provo where I was busy all winter, I made 14 trips across Utah Lake hauling wood. I also chopped wood, at the Tything office in Provo, and did various kinds of work: anything to employ my time and to make an honest dollar. My family enjoyed good health and we were prospered.”

Robert Hansen, in the “Smart Family Migration” 54 tells us the circumstances of the move northwards to Idaho:

“The Utah War, the loss of portions of Nevada and settlements in Southern California, and the increase of migration to Utah, taxed the capacities of the remaining areas and led Brigham Young to turn more attention to the settlement of Cache Valley, especially since it had been proven that grain could be grown there. He weighed in his mind the dry regions of the south with their periodic drought but milder climate against the rich grass lands of the north with their plentiful streams and rich soils but their devastating winters, and the possibility that the pioneers might suffer a massacre by the Shoshoni who considered Cache Valley their own hunting ground; the result was that he sent Peter Maughan to make the first settlement in the South end of the valley.

By 1859 settlements had been made as far north as Richmond and the Valley was well advertised in the Deseret News, and the description of the excellent ranges reached most of the southern settlements.

These glowing reports stimulated the people living in less favourable locations to consider moving north. That is exactly what Thomas Smart did--first visiting the Valley, making his decision, and then being chosen to lead a group of about 50 families from Provo and the surrounding communities to settle what was to become Franklin, the oldest permanent settlement in Idaho..”

In addition, statistics record that the population of the Valley grew steadily – for by 1860 Salt Lake City contained 8,236 inhabitants, and one traveller described the Valley north of the Salt Lake as being “thickly settled”. 55

Time for a move north.

53 According to Sam’s autobiography 54 The Smart Family Migration – Robert Foss Hansen - (http://www.cc.utah.edu/~mm10a50/fampage/smart/SMARTmig.html) 55 “The Plains across” John D. Unruh, Pimlico Books, published 1992 Page 253. Handy in USA ------

Provo to Franklin 1860 The Franklin County Genealogy page tells us about the origin of some of these settlers – from places which can be seen on the map at left: 56

“In the spring of 1860 five companies, from Provo, Payson, Slaterville, Kayscreek and Bountiful, left Utah and came to Franklin in search of new homes…

Sam Handy gives the list of settlers in the five companies as follows: 57

“Peter Maugham, President of the Church in Cache Valley came to Franklin a few days after our arrival, and appointed Thomas Smart president, SR Parkinson and T Sanderson his councillors- there were some 50 men when we were organised Wm Garner, Alma Taylor, Jno Reed, Shem Purnell, Alfred Alder, George Alder, Wm Corbridge, Wm Cornish, Wm K Cornish, Jno Cornish, James Hutchens, E C Van Orden, Wm G Nelson, J S Nelson, I H Vail, Wm Fluett, James May, W Woodward, Richard Coulton, James Cowan Snr, Jas Cowan Jnr, Geo Shields, John Smith, Thos McCan, Henry Wadman, Thos Hull, Wm Hull, Peter Lowe, Robert Dowdle, E W Hansen, Joshua Messervy Sn & Joshua Messervy Jnr, A Stalker, Jno Frew, J Harris, W Harris, P Preece, T Mendenhall, Jno Morrisson, A Morrisson, G W Crocheron, Leroy Holt, Peter J Pool, Jas Packer, Jos Chadwick, Geo Foster, Thos. Mayberry, G Mayberry, W T Wright,

Many of these brethren came without their families. About the 1 st of May several families came from Payson among whom I remember T C Howel and sons, W H Head, D Keel, Jno Doney, E Kingsford, Wm Patten. Samuel Handy himself states that his group left Provo in March 1860

“Being desirous of getting a home of my own I made preparations to move to Cache Valley and in March 1860 with Thomas Smart, Joseph Dunkley, Joseph Perkins and my Brother William Handy, I started for Cache Valley, and arrived at Franklin on the 15 th of April 1860.”

Hansen indicates that Handy’s Provo group had got to Wellsville before 10 th April:

“The Provo group consisted of Thomas S. Smart, Samuel Handy, William Handy , Enoch Broadbent, Joseph Perkins, Joseph Dunkley and William T. Wright

56 With information from the 1930 “Trailblazer (http://www.rootsweb.com/~idfrankl/1stfam.htm ) 57 The Franklin County Genealogy page lists them as: “The names of the heads of the first families who came to this area are: Alfred Alder, Geo. Alder, Enoch Broadbent, Wm. Corbridge, Wm. Cowan, Jr., G. W. Crocheron, Joseph Chadwick, Robert Dowdle, John Doney, Wm.Fluitt, John Frew, Geo. Foster, Wm. Garner, Samuel Handy , T. C. D. Howell, James Hutchins, Thomas Hull, E. W. Hanson, James Harris, W. Harris, Leroy Holt, W. H. Head, Edward Kingsford, Peter Lowe, James Lofthouse, Thomas McCann, Thomas Mendenhall, Sr., Joshua Messervy, John Morrison, Andrew Morrison, James May, Thomas Mayberry, Wm. G. Nelson, J. S. Nelson, James Oliverson, Joseph Perkins, S. R. Parkinson, Shem Purnell, Peter Preece, Peter J. Pool, James Packer, Sr., Wm. Patten, John Reed, D. Reed, Thomas Smart, James Sanderson, Thomas Slater, George Shields, John Smith, Alexander Stalker, Alma Taylor, E. C. VanOrden, Isaac N. Vail , Wm. T. Wright, Wm. Woodward, Mr Woodhead, Henry Wadman. “ 10 April 1860 The Provo group left Wellsville (Peter Maughan's settlement in the south) and started for northern Cache Valley. They reached Coveville and camped for three days.

11 April 1860 they looked over the Franklin area (first known as Green Meadows) and built a bridge over a creek (Spring Creek) to be used when the other settlers would join them.

14 April 1860 the camp being divided into two groups; the first group left Camp Cove early in the morning. They met an Indian at the Bridge across Spring Creek but were allowed to pass. The Indians were under Chief Kittemare who welcomed the whites to the land, water and timber. Kittemare and his band were great beggars and exacted, beef, flour, grain, potatoes etc. quite often from the pioneers. 58

15 April 1860 the second group came the next day. They included Thomas Smart and his friends noted by William Woodward in his Notes this day: THOMAS S. Smart, Sam Handy , Joseph Perkins, Joseph Dunkley William T. Wright, and others. They all moved their wagons close together for protection, removed the wagon boxes, which they used for homes, and used the wagon gears to haul logs from the canyon to build their houses. Their houses were built in the form of a square fort enclosing about ten acres. “

The Utah Territory Census of 1860 picked up the little family some 11 months after their arrival – they had managed to acquire goods to the value of $100 – and Sam was classed as a labourer.

Figure 5: Federal Census 8 th Aug 1860 - Brigham Post Office District, Cache Co., Utah Territory. 59

Location Name Age Sex Profession Value of Personal Estate Born 2,060 th House Samuel Handy 41 2 Labourer $100 England visited – page 299 Hannah 40 1 England William 18 2 England Mary 13 1 England Eliza 9 1 England Jas 2 2 England Wm Jones 46 2 England

58 Two maps from Franklin County Genealogy Page - (http://www.rootsweb.com/~idfrankl/) 59 Ancestry.com Census images. (Image 65 Cache County, Utah) Handy in USA ------Figure 6: View of Franklin, looking east from little Mountain 60

Sam Handy’s properties were probably to the left of the settlement.

60 http://www.franklinidaho.org/Photogallery/view_th.jpg Franklin Fort – April 1860

The settlers had to defend themselves in this new area. They soon built a fort, pictured below 61 , and it is described in the biography of another settler, Nathan Packer: 62

“Because of Indian troubles they were forced to build a fort for protection. They built their cabins in a square with the backs of the cabins outside and the doors facing the inside of the square -- 60 rods by 90 rods. The cabins were built close together for greater protection. The corrals were built outside the fort. While the fort was being built the settlers camped in their wagons. When the fort was finished the families were assigned a cabin by number …

Inside the fort they built a schoolhouse - - a one-room log building with a dirt roof and dirt floor. A big stone fireplace was on one end and three small windows on one side. The benches were made of split logs with wooden pegs for legs. The building also served as a church and in cold weather as a recreation hall. The school teacher only had one book reader and one speller for the entire school. The fort and school were started on April 14 and were ready for use in Figure 7: The Old Fort at Franklin August -- after three and one-half months of hard labour. On May 26, 1860 the first land was ploughed, gardens planted, the town site surveyed and a ditch dug.”

Handy says:

“(1861 Ed) Maple Creek afforded but little water this year, we had a small stream brought into our fort, for we built our log cabins in four rows in a square fort, for mutual protection against Indians, and that we could be easily called together for meetings or defence.

Figure 8: Site of the Fort at Franklin 63

61 Franklin County Genealogy page - (http://www.rootsweb.com/~idfrankl/) 62 HISTORY OF NATHAN WILLIAMS PACKER Born January 2, 1811 - Died October 27, 1875 http://www.lonestar.texas.net/~pplus/packer/NWPACKER.htm 63 http://www.franklinidaho.org/Pics/fort%20map_th.jpg Handy in USA ------The 1930 published book, “The Trail Blazers” 64 showed the inhabitants of this fort:

North Side of Fort West Side of Fort South side of Fort East side of Fort Meservy Joshua Snr Corbridge Wm Snr Woodward William Nelson Jane Meservy Joshua Jnr Hampton Mrs. Cornish Wm Neeley A M Laird John Cowan James Junr Cox Rbt & Bowman John Dunkley Joseph Bothwick Alexander Slater Thos Lundgreen Wm Howell Wm Hansen Amellious Spongberg Chas. Olsen Charles Poulsen C H Snr. Lowe Thomas Senr Whitehead Wm Handy Samuel Doney John Garner Wm (2 rooms) Pratt Wm McCann Thomas Kingsford Edward Howland Martha Vail I H Wheeler Elvira T. Howell T C D Smart Thomas (2 rooms) Ephraim Elsworth Parkinson S R Morrison Andrew Nelson W C Junr Packer Nathan (Nephi?) Pool Mother, Pool Peter and Nash I B Pratt Wm Packer James Bennett Thomas Godliff Arnold Packer Nathan Davey George A Biggs John Lee George Hatch L H Dowdle Robert Patten William Broadbent Enoch Smith Len L Stalker Alexander Hobbs Chas Snr Hobbs Henry Mendenhall Thos. Snr Purnell Shem Alder George Ball Thomas Van Orden Everett Alder Alfred Mayberry Mrs. & Sons Harid Widow Cornish W K Bishop William Roberts Owen Fox C W Chadwick Joseph (outside) Wright W T Lennox Wm Snr Chadwick Mary Hull Thomas Jun Morrison John Chadwick Ben Rankin Allen (outside) Keel Dabner Foster George Johnson John (outside) Frew John Webster W I Parrat Nathaniel (inside) Coalslind John Thomas Preston Gregory Rbt (in a dugout inside) Coulter Rich Oliverson Jas Sanderson Jas Preece Peter Crocheron Geo W

Hansen continues:

8 June 1860 Brigham Young paid them a visit. At that time he appointed Preston Thomas to be their first Bishop and Thomas was named as a Counsellor in the Bishopric, a position he filled for quite some time with great fidelity. At the meeting held in Franklin Brigham Young said: "I learn there is no bishop in this place, though three men have been chosen as a council to preside. I would like to know the feelings of the people here about a bishop." Brother Maughan moved that President Young nominate a bishop. President Young said, "I will nominate Brother Preston Thomas bishop of this place." It was carried unanimously. "He was going to Soda Springs but I wish him to stay here and be your bishop."

Hansen continues:

“Bishop Maughan was the presiding authority in Cache Valley; he appointed temporary leaders for the new "Green- Meadows" settlement. Thomas S. Smart was chosen as leader, with Samuel Rose Parkinson and James Sanderson as assistants; Alfred Alder ( see Indian incident below) was chosen as clerk. This leadership had charge of the affairs of the colony. They had charge of the public works; they presided over meetings and supervised everything of a public nature. They had no idea they would eventually be in Idaho. All they knew was that Brigham Young had asked them to come and settle on the Muddy River (Cub River) and they came.

Handy has this as:

“Brigham Young and several of the authorities of the Church came to Franklin in June, (1860 Ed) and they appointed Preston Thomas Bishop of Franklin.

64 Find original Internet source for this book – the Trail Blazers. Handy again:

“John Reed was the first man buried in Franklin – he was on a visit to his friends below; Indians had been rampant at Smithfield, & had just broke loose from confinement & shot in the neck & killed, Jas. Cowan ? was shot also but not dangerously this was on the 23 rd of July 1860.”

Figure 9: John Read's Gravestone, Franklin Graveyard 65

Hansen continues:

“This northern outpost of Cache Valley was in Indian country, and the fifty men who formed the settlement by the end of 1860 guarded the fort closely. They planted crops which yielded but a meagre harvest. As soon as the snow melted, however, the cattle revived from the nutritious grasses. “

Sam Handy has it:

“(1860 Ed ) Provisions got very scarce in Franklin, we had to work water ditches, built a corral for our cattle and I went and herded the cattle of Franklin. The season was very dry and my brother William farmed my piece of land on shares and all that was raised for both of us was 9 bushels of wheat.

Bro Sanderson and W. Woodhead started to Kaysville about August (1860 Ed) and thrashed 48 bushels of wheat, tramped it out – got it ground at Farmington and brought it to Franklin and it was divided among our camp.”

Ezra T Benson, one of the Twelve, came to Cache Valley in 1860. We stood guard through the summer months, and this was quite a labour on us.

Plenty of snow fell the first winter in Franklin (1860/1861 Ed) and Bp. Thomas, had all the brethren that were willing, to work on a water ditch on the west of Cub or Muddy River – the brethren called this Thomas’ ditch.

The Packer narrative continues:

“In the beginning the pioneers experienced a cold winter of 1860-61. There was a lack of wood and constant trouble from the Indians. They were stealing horses, chickens, grain and almost anything they could get their hands on. The settlers hardly ever left the fort without some kind of protection. A watch was kept on Little Mountain night and day. The Indians continued to harass the pioneers by appearing in the settlement and demanding food and running off stock and several of the settlers were killed by them.”

Handy continued:

“Grass was good and timber was plentiful; we did not get much hay this year but our stock fared pretty well for as soon as the snow melted, plenty of old grass could be obtained for our cattle.

An old Indian called Kittemere was chief of the Indians in this part of Cache Valley and he welcomed us to the land and water and timber, but they were great beggars and we had to furnish them with beef, wheat, potatoes and other things. We were a united and happy people.

I was very busy, having no lazy time and we continued prospering. In 1861, we had gardens on the west side of the fort which was of great benefit. Potatoes, cabbage, lettuce, onions, cucumbers, peas, melons, corn, squashes, melons and other things, which made our meals agreeable. James Oliverson was one of the first settlers of Franklin whose name was omitted on the first list. We raised good crops in the year 1861 but did not thrash the grain in the fall. I believe I herded the cows and cattle the second year (1862 Ed).

65 http://www.franklinidaho.org/Photogallery/headstone_th.jpg Handy in USA ------Gold was discovered in the Rocky Mountains on the north of us, and flour was taken to the mines which brought a good price, and men bought clothing, guns, tools and various things for trade.

The winter of 1861-1862 was very wet our cellars on the south string of the fort were full of water and our houses were wet every day for a long time. During this winter the grain in the stacks got wet, and it was not thrashed till March and many of the people eat musty bread all the season till the next harvest.” Indian warfare and a massacre in 1863

As a settler in this area Samuel must have found himself caught up in the following scares somehow – and there is so much material available that it is worth investigating these incidents taking place in Samuels area and period.

Hansen continues:

“Brigham Young advised the pioneers to exercise caution in dealing with the Indians, holding conferences with them, visiting them, and making gifts to them. He wrote, "it is cheaper to feed the Indians than to fight them. Though the Indians of Cache Valley resented the invasion of their hunting grounds by the pioneers, they did not unite to oppose the intruders.”

Normal life continued against this background when on 18 th July 1861 Samuel’s daughter Mary Ann Handy married Isaac Hawk Vail at Salt Lake City.

5 Sep 1861 MUSTER ROLL of the Cache Military District FIND HANDY IN THIS

About 1862 William Handy left Franklin for Provo – as Sam’s Autobiography shows:

“..lived in Franklin for 2 years – then went back to Provo”

Hansen continues:

“Winter 1862-3 A large body of Shoshone & Bannock Indians, under Chiefs Bear-Hunter, Pocatello, and Sagwich, 66 camped near the mouth of a stream now called Battle Creek, about twelve miles northwest of the settlement of Franklin, conditions became so bad that many outlying homes were abandoned, the occupants moving to settlements of the valley, Franklin, being the nearest to the Indian camp suffered the most.

In late December 1862, a party of miners coming down from the Salmon River mining country for supplies missed the ford on Bear River near Franklin in a snowstorm. Indians from the Battle Creek camp, followed the party and fired upon them near Richmond, killing one man and wounding several others. The miners hid in the bushes until night, then went to Richmond about 6 miles south of Franklin and told their story. “

Handy, rather laconically, describes this as:

“The winter of 1863 (Jan) quite a number of Indians were camped on Bear River, and were begging in Franklin often. A man was killed on Bear River who had just come from the northern mines – his friends went and complained to the judicial authorities at Salt Lake City, as we were considered in Utah Territory, foot and horse soldiers came from Camp Douglas, Salt Lake City, under the command of Col. P E Connor – the troops arrived at Bear River early one morning and a battle began, some 14 soldiers were shot at the first fire – The Indians were finally routed and a great slaughter was made among the Indians. Early the following morning all the teams and sleds were taken to the Bear River to fetch the wounded soldiers – the dead were hauled in the soldiers wagons to Salt Lake City.

The fuller story continues with Quig Nielsen in his Article “Harsh Vengeance at Bear River” : 67

66 http://www.usu.edu/~usupress/PDFfiles/sagfront.pdf An excellent article on Sagwitch and shows good maps of the area.

67 Harsh vengeance at Bear River http://www.thehistorynet.com/WildWest/articles/1997/0297_text.htm Wild West Magazine Quig Nielsen Handy in USA ------“Miner William Bevins signed an affidavit on January 19, 1863, claiming that two days earlier he and seven others on their way to Salt Lake City from the Grasshopper gold mines at Bannack (in what would soon be Montana Territory) had been attacked by hostile Indians. One of the miners had been killed. Bevins also reported that another party of 10 miners en route to Salt Lake City had been murdered by the same Indians. Shoshone and Bannock raiders had been known to be operating in the area. Another miner from Bannack traveling to Salt Lake City had spoken to some of the Cache Valley Shoshone. The Indians told him they had nothing against settlers but meant to continue to take revenge on white travellers for the injustices done them by Major Edward McGarry's troops. “

The Packer narrative continues:

“A request was sent to Fort Douglas in Salt Lake City for aid. On January 22, 1863, Captain Hoyt was ordered to set out for Franklin with 69 infantry, 2 howitzers, a baggage train of 15 wagons and 12 mounted guards. Two days later Colonel Conner himself set out with 220 cavalry. They travelled in deep snow and zero weather and reached Franklin in four days. The day before the troops arrived a band of Indians under Chief Bear Hunter rode into Franklin and demanded wheat. The settlers gave them 24 bushels but they were not satisfied and threatened the inhabitants with tomahawks and performed a war dance around the Bishop's house.”

Jan 1863 - Hansen continues:

“The power of the Indians was largely broken in January when Colonel Connor and 400 United States troops from Fort Douglass in SLC fought a battle with the Indians at the junction of Battle Creek and Bear River and killed 368 Indians including 90 women and children.

The Packer narrative continues:

“At 3:00 a.m. on January 29 the infantry was ordered to march on the Indian stronghold 12 miles north up the Bear River. They reached the confluence of Battle Creek and the Bear River about daylight. The Indians were located on the north side of the Bear River . The Indians had fortified themselves in a ravine about three quarters of a mile long and from six to twelve feet deep (and 30 to 40 feet wide – Neilson) Steps had been cut out so the warriors could easily mount and fire over the rampart. In the bottom the tents were pitched in the willows. To the east the Indians had woven a network of willows, leaving loopholes through which they could fire without exposing themselves. Behind this barrier forked sticks were stuck into the ground for rifle rest. The day was bitter cold and the Bear River was full of floating ice.

Neilsen continues:

“Standing on the bluff, a pleased Connor could observe smoke from the early morning cooking fires in the Indian village. He had been concerned that the Indians might flee if they knew the real strength of his troops. To foil any attempt to escape, Connor ordered McGarry to take command of four companies, cross the river, surround the camp and hold the Indians until the infantry could arrive. Crossing the river was not easy. Said one private: "That was a bad looking river, half frozen and swift. The horses did not want to go in it. Two old boys got throwed by their horses."

When the infantry arrived at the river ford, McGarry had already taken a force of 20 men to scale the bluffs, and the fighting had begun. The infantrymen, not wanting to miss any of the fight, crossed the river on foot, two of their number almost drowning in the icy water. Connor then sent the cavalry back with horses so the rest of the infantrymen could ride across the river.

Nielsen continues:

As the infantry moved in, the battle began on a small tributary of Bear River called Bear Creek. About an hour later the cavalry went into action, passing the plodding infantry just south of the river. At that point, Chief Bear Hunter rode out in front of his lines and challenged the soldiers to fight. Some Indian braves openly taunted the soldiers by loudly singing, "Fours right, fours left, come on you California SOBs."

The cocky Connor, angry at Bear Hunter's arrogance and the taunting, ordered his men to charge--a colossal mistake. His troops were easily thrown back by the Indians in their strong position. As the detachment rode forward it was met with a murderous fire. After a 20 minute engagement Colonel Connors could see that a frontal attack wouldn't work. So he ordered a flanking movement from the rear. While the flanking was going on the foot soldiers, with the help of the cavalry, crossed the Bear River and , although they were so cold they could hardly hold their weapons, poured a withering fire into the ravine.” "Being exposed on a level and open plain, while the Indians were under cover [gave them] the advantage, fighting with the ferocity of demons," said Connor. "My men fell thick and fast around me, but after flanking them we had the advantage and made good use of it. I ordered a flanking party to advance down the ravine on either side, which gave us the advantage of gunfire directed from either flank and caused some of the Indians to give way and run toward the mouth of the ravine.

"I had a company stationed who shot them as they ran out...Few tried to escape but continued fighting with unyielding obstinacy, frequently engaging hand to hand with the troops."

After about four hours of bloody battling on a bitter cold day, the soldiers, many of whom had been killed, wounded or frozen themselves, had almost completely annihilated the Indian encampment.

A San Francisco Bulletin reporter described the battle scene: "The carnage presented in the ravine was horrible. Warrior piled on warrior, horses mangled and wounded in every conceivable form, with here and there a squaw and papoose, who had been accidentally killed."

“When it was all over -- the battle had raged for four hours -- the time being about 10:00 a. m. In a hasty examination Connor counted 224 dead Indians including Chief Bear Hunter, Saquitch and Lehi. Chief Pocatello was reported as having escaped.”

Nielsen continues:

“Conditions on the night following the battle were described by one soldier: "The night of January 29th 1863, I shall never forget (how can I). There we camped on the bank of Bear River with our dead and dying wounded and frozen, 2 feet of snow on the ground. Nothing for fire but green willows which would burn about as well as snow. Oh, the groans of the frozen seems to ring in my ears and the poor fellows, some lost their toes and some a portion of their feet. I worked nearly all night bringing water from the river to wet clothes to draw frost from their frozen limbs. It was a dreadful night to me, but I managed to get through it while some never saw the morning."

Chief Sagwitch was shot through both legs during the fight. The intense cold, hovering below zero, congealed the blood and prevented him from bleeding to death. Under fire from the soldiers, the chief dragged himself down to Bear Creek, jumped into the water and swam one-eighth of a mile almost entirely submerged. He then dragged his frozen body ashore and crawled and slid 20 miles across the snow to a friendly lodge. He remained on the Fort Hall Reservation until the day of his death, badly crippled and deeply dejected.

A nephew of Chief Sagwitch also ran toward the river during the fight, with soldiers in close pursuit. When the lad reached the river he fell into the water, feigning death, and then floated under the ice, making an air hole just far enough out of the water to allow him to breath. The soldiers spotted him and fired again, wounding him in the thumb. After the troopers gave up their attempts to kill him, the boy swam to some willows and lay hidden for several hours in the intense cold. He would later settle on the Washakie Reservation and live to be 100 years old.

Chief Sagwitch's son Yeagar Timbimboo was about 12 years old at the time of the massacre and also miraculously escaped death. The youngster came upon a small grass tepee that was so full of people that it was actually moving along the ground. Inside the shelter, Yeagar found his grandmother. At her urging, the two of them went outside to lie down among the dead before the soldiers could set the tepee on fire. Near the end of the battle, as the soldiers were searching among the dead Indians, one of the volunteers came across the inquisitive youngster who was looking around to see what was happening. The soldier stood over Yeagar with his gun pointed at him. The two stared at each other; the gun was lowered, then raised a second time before finally the soldier lowered it and walked away. “

Hansen continues:

“30 Jan 1863 Bishop Preston Thomas called three men from the Militia to go to the scene of the battle to ascertain if any of the Indians were still alive. Mr. Hull, one of the men, described it as follows: "We drove our sleigh as far as the river and rode our horses through the river. The first sight to greet us was an old Indian walking, slowly with arms folded, his head bowed in grief, lamenting the dead, he didn't speak to us, and soon left, going toward the north. Never will I forget the scene, dead bodies were everywhere. I counted eight deep in one place and in several places they were 3 to 5 deep; all in all we counted nearly four hundred; two thirds of this number being women and children. We found two Indian women alive whose thighs had been broken by the bullets. Two little boys and one little girl about three years of age were still living. The little girl was badly wounded, having eight flesh wounds in her body. They were very willing to go with us. We took them on our horses to the sleigh, and made them as comfortable as possible. When we arrived in Franklin, Nathan Packer, with the help of others set the broken bones of the Indian women. The squaws were taken care of by the people; soon afterwards they joined a tribe of Indians that came to Franklin from Bear Lake."

Handy in USA ------The Packer narrative continues:

“Colonel Connor’s check of the battle casualties of the Indians was hastily done and inaccurate…(Preston) .. counted over 400, nearly two-thirds of whom were women and children

Packer again:

“Chiefs Bear Hunter, Lehi and San Pitch were dead on the field. The party found two Indian women alive whose thighs had been broken by bullets, two little boys and a girl about three years old. The girl had eight flesh wounds in her body. The wounded Indians were taken back to Franklin where they were nursed back to health. The women left the next summer and joined a band of Shoshones. The children were adopted and raised in the Mormon faith.

The battle of the Bear River was a massacre of the Indians. They fought to protect their tribal lands and there they fell -- men, women and children. It was one of the largest Indian battles in the United States and worse than the Custer massacre. Colonel Connors had ordered annihilation and that is just what had happened except for about twenty braves that escaped, the two wounded women, and three children.

The Indians stronghold was well stocked with supplies. 1000 bushels of wheat and considerable beef and other provisions were captured, as well as plenty of military stores and 175 horses. Many articles stolen from immigrant trains were found.. Connor's losses were 14 killed and 49 wounded and 79 disabled with frozen feet. Nathan Packer was busy helping to take of the wounded -- something in which he was quite proficient. Connors reached Fort Douglas again on February 4 and the whole operation had taken two weeks.

Though the settlers sorrowed that some peaceful Indians, women, and children had been killed, they rejoiced in the victory because it broke the spirit and power of the Indians and enabled the settlers to occupy new choice locations previously considered unsafe. This gave the settlers opportunity to leave the fort and settle on their city lots and farmlands.”

Sam’s version seems to have missed a lot of the detail !

In 1863 This year Thomas S. Smart and Samuel R. Parkinson built the first sawmill in the area of Franklin. Lumber from this mill was used in building homes on the surveyed land around the fort. “

16 June 1863 MUSTER ROLL of Cache Military District: Regiment commanded by Col. Ezra T. Benson: The whole Battalion consisted of 175 Cavalry, 652 Infantry totalling 789 men. FIND HANDYS IN THIS DOCUMENT

Handy continues:

“In the spring of the year 1863 Lorenzo H Hatch, was appointed Bishop of Franklin. Grain brought a good price, and we were increasing in wealth, the first cow I had, we got of E C Van Orden, my son William earned it as part of his wages. My daughter Mary used to help me herd stock and often went barefooted.

My daughter Mary was married this year to Isaac H Vail (1863 Ed).

Early in the year 1864 Franklin was laid off into town lots, and I got a lot on Maple Creek bottom, where I built a log house and began to prepare to live on a more extended scale. I put in a good crop this season and raised 350 bushes (sic) of wheat. I had the year previously obtained some good land about 1 ½ miles north of Franklin- this was a great source of profit to me, it produced good crops of grain and hay.”

Figure 10: Handy land in Maple Creek bottom, section 16 Handy in USA ------The Handys and a drunken Indian:

The following account of violence between Indians and whites is reconstructed from four separate sources: Hansen; Packer, “Enduring Legacy” and the Autobiography of Samuel Handy :

Hansen: “14 Sep 1864 - The settlers of Franklin narrowly missed disaster. Some hundreds of Indians camping north of town procured liquor from two of the settlers and became menacing. “

Handy says: “The Fall about September there came about 3,000 Indians of the Shoshone tribe under the Chief Washakie , 68 some of the Indians got drunk this day and tried to annoy our people….”

Packer: “In mid September 1864 a band of drunken Indians rode into Franklin and one Indian attempted to strike Mary Ann Alder in the head with a tomahawk as she was crossing the street”

“Enduring Legacy” : “The screams of Mrs. Alder and the strange actions of the Indians attracted the attention of men who were threshing at the Samuel Handy place, a short distance from the Alders. They ran to her rescue with their pitchforks. Ben Chadwick, who had been feeding the threshing machine when Mrs. Alder’s screams were heard, came running up with a butcher knife in his hand that he had been using to cut the bands that bound the sheaves of Figure 11: Chief Washakie in 1892 wheat. He ran at the Indian, only to be struck down.

The Indian struck Ben's father down next and continued to race after Mrs. Alder. As fast as the men came up, the Indian would knock the pitchforks out of their hands with his long club. William Handy came running with a pistol and all the men shouted, "Shoot! Shoot him!" but when he hesitated, Ben took the gun from Handy’s hand and shot. The Indian fell from his horse, wounded in the neck.

Handy doesn’t describe his son’s part in the affair: “I was thrashing my wheat at this time, and one of the men seeing the Indians try to run this woman down, got a revolver & run and shot the Indian.”

He continues: “This made the Indians mad, and as they were camped all around my house – the thrashers all ran to the help of this woman. I was taken prisoner and Washakie snapped his pistol at me six times, then he knocked me down – the blood streamed down my head and I was bruised considerably. An Indian named Alma interposed on my behalf or I might have been killed. I felt the effects of my wounds for more than a month.”

“Enduring Legacy” “Ben's father and the other men then urged Ben to leave immediately, so he rode William Davis’s horse to the home of John Lard on High Creek. He disguised himself by shaving his long beard and cutting his hair, which he had worn to his shoulders. He also changed horses and returned to Franklin about twelve o'clock that night to join the Minutemen.”

Packer: This made the rest of the Indians very angry and the entire band numbering 300 galloped into town threatening to destroy the entire settlement if Chadwick wasn't turned over to them. When the demand was refused they grabbed McCullen Hull.

Hansen continues:

68 Photograph of Washakie at left is taken from http://www.treasurenet.com/images/americanwest/westwy.html (American West Images - TreasureNet) “…and threatened to kill him unless the offending settler was given to the Indians for compensation. While Bishop Lorenzo H. Hatch pleaded with the Indians not to kill the captive, messengers rode that night to the other towns for assistance.

Handy described the melee at his place: “The Indians cut the belts of the thrashing machine, killed 50 chickens, took $16.00 in cash, ransacked the house, took everything that they thought would be of any use to them. “ and also : Runners were sent to the settlements south & early next morning some 300 horsemen were at Franklin. Peter Maughan and others went to the Indian Camp, and a council was held in the day. The Indians and white people in Franklin had sold the Indians whiskey, this made them drunk, and then they were unmanageable. Bro. Maughan decided that S R Parkinson & N W Packer should give the Indians four head of Cattle – (each man one yoke of cattle) as they were the parties that sold the whiskey to the Indians, so reputed. The Indians soon removed from Franklin, and all removed from Maple Creek bottom up into town south of William Fluitt‘s. 69

Packer: “A couple of days later Chief Washakee sent back 100 horses which his warriors had stolen. The Indian trouble in the area was over.”

Ordinary life again:

1864 life continues:

This fall I was very busy, removed my house granary, grain, hay, straw, chaff, vegetables and everything I had down there.

About the beginning of the year 1865 a large stone meeting house was commenced in Franklin about 45 X 65 feet. The people were very busy labouring on the Meeting house, hauling rock and hauling logs. Soon after this, a stone school house was started in Franklin, is 25 X 40 ft and was built by taxation and donations – P Smart, W Woodward and S R Parkinson were the school Trustees at this time. Brigham Young and many of the Twelve visited very often.

In the year 1865 we raised good crops in Franklin, my neighbour Wm Fluitt went to Oxford to get some hay and on his return he was froze to death, this was just before Christmas. My son William looked after their cattle & sheep & chopped wood for the family and in the fall of 1866 married the widow of William Fluitt – Mary Ann Day. 70 Lorenzo H Hatch performed the ceremony on the 11 th of November.

This fall, myself & wife went to Salt Lake City to get our endowments: this was in November 1866 and on the 17 th of the same month this ordinance was attended to. On the same day David Boice married my daughter Eliza Handy – they received their endowments at the same time. Heber C Kimball performed the ceremony of sealing both for myself & wife and son in law and his wife. This year we raised good crops and we enjoyed ourselves.

The year 1867 was a year of good crops, my son William had Jane Day sealed to him 71 and Mary Ann Day Fluitt sealed as proxy for Wm Fluitt deceased. William’s wife Mary Ann had a daughter born Nov 23 rd 1867 and she was named Hannah Rebecca. This sealing was done in Salt Lake City in the latter part of the year.

Franklin continued to prosper and I increased in property and the people were gaining wealth and influence. William’s wife Mary Ann had another girl born Oct 22 nd 1869. My daughter Mary had a daughter born March 5 1870. My daughter in law Jane had a daughter born August 24 th 1870.

A telegraph had been put up across the plains, and a daily mail established previous to this time, and the Union Pacific Railroad was being rapidly pushed forward to Utah, and in the spring of 1869 it emerged into Ogden from the Weber Canyon.

I had been ordained as High Priest, and in the year 1866 I received a certificate to this effect. This was signed by John Young, President of the Quorum, and Hezekiah Mitchel Clerk and dated April 6 th . 1866.Wm Garner was the man who ordained me as High Priest.

I passed through various trials, and performed various labours, and held fast to the faith that I embraced in England. Many good meetings were held in Franklin, and I attended most of them.

69 Sam Handy’s son William married Mary Ann Flueitt in 1866. Mary Ann Day had married (in her first marriage) William Flueitt in 1855 – this was his second, and polygamous marriage to a Day sister. 70 First marriage to a day sister. This is described as a marriage, the second as “sealed”. Is there a difference in terminology? 71 William Handy married widow Mary Ann Flueitt on the 11th Nov 1866 in Franklin. William Flueitt had died in March 1866. Handy in USA ------

On the 3 rd of March 1869 many of the people of Franklin entered into a partnership to do their own trading in Merchandise, that the profits might be divided among the people, and that monopoly might not be amongst us. This was called “Franklin Co-operative Mercantile Institution” “Holiness to the Lord”. This store was held in the vestry of Franklin Meeting House.

1870 8 Aug FIND SAM AND FAMILY IN THE 1870 CENSUS

Occasionally I bought a piece of land, and I was increasing in property. I had two town lots in Franklin, and I bought some more land south east of my old place. I had obtained a “Declaration of Intention to become a citizen of the United States” and on the 7 th day of July I went to Malad City the County seat of Oneida County, Idaho, with several others, including my son William Handy, and there before M E Hoolister Judge of the 3 rd Judicial District at the July Term on the 8 th day of the month 1873, in open court I became a citizen of the United States. Arnold Goodcliffe ? and Thomas Lowe were my witnesses. 1873.

1873 12 May Daughter Mary Ann, marries second husband Joseph Nelson, at Salt Lake City.

“On the second of December 1872 my son Handy went to Bountiful and from there to Salt Lake City and was united in wedlock to Lucy Day, 72 Daniel H Wells performing the ceremony – they received their endowments the same day. James H was 17 years 7 months & 15 days old at the time of his marriage.

I filed on a quarter section of land in Franklin 160 acres, and was preparing to live and prosper in my home.

I have made it a practice of paying my tything yearly, and various donations as I have been called upon, and I have cheerfully done what I could to help along the work of the Lord.

In the year 1869 the Deseret Telegraph was put up to Franklin; and the railroad (Utah and Northern) was finished to Franklin and the first train was run on the 1 st of May 1874. This railroad was built by the people of Cache Valley, through Cache Valley and much of the grade in Salt Lake Valley. For this the people received vouchers (paper ones) and up to 1880 nothing has been realized by the people.

About the year 1866 the grasshoppers were hatched out by millions and nearly all the crops in Franklin were destroyed. In the year 1877 the grasshoppers were destructive again, and in the year 1879 also, but every year that the grasshoppers came, some raised grain and vegetables, and none were without food if they were industrious, and would make their wants known

About the year 1875 Bp. L H Hatch left Franklin for the south of Utah, Thomas Lowe the Teachers’ press? was acting Bishop of Franklin, and during his presidency, some were called to Arizona, and Thomas Lowe junr was called to go. The people assisted him on this trip and he started in the winter with his family.

L H Hatch was appointed Bishop of Franklin.”

1875 Son William has moved to WITNEY, Idaho sometime since 1873 according to children’s birthdates.

Handy continues:

“I have been watermaster of Franklin some seven years up to the year 1880.

My land over Maple Creek has produced good crops every year, both of grain and hay, and this has been a source of blessings to me.

On the ?th of August 1877 Brigham Young the President of the Church died in Salt Lake City, and the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles succeeded in the Presidency of the Church, John Taylor, president of the Quorum of the Twelve with Wilford Woodruff, Orson

25 Hyde, Orson Pratt, Charles C. Rich, Lorenzo Snow, Crastus Snow, Franklin D Richards, Geo’ Q. Cannon, B Young, Jos. F Smith and Albert Carrington, the late Brigham Young’s councillors were sustained as councillors to the Twelve.

72 The sister of his brother’s two wives. Jane and Mary Day. Cache Valley was organized into a Stake of Zion, on the ? day of ? 187? At a Conference in Logan and Moses Thatcher was appointed President with Wm B Preston and M D Hammon his councillors, Geo L Farrel President of the High Priest Quorum, Chas O Card and F E Ricks his councillors.

Orson Hyde died at San Pete Valley in the fall of 1878, and at the April Conference in Salt Lake City, 1879, Moses Thatcher was called to fill the vacancy in the Quorum of the Twelve.

1879 17 February Daughter Mary Ann, marries third husband James Atkinson at Franklin, Idaho.

The year 1879 was a year of prosperity and although grasshoppers were around, I raised a good crop of grain, 190 Bushels of Wheat. 30 bushels of oats with some garden vegetables – about 130 bushels of potatoes. Hay and garden vegetables were a poor crop – many of my neighbours did not raise a quarter of a crop of hay & vegetables. I have raised of late about 300 bushels of potatoes till this year – no rain and only a small amount of water from Maple Creek Canyon.

The winter of 1877-1878 was very light scarcely any snow and we could have cattle living on the side hills all winter.

Handy continues:

“Snow fell in November of the year 1879, and people being short of feed many cattle suffered and quite a number died. Diphtheria a disease among children has taken off quite a number of children, and our graveyard has many graves of old and young frames.

We have had a city organization in this place and it has existed for years. The present officers are as follow: Joshua Hawks, Mayor, L C Mitcham, W Woodward, P Durant, W Whitehead & P Lowe councillors, A P Shumway, Marshal & p Durant City Clerk.

The streets of Franklin were named this fall 1879 and the one running East and West by A Bennet’s was called Willow Street, the one north of Willow Street, Box Elder Street, one north of Box Elder Street, Cedar Street, one north of Cedar Street, Main Street, one north of Main Street, Alder Street, one north of Alder Street, North Street. Commencing on the west, the street running north and south is called Water Street, the one east of Water Street, Thomas Street, the one east of Thomas Street, Nelson Street, the one east of Nelson Street, Poplar Street, the one east of Poplar Street, Cottonwood Street.

Four quarter sections of land was entered by the Mayor of Franklin for the benefit of the People of Franklin, and in the beginning of the year 1874 the patent for the township was received from the Land Office at Boise City Idaho.

In December 1879 there were three stores in Franklin – the Co-operative Store, Stalker and Sons, and Webster & Chadwick. One Saloon, Stalker’s,

There is three day schools – one in the stone school house, one in the old Co-operative Store, and a Presbyterian School in W P Wright’s House. There are two Sunday Schools – one the Latter Day Saints under the direction of J B Nash, and the other one in the Presbyterian house under the direction of ?????

In the Spring of 1877 the foundation of a temple was commenced in Logan and the corner stones were laid in the month of ????? 1877.

The people were busy hauling rock, wood, sand, lime, getting and hauling lumber and doing a variety of kinds of labour for this work. Most of the rock for the building was obtained from Green Canyon, some 5 miles from Logan – the stone for nice work was obtained from Franklin.

Donations were made by the people – by Sunday-school children & much was done for this building. Box Elder County, Cache County Utah, Oneida County and Bear Lake County Idaho were formed into a Temple District. Since the death of Brigham Young - the people appear to be more united and an increase of faith seems apparent.

Handy in USA ------Here some pages seem to be missing from the copy – and apparently cover partial genealogical tables showing previously described information .

“34 The year 1880 was ushered in – the weather was cold, snow about 12 inches deep. The past summer being very dry, but little hay was cut, and cattle were very short of feed. This has up to present date February 10 th been a severe winter on cattle.

Figure 12: Federal Census of June 1880, Franklin Precinct, Utah. 73

Location Name Colour Sex Age Occupation Attended Cannot Cannot Own Father’s Mother’s school read write place place of place of of Birth Birth Birth 98 th Samuel W M 52 Farmer 1 1 Eng Eng Eng House Handy visited – Hannah W F 51 Keeping Eng Eng Eng page 12 Handy House

73 Ancestry.com Census images. Handwriting apparently changes here – I suspect most of what follows was written after his death by someone completing the manuscript – perhaps in February 1882. Text in red is in the first person, and perhaps comes from notes he had made preparatory to writing up his yearly notes ?

“Marginal note: “When Written Feb 17 1882” Before grass grew many cattle died. Crops were late in being put in this year. Good crops were raised this year. He (Samuel Handy) worked hard this year as usual he paid a good tything and temple offering this year and had considerable of the comforts of life around him in the bounties of the earth.

The winter commenced in November, snow on the ground. I had land in John Holland’s quarter section, Joseph Dunkley’s 120 acres and in James Howarth’s land, James H Martineau of Logan, Utah, came and surveyed it. My Farm on Maple Creek bottom was in four quarter sections, the most of it in section 16 Township 16 south of Range 40 East of the Boise Meridian. John Holland charged most the men $2.90 per acre for their land, I did not get the deeds from Dunkley and Howarth till April next.

Handy in USA ------

The winter of 1880 & 1881 was snowy, I had filed on 160 acres of land proved up on it and as many brethren had claims on it I wished it surveyed and each man and woman having claims in the same I wished to give a deed to the same parties and have all things settled during my life and I therefore 35 employed William Woodward to survey it and make the deeds out, and all land that I filed on and I let the brethren have it for $1.85 an acre where all parties had paid up. The claimants in my quarter section are as follows: L L Hatch, A Rankin, J Adamson, R Coultard, Wm Bennett, Jos Mayberry, A M Neely, W Packer, S R Parkinson, W L Webster, A Bennett, Jas Packer, Jas Hawarth, C W Fox, N J Packer, W Woodward, S Purnell and MRs Merrick besides myself. I sold the land the cheapest of any man around Franklin. I only charged $25.00 for my right. It is bottom land the most of it is and I had it surveyed while the bottom was frozen over.

1881 The Spring was in good season and I soon got my grain in as I did not sow any land over Maple Creek, but was summer fallowing the ploughland to kill the wild oats. Samuel Handy worked very hard the year 1881 as was his nature. He raised about 300 bushels of wheat and a poor crop of potatoes and affair crop of turnips carrots &c.

During the latter part of the year Bro Handy commenced to enlarge his house by getting a larger room built on the east. He sold the land over Maple Creek to Sheldon B Cutler for the sum of Seven Hundred and fifty dollars. Two hundred dollars of this sum was in land east of my house, and 445 dollars in cash down, 5 dollars to be paid by spring, and $100 to be paid by Sept 1 st 1882. The day I traded my land over Maple Creek I was paying my tything and settling my tything for the year 1881.

Some of the Money that Bro Samuel Handy received of Sheldon B Cutler he loaned to W B Webster to the amount of $300.00. This was one of the last acts of Samuel Handy.

On Sunday January 15 th 1882 Brother Samuel Handy was at a meeting in the afternoon, and the horses were in the pasture east of the house, as he came home and looked in the pasture he found that the horses had got out and were on the rocky bench east of town. He got the horses near home – he was on a wild colt and must have been thrown from it. As he did not come home his wife became quite uneasy and sent her grand daughter Elizabeth Vail to her son in law’s, David Boice, to see if Bro. Handy was there. Bro. David Boyce took a lantern and went to look for Bro. Samuel Handy and found him laying across the road, his head to the west, dead, this was on the road to the south field; his neck was broken: he must have been laying there about four hours – it was about 15 minutes past 8 clock – dark.

A Coroner’s inquest was held over the remains of Bro Handy at night. W L Webster acting Coroner, verdict of the Coroner’s court “ that he came to his death by being thrown from his horse. “

A Coffin was sent for from Ogden and price there $55.00. The funeral was held on the 18 th of January in the meeting house at Franklin. Joshua Hawks, G W Crocheron, S R Parkinson & L L Hatch, the 37 Bishop of Franklin addressed the meeting. Bro Handy’s two sons William, and James, and his daughters Mary and Eliza, his wife and a number of grand-children, besides daughters-in-law & sons-in-law were present, at the funeral the day was cold and he was followed to the grave by his wife and children and a large concourse of people – his neighbours and acquaintances.”

Figure 13: Map of Franklin 74

74 http://www.franklinidaho.org/Maps/Franklin.jpg Handy in USA ------Samuel’s tombstone in the Franklin Cemetery is still to be seen: 75

SAMUEL HANDY BORN MAR. 23, 1819, DIED JAN. 15, 1882

He shall rise again in the resurrection at the last day

75 http://www.ourfamilylegacy.info/handy/handysamuel1819/handysamuel1819tombstone.htm 1893 5 June death of Widow Hannah Handy at Witney, Idaho – aged 73. (In household of son William ?) Return to Handy Table

“38 An Account 76 of labour paid for by Samuel Handy on the Wellesville Canyon Road he paid eleven bushels wheat and 52 pounds. On the Logan Canyon Road he paid twelve bushels and 6 pounds of wheat.

“Following is an account of Labour and means donated by Samuel Handy and others of his family and relations for the building of the Temple at Logan” . (Dated after 1881 Ed)

Editors addition dated c. Cash ? Melse Stock Produce Labor Relief Sunday 1877 Soc. Sch. Self Samuel 15.80 15.56 35.55 58.38 Wife Hannah 14.25 15.52 10.52 3.77 .05 Son William 5.50 14.03 Wms. 1 st Wife bn 1840 Mary Ann 1.50 .45 Wm’s 2 nd Wife bn 1853 Jane .50 .50 Wm’s dau bn 1870 ? Emma 1.00 Wm’s dau bn 1867 Rebecca A 1.00 .05 Wm’s. dau bn 1869 Lucy E 1.00 .05 Wm’s dau bn 1871 Elsie C 1.00 .05 Wm’s dau bn 1873 Phebe 1.00 .05 Wm’s dau bn 1877 Huldah E 1.00 .05 Wm’s son bn 1879 Alonzo H 1.00 .05 Wm’s son bn 1881 Samuel P 1.00 .05 Wm’s dau bn 1870 ? Emeline .10 Wm’s son bn 1872 William T .10

76 Obviously taxation/donation levied before currency was in full circulation. Handy in USA ------

Hannah, Mrs Samuel Handy 1820-1893

Samuel Handy’s Autobiography continues:

“William Watts, the grandfather of Hannah Watts lived at Preston Gloucestershire and his wife’s name was Hannah – her maiden name is unknown to the grand-daughter – this couple only had one child William Watts, and he married Mary Haydn – William Watts was a gardener and was born at Preston and Mary Hayden was born at Ails stone Warwickshire; their children were born as follow:

Ann Watts, born August 17 th 1803, Mary Watts, born October 17 th 1805, Susannah Watts, born December 1 st 1807, Wm Watts 1 st , born January 25 th 1809, this boy died in infancy. Thomas Watts, born January 24 th 1811, John Watts, born July 20 th 1813, Daniel Watts, born November 30 th 1815, William Watts 2 nd , born February 28 th 1818, Hannah Watts, born March 14 th 1820 – she is the Hannah Watts that was married to Samuel Handy.

Mr Hayden and his wife Elizabeth Hayden, the Maternal grandparents of Hannah Watts, lived at Ailstone, and when Mr. Hayden died after 4 children were born, my grandmother moved to Barwood where she died. Mrs. Handy (nee Watts) rembers but very little of her grandparents and was raised by her sister Mary Watts. She went to school but very little, and went to work very early in life – keeping birds from the grain at 3 pence a day – paddling thistles, weeding hay- making and 9 cutting grain – “the largest wage I had was 8 pence a day and was married to Samuel Handy when I was 21 years of age”. Mrs Handy’s mother died When she was about 9 months old at Ailstone and buried there, and after she married, her father married Mrs. Margaret Gibbs a widow woman and Mrs. Handy’s father and stepmother lived and died in Ailstone – “my father died in 1855 my own mother died in 1820.”

I have given a brief account of my wife’s relatives as far as we could glean the information.”

Photographs of Hannah Watts Handy. 77

77 Both these photographs come from: http://www.ourfamilylegacy.info/handy/wattshannah1820/wattshannah1820photo.htm though the left hand one is listed as hanging in the Franklin, Idaho Museum. Samuel Handy’s son James Henry Handy, 1855-1935

78

Figure 14 : James Henry Handy, born 1855 -– from “Utah Pioneers and Prominent Men” (via Ancestry.com)

Name Born Voyage Ship Arrived with Route Died aged Son James 1855 4ms Cynosure Liverpool, New 1935 Franklin, Henry Alveston 1855 York Oneida, Idaho Warks.

Year Event in life of James Handy

1855 Born at Alvaston , Departed Liverpool 1856 At Williamsburg-Toms R. 1857 At Tom’s River 1858 At Iowa City 1859 To Salt Lake and Provo 1860 To Cache Valley 1861 1862 1863 1864 Indian Incident at Franklin 1865 1866 Brother William marries Mary Ann Day 1867 Brother William marries Jane Day, the sister of his first wife. 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 December 2 nd married Lucy Day, the sister of his brother’s two wives, at Salt Lake City both aged 17

Sam Handy’s autobiography has:

“On the second of December 1872 my son James Henry Handy went to Bountiful and from there to Salt Lake City and was united in wedlock to Lucy Day, Daniel H Wells performing the ceremony – they received their endowments the same day. James H was 17 years 7 months & 15 days old at the

78 Pioneers and Prominent men of Utah. Arrivals 1859 Full reference from Ancestry.com on the Internet Handy in USA ------Year Event in life of James Handy time of his marriage.”

1873 James born at Franklin 1874 1875 Lucy born at Franklin 1876 1877 George born at Franklin 1878 1879 Samuel born at Franklin 1880 1881 Leonard born at Franklin 1882 1883 Emma born at Franklin 1884 1885 1886 Elmer born at Franklin 1887 1888 Newell born at Franklin 1889 Nora born at Franklin 1890 1891 1892 Elgin born at Franklin 1892 1893 1894 Ida born at Franklin 1895 1896 Martha born at Franklin 1897 1898 Edna born at Franklin

1935 Died at Franklin

Figure 15: Federal Census of 1880 Franklin Precinct, Utah.

2 June 1880 – Franklin Precinct, Utah 79 Location Name Colour Sex Age Occupation Attended Cannot Cannot Own Father’s Mother’s school read write place place of place of of Birth Birth Birth 17 th James W M 25 Farmer 1 Eng Eng Eng House Handy visited – Lucy W F 25 Keeping 1 Utah Eng Eng page 3 House Lucy W F 5 dau 1 Idaho Eng Utah Ann George W M 3 Son 1 Idaho Eng Utah Henry Samuel W M 1 Son 1 Idaho Eng Utah J

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79 Ancestry.com Census images.

James’ marriage to Handy in USA ------Samuel Handy’s daughter Mary Handy 1847-1915,

1855 9 Departed Liverpool on the “Cynosure” “My sons, William and Joseph, were both baptized at Castle Garden on the 7th day of September 1855 by Ebenezer Bunten [Bunting]. Mary was baptized also at the same time by Brother Bunten” 1856 10 At Williamsburg-Toms R. 1857 11 At Tom’s River 1858 12 At Iowa City 1859 13 To Salt Lake and Provo 1860 14 To Cache Valley 1861 15 1862 16 1863 17 Mary married Isaac Hawk Vail at Salt Lake City. Sam handy’s autobiography continues: “In the spring of the year 1863 … My daughter Mary used to help me herd stock and often went barefooted.” 1865 18 Son Orson Vail born at Franklin 1866 19 1867 20 Dau Emmeline Vail born 1868 21 1869 22 1870 23 Dau Elizabeth Vail born 1871 24 1872 25 1873 26 Mary married Joseph Smith Nelson Senior at Salt Lake City, Utah (Vail lived to 1891 so divorced?) Dau Mary Mahala Nelson born at Oxford, Franklin, Idaho 1874 27 1875 28 1876 29 1877 30 1878 31 1879 32 Married James William Plummer Atkinson at Franklin, Idaho (Nelson lived to 1911 so divorced ?) Son James W. Atkinson born Chadvill, Oneida County. 1880 33 1881 34 1882 35 Son John F Atkinson born Coleville, Utah 1883 36 1884 37 Dau Fanney Atkinson born Coleville, Utah 1885 38 1886 39 (three more children born at unknown dates) 1887 35 1888 36 1889 37 1890 38 1891 39

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Samuel Handy’s son William Handy 1842-1919

Figure 16 - William Handy - – from “Utah Pioneers and Prominent Men” (via Ancestry.com) Figure 17 : Table of life events for William Handy 1843-1919 Year Event in William’s life 1# Marriage 2# Marriage 1855 13 dept Liverpool, arr NY – “My sons, William and Joseph, were both baptized at Castle Garden on the 7th day of September 1855 by Ebenezer Bunten [Bunting]. Mary was baptized also at the same time by Brother Bunten” 1856 14 Williamsburg to Tom’s River

1857 15

1858 16 To Iowa City

1859 17 To Salt Lake City and Provo

1860 18 To the Cache Valley - Franklin

1861 19 Franklin

1862 20 Franklin

1863 21 Franklin

Sam Handy stated :

“In the spring of the year 1863…, the first cow I had, we got of E C Van Orden, my son William earned it as part of his wages. “ Handy in USA ------Year Event in William’s life 1# Marriage 2# Marriage 1864 At Franklin.

The following account of violence between Indians and whites is reconstructed from two separate accounts. (See Sam Handy entry for full details.)

William Handy appears to be resident with his father at FRANKLIN and aged about 22 years of age.

Robert Hansen quotes: “14 Sep 1864 -

“The screams of Mrs. Alder and the strange actions of the Indians attracted the attention of men who were threshing at the Samuel Handy place , a short distance from the Alders. They ran to her rescue with their pitchforks. Ben Chadwick, who had been feeding the threshing machine when Mrs. Alder’s screams were heard, came running up with a butcher knife in his hand that he had been using to cut the bands that bound the sheaves of wheat. He ran at the Indian, only to be struck down. The Indian struck Ben's father down next and continued to race after Mrs. Alder. As [p.154] fast as the men came up, the Indian would knock the pitchforks out of their hands with his long club. William Handy came running with a pistol and all the men shouted, "Shoot! Shoot him!" but when he hesitated, Ben took the gun from Handy’s hand and shot. The Indian fell from his horse, wounded in the neck. Ben's father and the other men then urged Ben to leave immediately, so he rode William Davis’s horse to the home of John Lard on High Creek. He disguised himself by shaving his long beard and cutting his hair, which he had worn to his shoulders. He also changed horses and returned to Franklin about twelve o'clock that night to join the Minutemen.” 1865

1866 1866 11 November William Handy married Mary Ann Day at Franklin Idaho aged 26. 1867 Hannah born at 1867 23 November Franklin William Handy married at Salt Lake City to Mary Ann’s sister, Jane Day – she aged 14. 1868

1869 Lucy born at Franklin

1870 Emmeline born ??

1871 Elsie born at Franklin

1872 1872 Brother James Handy married third sister, 17 year William born Franklin old Lucy Day, at Salt Lake City. Year Event in William’s life 1# Marriage 2# Marriage 1873 Move to Whitney ? Pheobe born at Franklin

1874 (DATE UNKNOWN c. 1874) Whitney - Just midway William and family William and family between Franklin and Preston on the Yellowstone Park move to Whitney move to Whitney highway is the town of Whitney, a small place of about three hundred and fifty people. This town, like many others, Joseph born ? to Jane had a very humble beginning. It is customary for people Day who came to Franklin as settlers to be given an allotment of hay or grain land. When Isaac Nash, James Hebdon, George Alder, Alfred Hansen, E. Nelson, Peter Poole. Dick Cobter, William Handy, (32 year old at this stage ?) John and Nephi Cornish and William Rogers came to Franklin they were each given five acres in the section now known as Whitney. This was really the beginning of land ownership in this section of the country. 80 1875 William born at Witney 1876

1877 Hulda born Witney

1878 Chloe/Della bn Witney

1879 Alonzo born Witney

1880

1881 Samuel born Witney

1882 1882 15 th January –Father Samuel died thrown from a horse at Franklin, Idaho, aged 65 years of age. 1883 1884 1885 1886 David born Witney 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 1893 5 June death of Widow Hannah Handy at Witney, Idaho – aged 73. (In household of son William ?)

His Mother died at Witney in 1893

80 Heart Throbs of the West Volume 12, Ranching in the Early Days, Ranching in Idaho Handy in USA ------Figure 18: Federal Census of June 1880 Franklin Precinct, Utah. 81

Location Name Colour Sex Age Occupation Attended Cannot Cannot Own Father’s Mother’s school read write place place of place of of Birth Birth Birth 3rd House William W M 38 Farmer 1 visited Handy Mary Ann W F 40 Wife 1 Keeping House Mary Ann W F 23 Daughter at 1 Check all home this Eliza Jane W F 19 Daughter at 1 home Hannah R. W F 12 Daughter at 1 home Lucy E W F 10 Daughter at 1 home Elsie C W F 8 Daughter at 1 home Phebe E W F 6 Daughter 1 Hulda W F 2 Daughter 1 Alonzo H W M 7/12 Bn Nov son 1

4th house Jane W F 25 Wife keeping 1 visited Handy house Emilie W F 10 Daughter at 1 home William W M 7 Son 1 Chloe J W F 2 Dau 1

An entry also exists “william Handy Index to Indian War Service Affadavits.... Series 2217 1909-1919 Reel 5”

81 Ancestry.com Census images.

Samuel Handy’s son Joseph Handy 1844-1855

Name Born Voyage Ship Arrived with Route Died aged Son Joseph 1844 11 Cynosure Liverpool, New 1855 Alveston 1855 York Williamsburgh Warks. , New York

Sam Handy’s autobiography states:

My sons, William and Joseph, were both baptized at Castle Garden on the 7th day of September 1855 by Ebenezer Bunten [Bunting]. Mary was baptized also at the same time by Brother Bunten.

Joseph was sick on board ship and after his baptism was confirmed by W. Rogers on the 14th of Sept., he died on the 18th and was buried on the [p.12] 20th of September 1855 at Flatbush, New York .

Handy in USA ------

Samuel Handy’s daughter Eliza Handy,1849-1913

Name Born Voyage Ship Arrived with Route Died aged Dau Eliza 17/2/1850 6 Cynosure Parents, siblings and Uncle. Liverpool, New 1913 Oxford, Bapt 1855 York Bannock, Stratford on Idaho Avon

Married David Boice

Daughter of Eliza and David Boice listed in Ancestry.com “Gene Pool Database” Mary Ann Boice, bn 26 Jan 1869,Harrisville, Weber, UT. Md 3 June 1889, Oxford, Oneida, UT. Dd 3 July 1935, Emmet, Gem, UT

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Hannah Handy 1825 -1860?

Sam Handy’s autobiography tells us:

“My sister Hannah 82 was about 6 years younger than me, and died on the 21 st of February ? She was married to a man named John Green 83 by whom she had 4 daughters – she emigrated to America in 1859” and died in the state of Illinois in 1860.

82 ------1851 Census Address: 6 York Terrace, Warwick

PRO Reference: HO/107/2072 Folio: 333 Page: 52 FHL Film: 0087337 Frances S. LOVELL Head U 60 F Landed Proprietor Chesterton-WAR Saml. RICE Serv W 51 M --- Warwick-WAR Fanny HEWITT Serv U 44 F Serv Swinford-LEC Hannah HANDY Serv U 25 F Serv Alveston-WAR

83 Mormon Immigration Index has: ------Ship Tuscarora, Date of Departure: 30 May 1857 Port of Departure: Liverpool, England LDS Immigrants: 547 Church Leader: Richard Harper

Date of Arrival: 3 Jul 1857 Port of Arrival: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

GREEN, John <1825> Age: 32 Origin: England Occ: Sawyer GREEN, Hannah <1824> Age: 33 Origin: England Occ: Wife GREEN, Harriet <1850> Age: 7 Origin: England GREEN, Fanny <1857> Age: infant Origin: England ------

Handy in USA ------

William Handy 1817 – 1902

His gravestone says born April 11 1816. 84

William is living with his parents in 1841, actually aged 24, as an Agricultural labourer in “Alveston Fields”

William next appeared in the 1851 Census as:

1851 The Hill Stratford on Avon (HO/107/2074 Fol 621 Page 21) Joseph handy head m 58 ag lab Clifford Chambers GLS Rebekah wife m 52 Chesterton Warks. William Handy son u 34 ag lab Snitterfield Warks .

In 1852 his brother Samuel was baptised into the Mormon Church and by 1854 Samuel had taken the decision to move to the USA. The family, assisted Samuel:

“My Mother and Brother William had two cottages – they sold them and I received 20.0.0 and had about 10.0.0 of my own money through selling our household goods. “

He emigrated with his brother on the “Cynosure” in 1855 as the The Roster of passengers shows: 85

Name on list Editor’s identification Samuel Handy Hannah Handy James Henry Handy, Samuel and Hannah’s children Joseph Handy, Mary Handy, William Handy, Eliza Handy, William Handy Brother of Samuel Handy

Figure 19: Ship arrival summary for William Handy 1817-1902 Name Born Voyage Ship Arrived with Route Died aged William 1817 38 Cynosure Brother Samuel and his Liverpool, New 11th August Handy Alveston 1855 Family York 1902, Cass Warks. Township, Shelby, Iowa.

Sam Handy’s Autobiography tells us:

84 http://iowagravestones.org/gs_view.php?id=144100 85 Internet site www.vii.com/~nelsonb “Cynosure” “My Brother William was 3 ½ years older than me. He emigrated to America in 1855, crossed the plains in a hand cart company or a late wagon company, and wintered at Devil’s Gate on the Sweetwater. (1856) He was then a Latter Day Saint. “

William parted from his brother quite soon after arrival in New York, and although Samuel and family took three years to make the same journey, stage by stage, William seems to have made the crossing quite quickly, beginning in September 1856. He thus became part of a notorious and tragic story in the winter of 1856/7 when he nearly starved to death in the mountains of Wyoming in the Devil’s Gate and Martin’s Cove tragedy.

The Devil’s Gate disaster of 1856 Sherman L Fleek in his book, “Handcarts against Fearful odds” gives a good background to events. 86

“In 1851, Brigham Young, as president of the church, devised a new and cheaper method of travel. He was inspired the year before when he observed hundreds of gold seekers walking to California. At the time, he said, "Yes, start from the Missouri River with cows, handcarts, wheelbarrows, with little flour and no unnecessary and come to this place quicker, and with less fatigue, than by following the heavy trains with their cumbrous herds which they are often obliged to drive miles to feed." Yet, even the prophet had problems convincing his own people to travel by this new method, which, despite Young's words, sounded more exhausting. Soon the handcart idea fell by the wayside, displaced by more pressing matters.

The Great Salt Lake Valley and the other mountain valleys experienced a devastating grasshopper plague in 1855. That winter was one of the worst to ever hit the Rockies. Hundreds of horses and cattle died from the severe cold and deep snows. In the spring of 1856, the church leadership found itself too low on funds to bring thousands of converts across the Great Plains.

Again the idea of constructing cheap, small handcarts surfaced, and this time the church took a very active interest. Mission leaders in Britain and Europe preached the necessity of gathering to Zion by any means available; to walk across the Plains pulling a handcart was blessed as a demonstration of faith and sacrifice. Many Europeans who could not afford the more expensive ox-wagon travel enthusiastically volunteered for the handcart approach. The church agents in the Midwest began promoting the use of handcarts, and soon the first ones appeared.

The handcart was of simple design--a small, 5-foot-long bed or box set between two narrow, lightweight wheels. Extending from the bed were two shafts connected at the end by a crossbar that one would lean against one's chest or waist. Most carts were made of hickory with white oak for the spokes and wheel rims, elm for the hubs, though some had iron tires and axles. These vehicles could normally carry up to 400 or 500 pounds of provisions and stores. Some of the wealthier migrants could afford to have a hooped cover, like a wagon, called a "family cart." While iron axles and tires were great advantages for the long trek over rugged terrain, the most important factor in a handcart's construction was the use of seasoned lumber and not green wood, which would not endure the dry, arid climate. The use of unseasoned wood proved to be one of the major underlying causes of the handcart companies' tragedies along the trail.

In the late 1850s, the nation's westward expansion of its railroads ended with the Rock Island Railroad terminals at Iowa City, Iowa. There was the beginning of the trail for all the westward-bound handcart companies and a good many wagon trains. Across Iowa, at present-day Omaha, Neb., was the great Mormon settlement of Winter Quarters--later called Florence. The famous Mormon Trail began there and followed the Platte River to the North Platte, then went cross-country to the Sweetwater, over the high summit of South Pass, down through the Bridger Basin area to Echo Canyon, and eventually through Emigration Canyon to the Great Salt Lake Valley.

After nearly 10 years in the Rocky Mountains, the Mormons had produced such capable and daring frontiersmen as Orrin Porter Rockwell, Levi Savage and Hyrum Kimball. They and others developed a reputation for crossing and conquering the Plains. When a new emigrant company organized in the Midwest, the "captain" was normally a presiding elder or even one of the church's Twelve Apostles returning from a mission to Britain or Europe. Every few weeks a new company began the trek across the Plains. The size of the groups varied from 100 to more than 600. In 1855, 4,225 Mormons made the trip. Then, from November 1855 to June 1856, some 4,395 gathered in Iowa City (or Florence) and organized into various companies, including the first handcart company.

Edmund Ellsworth led the first of the handcart companies. 87 With some 274 migrants and 52 handcarts, Ellsworth struck out from Iowa on June 9; Daniel McArthur followed two days later with 221 people and 48 carts and four

86 www.the historynet.com/wildwest/articles/1997/0697_text.hmt for full story by Sherman L Fleek “Handcarts against Fearful odds” 87 Which co-incidentally contained one of the Baldwin family Handy cousins travelling from Birmingham. Handy in USA ------wagons. The companies had enough provisions to take them to Florence, where they would be restocked by the Mormons who farmed large tracts of land there and had provided assistance for the exodus for many years.

After Florence, the handcart travellers learned to follow the edict of transporting 17 pounds of luggage and belongings in each handcart, with the remaining space allotted to flour and other food. Before the companies set out, dishes, clocks, mirrors and silk dresses were sold and traded for provisions. Once the migrants were on the way, progress was slow and difficult at first, as many of them were mill workers and miners from the great industrial centres of Europe.

Brigham Young's enthusiasm for the handcart experiment inspired others. As one optimistic forecast predicted: "Fifteen miles a day will bring them through in 70 days, and after they get accustomed to it they will travel 20, 25, and 30 with ease...the little ones and sick, if there are any, can be carried on the carts, but there will be none sick in a little time after they get started."

The Ellsworth and McArthur companies both arrived jubilantly in Great Salt Lake City the same day, September 26. A brass band and Brigham Young himself, along with hundreds of others, gathered at the mouth of Emigration Canyon and welcomed the handcart companies with hymns and a feast. The entire population considered the handcart an overwhelming success and a viable means of transporting thousands of less-privileged Mormons. Captain Ellsworth had succeeded in leading the company through with fewer deaths and problems than a normal ox train.

The third handcart company to make the trek was under the direction of Edward Bunker, a veteran of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War. It arrived in the Salt Lake Valley on October 3, 1856, which was considered to be late in the season for such travel. Any train leaving Florence later than the end of June was risking tragedy in the Wyoming passes

With the arrival of Bunker's company, three handcart companies had made the crossing with minimal losses, in record time and for considerably less cost than a normal ox train. The timing could not have been better for the last company to arrive, as it was only two days before the semi-annual general conference of the church. …

The late Companies leave Iowa City

However, Brigham's elation would soon be dashed with the news that more than 1,000 handcarters were struggling through blizzards in Wyoming on the verge of starvation and death.

The initial delay of these two companies occurred because of two late-arriving vessels from Europe. Thorton arrived June 26 in New York, and Horizon July 8 in Boston, with a combined total of 1,620 passengers. It would be several weeks before these emigrant groups reached Iowa City--later than most experienced frontiersmen would dare to attempt the trek.

The church agents in Iowa City were not at all prepared for the unexpected arrival of some 1,600 converts. They hastened to make contracts to buy and build handcarts, but because of the short notice, only green lumber could be obtained.

15 July

The lateness of the year concerned several of the brethren, but with faith in God and their leaders the fourth handcart company left Iowa City July 15. Captain James G. Willie led his company of 500 people, 120 handcarts and five wagons west toward Zion.

26 July

On July 26, Edward Martin followed suit with 576 people, plus 145 handcarts and seven wagons. (5 th company)

11 August

Willie arrived in Florence (Omaha), Neb., on August 11 and rested for repairs and restocking provisions. While at Florence, some of the pioneers began to voice concerns about the lateness of the year, the long march ahead, the low provisions on hand and the constant need for repairs of the handcarts because of the green lumber used in their construction. William H. Kimball and George D. Grant, two of the agents from Iowa, were on hand to press the travellers on to Zion. Many felt that they would rather risk the dangers on the Plains than spend a winter in a dugout on the Missouri River. One strong voice opposed the continuation of the march. Experienced plainsman Levi Savage argued that it was far too late in the year; there were too many women, children and elderly mixed in the group; and the handcarts would not endure the rigorous trail. A vote was taken, and Savage was the only dissenting hand. The other leaders were determined to make it to Zion. The Lord would calm the winter winds and provide sufficient game to feed the company. Savage nobly cast in his lot with his fellow Mormons by saying: "Brethren and sisters, what I have said I know to be true; but seeing you are to go forward, I will go with you, will help you all that I can, will work with you, will rest with you, will suffer with you, and if necessary I will die with you."

The crossing of the Plains begins

18 August

Thus, the members of the Willie handcart company departed Florence on August 18 with a prayer in their hearts and singing a marching song some anonymous Mormon had composed: "For some must push and some must pull/As we go marching up the hill/As merrily on the way we go/Until we reach the Valley, ho."

21 August

As the Willie Company left, the Martin company was arriving at Florence. Then on August 21, Apostle Franklin D. Richards arrived from his mission in England. Richards strongly encouraged the emigrants to make the trip and rely upon the providence of God. Richards, putting more faith in God and ignoring the realities of the American frontier, fortified the emigrants in their desire to winter in the Great Salt Lake Valley. The people were almost intoxicated in their belief that they would be preserved if they manifested their faith and followed the counsel of their leaders.

Richards, Grant, Kimball and the other missionaries boarded faster moving horse teams and carriages and headed for Utah. A few days later, they passed the Willie company at North Bluff Fork and again exhorted the pilgrims to their goal. Richards, for some unknown reason, bought a few dozen buffalo robes at Fort Laramie and asked that they be held for the handcart "Saints." Why he did this was never explained and was out of character with his earlier attitude and his expressed belief that the companies would have no trouble crossing the Plains.

Resupplied and rested, the Martin Company was ready for its long march to the Salt Lake Valley. Each cart had an extra 100 pounds of flour--communal provisions and not just for the particular party that provided the space.

25 August

As dawn broke on August 25, the last handcart company of 1856 lined up in Florence and began its trek to the Promised Land.

2 September Tuesday

The Martin company was not, however, the last group to leave for Utah from Florence. On September 2, W.G. Hodgett with 33 ox wagons and John A. Hunt with 50 wagons, having 385 Mormons between them, started their own march. Of course, the wagon travellers would have an easier journey, riding most of the way and carrying more supplies; however, it was seriously late in the season even for wagons.

The roster of the Hunt Company shows William in the Company :

“John A. Hunt 5 th Wagon Company 88 “Handy William 39, birthplace England, labourer, stayed Devil’s gate”

The journal of the Hunt Company picks up the story from here: 89

2nd September

The company left the camp ground at 10:15 a.m., travelled 7 miles and camped for the night at 3 p.m. on the Big Papillion, where there was plenty of good water and good feed. The cattle were brought into the corral for the night.

Wednesday, Sept. 3

88 - www.handcart.com

89 Internet copy: origin Badwolf.com Handy in USA ------The camp got ready and started off at 10 o’clock a.m., and arrived at the Elkhorn River at 1:30 p.m. The wagons were ferried across with as much haste as possible, and by 7:15 p.m. all were across. Travelling two miles beyond the ferry, an encampment was made for the night on Rawhide creek, where water was plentiful and feed pretty good. The cattle were not corralled that day . Distance travelled, 10 miles

Thursday, Sept. 4

Every exertion was made for the company to start earlier than usual and so they left the campground at 8 o'clock a.m. They found good travelling for 12 miles, and rested an hour and three quarters near the Platte River, the journey was continued. An encampment for the night was made near a slough where it was necessary to carry water for the cattle. The feed was plentiful but coarse. Days journey, 18 miles. Brother Salisbury’s four-year old son was run over by a wagon during the day and seriously hurt; he fell from the seat in front of the wagon .

Friday, Sept. 5

A storm commenced in the camp at 6 o'clock a.m. accompanied by thunder and lightning. It continued for 1 ½ hours. The company moved at 9 o’clock a.m., stopped 2 hours in the middle of the day and then journeyed until 6:45 p.m., when an encampment was made on Shell Creek, after travelling 17 miles during the day. The water and feed here was good. During the day, the company met some Californians, who reported that Almon W. Babbett’s company had been attacked by Indians and that two men and a child had been killed; one woman was missing, the other two men escaped, leaving the four wagons.

Saturday, Sept. 6

Esther Walters, wife of John Walters, from Cardiff, Wales, was delivered of a daughter at 5 o’clock a.m., and was doing well. The company resumed the journey at 8:45 a.m. Franklin D. Richards, Daniel Spencer and 12 other brethren passed the company with a mule team at 10:45 a.m. going west. After travelling 12 miles, the company rested. Where these brethren waited for them. They were pleased with the manner the wagon company had proceeded on their journey and gave the brethren every encouragement of success in their further travels. Brother Richards and company left the company which followed them, 2 hours later. Encampment was made at 6p.m. three miles from the Loupe Fork ferry on the Platte River bottom, where the feed was good. Distance travelled, 18 miles.

Sunday, Sept. 7

The journey was resumed at 8 o’clock a.m. and after travelling 3 miles, the company reached the Loupe Fork ferry, with the expectation of crossing over at once, but the water had risen the night before so much that the tackle belonging to the ferry-boat was damaged making it too late for crossing that evening. This gave the travellers and their cattle a day’s rest at a place where the feed was good.

Monday, Sept. 8

The wind blew hard and the water was very high in the Loupe Fork. The ferrymen, with the Assistance of some of the brethren, got the rope across the river and straightened the same. Brother George Spencer’s company of Ten was taken across in the evening.

Tuesday, Sept. 9

The remaining wagons of the company were taken across Loupe Fork, the ferrying being finished at 2 o'clock p.m. A yoke of oxen belonging to the Church was missing and several of the brethren were sent out to search for them; they returned with them to camp at 4:15 p.m. Brother Ellis Jones had lost two gentle cows on Sunday last at the Loupe Fork ferry and up to this time had not been found. The company moved forward at 5 o’clock p.m. and after travelling seven miles camped at 8 o’clock p.m. on the banks of Loupe Fork.

Wednesday, Sept. 10

At 8 o’clock a.m. the wagons left their place of encampment, travelled 13 miles and stopped 2 hours for the cattle to water and feed; then the journey was continued until 7:15 p.m., and a camp made on the Loupe Fork after travelling 20 miles during the day Thursday, Sept. 11

The company broke camp at 8:30 a.m., went back half a mile and crossed the hills towards the Platte River, travelling a part of the day over sandy roads. After nooning 2 hours the journey was continued and the night encampment made on a creek where there was also a good spring of water and good feed for the cattle. This campground was a quarter of a mile from Loupe Fork.

Friday, Sept. 12

The company started at 7:45 a.m. and travelled 9 miles over a sandy road and stopped to noon. The brethren did not expect to find water, but when a few of the wagons were moving on, and the rest were preparing to do so , a prairie creek was discovered not far off. All hands then stopped and watered their cattle, then journeyed 4 miles further and camped at a place where was no water for the cattle and no timber.

Saturday, Sept. 13

The company resumed the journey at 6 o'clock a.m., stopped at a pool of water at 8:30, which soon become so muddy that only a few of the cattle would drink it. Having stopped only a few minutes, the journey was continued and Prairie Creek reached at noon. Here the brethren watered their cattle and rested 2 3/4 hours, then travelled 11 miles further to a creek where water was plentiful, but feed rather scarce; there was sufficient fuel. The night encampment was made at 8 p.m. after travelling 22 miles.

Sunday, Sept. 14

The journey was resumed at 9:30 a.m. and the company travelled 2 miles and camped again on the same creek. Here grass was rather short but was sufficient to feed the cattle.

Monday, Sept. 15

The journey was resumed at 8 a.m.; the weather being very hot, the cattle suffered much. At 4 o'clock p.m. the company crossed Wood River on a very rough timber bridge and camped two miles further on the banks of the creek, where the feed for the cattle was good . The day’s journey 14 miles.

Tuesday, Sept. 16

The company started at 8:30 a.m., and in travelling found no water until 4:30 p.m., when the brethren turned off the road half a mile and camped near the Platte River where the feed was good. This place was about three miles past Fort Kearney Day's journey, 16 miles

Wednesday, Sept. 17

The company broke camp at 8:15 a.m. A cold, rough wind sprang up and continued the whole day. The company stopped 1 2 hours to water and rest their cattle and camped at 6 p.m. on Buffalo Creek. The cattle were kept in the corral all night, there being no feed for them. The distance travelled during the day was 17 miles.

Thursday, Sept. 18

This was a very cold morning in the camp and the company left at 6 o’clock a.m., travelled till 8 o’clock a.m. Or until they reached a creek where they stopped to feed on the scanty grass. After stopping about three hours, the teams were again hitched up and the company moved on. The night encampment was made on a small creek at 6 p.m., after travelling during the day 18 miles. At this place feed was rather scarce.

Friday, Sept. 19

The company resumed the journey at 8:15 a.m. In the afternoon, about 5:30, a tire came off one of the wheels of Sister Taxford’s wagon, which detained the company a short time. The camping place being some distance away, the brethren were compelled to leave the wagon on the prairie. After travelling 20 miles during the day, the night encampment was made at 8 o’clock p.m. half a mile off the road toward the Platte River.

Saturday, Sept. 20 Handy in USA ------This morning a company of armed men returned to the broken wagon on the prairie with the repaired wheel and brought the wagon safely to camp. At this time several other wagons in the company had loose tires and the brethren set to work repairing them. They intended to move in the afternoon and so all the cattle were driven into the corral and yoked up, but as a rain storm approached, the plan was changed, so that no move was made that day. A mail going east crossed to the other side of the river, bringing news from other emigration companies ahead. A company of traders came near the brethren that night as the feed for animals was good.

Sunday, Sept. 21

The cattle were again driven into the corral to be yoked up, but on account of a brother who was dying, the camp was detained all day. A buffalo was shot in the afternoon and the meat distributed. Brother Elias Davis from ( unreadable ) departed this life at 3:45 p.m. aged 44 years, leaving a wife; he was highly respected by those who knew him. The disease which laid him low was diarrhoea. He was buried the same evening by the roadside.

Monday, Sept. 22

The company started this morning at 7:30 a.m. and passed over some sand bluffs at midday. They camped at 6 p.m. on Skunk Creek, three miles from the crossing, where there was good feed and water, after travelling 16 miles during the day. The camp was aroused at midnight by the guards who saw some one walking about, crossing the corral, but would not answer when spoken to, Nothing further was seen of it, and so the men retired to their beds again.

Tuesday, Sept. 23

The morning was cold and frosty. The company resumed the journey at 6 o’clock a.m. An accident occurred to Sister Ann Davis, whose husband died 2 days before. After crossing Skunk Creek she was in the act of getting out of the wagon when her clothes caught in the tongue, and she fell; the wheels passed over her thigh and shoulder, but luckily the road bed was soft sand and the injuries received were not so serious but that she was able to walk a few hours afterwards. Captain Hunt and Spencer shot a buffalo in the afternoon which was brought to camp in the evening and the meat distributed. The night encampment was made at 6 p.m. on the Platte River, after travelling 18 miles during the day. The grass was somewhat scarce on this ground.

Wednesday, Sept.24

Sister Goble, wife of William Goble of Brighton, England, was delivered of a daughter in the morning. The company started at 9 o’clock a.m., and travelled until sundown and camped for the night after making a distance of 14 miles. During the day the company travelled over a sandy road. The feed, at this place, was not good.

Wednesday, Sept. 25

The journey was resumed at 7:50 a.m., and as the road led over sandy bluffs, the cattle had a hard time of it. The night encampment was made on the Platte River, but it was after 7 o’clock p.m. before all the wagons arrived in camp, being detained thru the upsetting of Brother Bills’ wagon. The driver ran against the bank of a creek which the company had to cross instead of going over a steep sandy bluff. Sister Bills broke her arm in the accident. Day’s journey, 16 miles.

Friday, Sept. 26

The company started at 8:30 a.m. and travelled over a soft, sandy road, crossing several sandy bluffs, which tried the cattle very much. After travelling 10 miles during the day, the night encampment was made at 6 o'clock p.m.

Saturday, Sept. 27

The company started at 8 o'clock a.m. and travelled over a level country, but through a great deal of soft sand. After travelling 16 miles, encampment was made at 6:15 p.m. where feed was scarce.

Sunday, Sept. 28

The journey was continued at 8:10 a.m. and the road led through considerable sand for 10 miles and then through more sandy bluffs. Instead of going over them, the company passed along the bottom, near the river, having to double teams. All got through safely. Travelling some distance further, the night encampment was made at 6:30 p.m., having travelled 12 miles during the day. The feed for the cattle was somewhat scarce. The cattle were corralled

Monday, Sept. 29

An ox belonging to Elias and Joel Jones was found dead this morning in the corral. It seemed to be in good condition, but had been strained the day previous. The Brethren named had two wagons and did not double their teams like the rest of the company did. The journey was resumed at 9 o’clock a.m. and travelling was over sandy roads, where the pulling was hard part of the day. The evening camp was made at 6:30.

Tuesday, Sept.30

The journey was continued at 8 o’clock a.m. The roads, during the days’ travel, were better, and the encampment was made for the night on the Platte River. After travelling 16 miles. The feed for the cattle was scarce.

Wednesday, Oct. 1

The journey was resumed at 8 o'clock a.m. The company stopped 3 hours in the middle of the day, which was much longer than usual, Captains Hunt and Spencer endeavouring to find out where the preceding companies had crossed. Several sand hills were encountered during the days journey, and the night encampment was made at 6 p.m. where there was some green patches of grass, but otherwise the feed was rather scarce. Day’s journey, 13 miles

Fleek continues about the first of the three groups:

The Willie party arrived at Fort Laramie, the halfway mark for the journey. There they found no flour to buy, so rations had to be cut again. Because of the abnormally warm Indian summer they were experiencing, many began discarding their heavy coats and bedding to make more space for provisions.

Thursday, Oct. 2

Behind the Willie Company, the Hunt Journal continues:

The company commenced to cross the ( unreadable ) at 8 o’clock a.m. and all got across in about 2 hours. A company of mule teams, carrying soldiers, etc, bound for Fort Laramie, passed the brethren at 10 o’clock a.m. An hour later, they met a company of people with ox -teams, who were on their way back to the States from Utah and who gave an account of the poverty of the people there. At noon, the brethren met a company of soldiers and mule teams from Fort Laramie. After travelling 13 miles the night encampment was made on the Platte River at 6:30 p.m. The feed at this place was poor.

Friday, Oct. 3

The journey was continued at 8:30 a.m. on a good road. At 6:30 p.m., after travelling about 16 miles, the night encampment was made about 5 miles from Chimney Rock. Two worn out oxen were left by the wayside during the day, but one of them came into camp at night. The feed at this camping place was better than usual.

Further ahead, with the Willie Company, Fleek continues:

Captain Willie soon realized there were not enough provisions to last the entire trip at their present rate of speed. At Chimney Rock, he decreased the ration of flour to 10 ounces and more stringently rationed other foods. About this same time, he received a letter from Elder Richards saying that there were no supplies available until they reached South Pass--still hundreds of miles away.

Saturday, Oct. 4

The journal continues:

Sister Susannah Bruner from Switzerland died somewhat suddenly this morning, although she had been declining for some time past. At 1 o’clock a.m. she ask for a drink, and half an hour later she was found dead. This sister, who was buried at 8 o’clock a.m. was 64 years old. The company resumed the journey at 8:30 a.m., passed Chimney Rock at 10 a.m. and camped for the night at 4:45 p.m. near a place where good feed for the cattle was found on some large islands in the river. Caroline Brenchley was re-baptized by Elder John Cunison for the restoration of her health. Marinda Handy in USA ------Nancy Pay, daughter of Richard and Sarah Pay, died of diarrhoea, just before midnight. She was 10 weeks old. Day’s journey, 13 miles.

Fleek continues:

Apostle Franklin D. Richards had arrived in Great Salt Lake City. He had made a courtesy call on Brigham Young and reported on his mission to Britain. During the conversation, Richards mentioned that two handcart companies and two ox trains (one of which was Handy’s wagon Company) were on the Plains still en route to Zion. Young was aghast, knowing full well the hazards of such a journey so late in the year.

Sunday, Oct. 5

Fleek:

The next day, Mormons from all over the territory gathered to hear the sermons at the conference. Apostle Richards, still oblivious to the precarious circumstances of the handcart companies, said in his address that the Lord would "overrule the storms that may come in the season thereof, and turn them away, that their path may be freed from suffering more that they can bear." Fortunately, Young had no illusion as to the realities of a thousand people walking in the snow across the unforgiving land that would become known as Wyoming.

There was no better forum for the immediate call for goods and volunteers. In sharp contrast to Richards' optimism, Brigham Young called for 60/65 horse teams, 12/15 wagons and 40 teamsters to haul 12 tons of flour and clothes, to include "hoods, winter bonnets, stockings, shirts, garments and almost any description of clothing. You may rise up now and give your names." Young had hardly finished his remarks when hundreds stood and volunteered. Several of the returning missionaries, including William Kimball and Joseph Young, son of Brigham, and others volunteered to assist in the rescue. Many of the travellers were converts that these men had brought into the church. With Franklin Richards sitting in the congregation, Brigham Young publicly denounced the tragic decision to urge the companies to make the attempt that season. Although Richards was never dropped from his position in the church, he would suffer Young's wrath and never again have the full confidence of the councils of the church.

The Journal recounts events back o the journey:

A company of 20 missionaries and some others who were travelling with them for protection, passed the camp at 10 a.m. with horse-teams, Parley P. Pratt and Thomas Bullock being among the number. The journey was resumed at 3 o’clock p.m., and after travelling 5 miles, the night encampment was made at a place where feed was scarce.

Monday, Oct. 6

As the morning was very foggy, the brethren found it difficult to find all their cattle, but the journey was resumed at 8:30 a.m. Brother John Turner from Natley, Kent, England, died at 9:45 a.m. of diarrhoea, his illness having lasted about four weeks. Brother Turner, who was 42 years old, left a son and daughter of tender years. A tire came off one of the Church wagon wheels which caused some delay. The company passed Scott’s Bluffs, travelling over a very irregular, rough road. No noon halt was made that day and the night encampment was made on the Platte River at 4:30 p.m., after travelling 9 miles. Feed was scarce. Ruth Jones born.

Tuesday, Oct. 7

The company resumed the journey at 7 o’clock a.m. An ox belonging to Brother Richard Griffiths gave out. The dead ox was unhitched from its mate and the journey continued with one yoke of oxen. The loose pair of oxen was left for Brother Samuel Evans to drive, and while driving them, one of the bow keys broke, by which means the oxen became separated and the one that had the yoke hanging to its neck ran off and so frightened some of the other oxen that it caused them to leave the track and go at high speed, wagon after wagon. Soon, however, they were going at a terrible speed in different directions, causing a general consternation. The people belonging to the last half of the train was exposed to great danger of being knocked down, or crushed between the wagons. In a few minutes, however, the cattle were brought to a standstill, after some ten or 12 wagons had left the road. During the stampede, Sister Walters from Cardiff, Wales, was knocked down and so badly injured that she expired in a few minutes afterwards, leaving a babe four weeks old, which at the time was in the wagon. The remains of Sister Walters were interred in the evening at 5 o’clock. She was 39 years old. After brother Goble’s Wagon ( which was broken in the stampede ) was repaired, the company travelled on about one mile father and camped at 6 p.m. Day’s journey, 13 miles. Wednesday, Oct 8

The journey was resumed at 7:30 a.m. and the company travelled well and without detention all day. Encampment was made at 6:30 p.m. where feed was good, after travelling 20 miles.

Thursday, Oct. 9

The company started at 8 o’clock a.m. The latter part of the day, the roads led over soft sand, and it was with great difficulty that some of the wagons could pull through. The encampment for the night was made at 7 o’clock p.m., about one mile from Fort Laramie, after travelling 20 miles during the day. The feed was very poor at this camp .John Joseph Wiseman, aged 5 years, son of John and Mary Ann Wiseman, died at 10 p.m. from bodily weakness.

Friday Oct. 10

The camp was visited in the morning by some brethren from the wagon and handcart companies, which were only a few miles ahead. The company started at 3 o’clock p.m., travelled over a sandy road part of the way and camped at 6 o’clock p.m., after travelling 6 miles. The feed was poor at this camp.

Saturday, Oct. 11

The camp did not move this day, some trading of cattle being done.

Sunday, Oct. 12

Brother Beesley and family with his wagon and Brother Bell and family with his wagon left camp and started back for Fort Laramie in the morning. The cause for Brother Beesley’s return was the weak condition of his team, and Brother Bell did not wish to endure the severity of the weather, journeying so late in the season. The company broke camp at 12 o’clock noon, travelled 7 miles and camped on the Platte at 4 o’clock p.m.

Monday, Oct. 13

The journey was resumed at 8 o’clock a.m., going over a very hilly county. After travelling 20 miles during the day the encampment was made at 6:40 p.m., two miles from the river, where the feed was pretty good.

Fleek :the rescuers reach Fort Bridger

They (the relief party – moving eastwards to meet the Emigrants coming west) made good time and reached Fort Bridger on October 13. There they cached flour and other goods with the Mormons who owned the fort, thereby saving some of the provisions for the last leg of the return journey. Soon afterward they left Fort Bridger, braving the severe storms of the high Plains.

After a few more days of exhausting struggle, Joseph Young split the party and sent a wagon and a few men in advance to locate the handcart companies and notify them that a rescue effort was in progress. Young, Kimball, Grant, Abel Garr and Cyrus Wheelock pushed on ahead with a wagon and a few mounts.

Tuesday, Oct. 14

The journal: the Hunt company still crawling westwards towards the mountains

The journey was continued at 8 o’clock a.m. and after travelling 15 miles during the day, the night encampment was made at 4:45 p.m. at a place where the feed was good across the river. At the evening prayer meeting it was proposed that as James Creek had removed from the Ten , over which he was captain, James Holley should succeed him as captain of that Ten, and that James Creek should assist Charles Holley, captain of the guard, in some of his duties.

Wednesday, Oct. 15

The journey was resumed at 8:30 a.m. and the river forded at noon to the south side. After travelling 17 miles, the encampment for the night was made at 5:45. Pretty good feed was found across the river.

Thursday, Oct. 16 Handy in USA ------The journey was resumed at 7:30 a.m., the company again forded the river at 1 p.m. to the south side and the night encampment was made at 7:15 p.m., after travelling 22 miles. Feed was rather scarce.

Friday, Oct.17

The journey was continued at 8:30 a.m., and the night encampment made at 5:45 p.m., after travelling 16 miles. The cattle were driven across the river to feed on rather poor grass.

Saturday, Oct. 18

The company started at 9 o’clock a.m., travelled 15 miles and camped on the Platte River at 6 p.m., where the feed was tolerably good. Hunt’s journal records the first snow at Fort Bridger.

Sunday, Oct.19

The journey was continued at 7:30 a.m., and Captain Edward Martin’s handcart company was passed just as it was ready to start, after it had stopped for dinner. Many of the handcart people pulled their carts alongside of the wagons belonging to the Hunt company and, it was enough to draw forth one's sympathy for them, seeing the aged and women and children pulling their handcarts, many of them showing haggard countenances. We passed Fort Bridger about noon and camped at 2 o’clock p.m. on the fording place on the Platte River, after travelling 14 miles. Captain Hodgetts Wagon company had just forded when we arrived, and the handcart company crossed directly afterwards.

Another source retells events at the crossing: 90

“the 19th of October, out on the plains, (the Martin Company) oxen were beginning to show signs of real weakness. Here they reached the last crossing of the North Platte River near Red Buttes which is a little west of present day Casper, Wyoming. It was at this point that the two wagon trains (one of them the Hunt Company, with William as a member) bringing up the rear caught up with the Martin Company and helped them cross the river. No sooner had they crossed then a fierce winter storm with piercing north wind hit.

Monday, Oct. 20

This morning the ground was covered with snow which prevented the company from moving. The cattle were driven into the corral in the afternoon, some 12 or 14 head being missing. It commenced snowing again at 3 p.m. and continued for some time.

Fleek:

Ominously, the first snow of the season fell as the Willie company was trekking along the Sweetwater and the Martin group was just a few miles past Fort Laramie. The first snow did not seem formidable, but soon the freezing temperatures began to take a toll.

Fleek continues:

“The next day, James Willie and Joseph Elder wandered into their camp after a heroic march. Contact had finally been made with the handcart people. Within minutes the camp was struck, and the men hastened through the storm to find the starving and freezing members of the Willie company. “

Nine people in the company had been found dead that morning and dozens more were freezing. The only food remaining was two day's rations of crackers. Soon fires were burning, and potatoes and beef were cooking in soup pots. Blankets, buffalo robes and clothing were distributed. Chislett recorded the immediate effect the rescuers had on the miserable travellers: "That evening for the first time in quite a period, the songs of Zion were to be heard in the camp, and peals of laughter. The change seemed almost miraculous, so sudden was it from grave to gay, from sorrow to gladness."

William Kimball stayed with some provisions to nurse the Willie Company on toward Utah. George Grant and others left, through deepening snow, to find the Martin company, believed to be at Devil's Gate.

Another week passed before Grant was forced to stop. His rescue party had passed Devil's Gate and was several days beyond the point where they had expected to find the Martin Company.

Grant sent Young, Garr and Daniel W. Jones ahead with saddled horses and packed mules to make one final effort to locate Martin.

Dan Jones, in his later book, “Forty years among the Indians” 91 , describes this meeting as

On arriving we found them in a condition that would stir the feelings of the hardest heart. They were in a poor place, the storm having caught them where fuel was scarce. They were out of provisions and really freezing and starving to death. The morning after our arrival nine were buried in one grave. We did all we could to relieve them. The boys

90 Webpage devoted to life of Martha Blackham, member of the Martin company, reference lost. 91 http://www.geocities.com/fortyyearsamongtheindians/index.html

Handy in USA ------struck out on horseback and dragged up a lot of wood; provisions were distributed and all went to work to cheer the sufferers. Soon there was an improvement in camp, but many poor, faithful people had gone too far--had passed beyond the power to recruit. Our help came too late for some and many died after our arrival.

William Kimball with a few men and wagons turned back, taking the oversight of this company to help them in. Capt. Grant left a wagon load of flour near the Pass with Redick Allred to guard it. There were several hundred people with Brother Willie. They had a few teams, but most of them had become too weak to be of much service. When we left Salt Lake it was understood that other teams would follow until all the help needed would be on the road.

Tuesday, Oct. 21

The journal picks it up again:

The snow in the camp was about 8 inches deep, which completely stopped the company from travelling. The missing cattle had crossed the river and got mixed with Captain Martin’s company. They were all found.

Wednesday, Oct. 22

The fording of the Platte River was commenced at 1 o’clock p.m. by doubling teams. After travelling one mile on the other side, an encampment was made for the night. The brethren cut down cottonwood trees to feed the cattle.

Thursday, Oct. 23

The weather was very cold and frosty. William Upton who arrived from Captain Hodgett’s company the previous evening by Jesse Haven to consult Dr. Wiseman, died of mortification at the heart, aged 34 years. The camp was still detained because of snow. By this time several of the cattle had died.

Friday, Oct. 24

Avery cold north-west wind was blowing, and the snow was quite deep, almost as deep as when it first fell. More timber was cut down to feed the cattle. One ox was found dead, and two more not being able to stand the weather were slaughtered.

Saturday, Oct. 25

The snow drifted by the effect of a cold and strong wind so that the ground become bare in some places, thus enabling the cattle to get a little grass.

Sunday, Oct. 26

There was a slight thaw during the day and the cattle looked much better. Captain Hunt went to Fort Bridger to see about trading for cattle to replace those that had died.

Monday, Oct. 27

The snow melted gradually. Sixteen head of cattle were brought from the Fort in the evening and more could be had on the morrow

Tuesday, Oct. 28

The weather continued cold. Brothers Joseph W. Young and two other brethren arrived in camp in the evening from the Valley. This caused a general rejoicing throughout the camp, though the tidings of the snow extending westward for forty or fifty miles, was not encouraging. The handcart companies had been supplied with food and clothing and the condition of the wagon companies would be reported to the Valley speedily, as the brethren travelling with teams were also getting short of provisions. Thirteen head of cattle were brought from the Fort in the evening.

Fleek continues: 28 October:

Two days later, October 28, (Grant and men) located the Martin and Hodgett companies, both stranded for days in the snow. The Willie company had been in bad enough condition, but now finding the Martin company, Young and the others could find no words to describe the awful sight. Fifty-six people had already been lost. At first no one seemed to realize that rescue was at hand. Young had no food, only good news for the freezing travellers. The only thing left to do was to get the company moving again--which would be no easy task.

Jones and Garr left the Martin company to find the Hunt wagon train, still two days east

Dan Jones continues to describe the finding of the Martin Company:

After riding about twelve miles we saw a white man's shoe track in the road. Bro. Young called out, "Here they are." We put our animals to their utmost speed and soon came in sight of the camp at Red Bluff. This was Brother Edward Martin's hand-cart company and Ben Horgett's wagon company. There was still another wagon company down near the Platte Crossing . (Hunt Company)

This company was in almost as bad a condition as the first one. They had nearly given up hope. Their provisions were about exhausted and many of them worn out and sick. When we rode in, there was a general rush to shake hands. I took no part in the ceremony. Many declared we were angels from heaven. I told them I thought we were better than angels for this occasion, as we were good strong men come to help them into the valley, and that our company, and wagons loaded with provisions, were not far away. I thought this the best consolation under the circumstances. Brother Young told the people to gather "up" and move on at once as the only salvation was to travel a little every day. This was right and no doubt saved many lives for we, among so many, (some twelve hundred) could do but little, and there was danger of starvation before help could arrive unless the people made some head-way toward the valley. After talking to and encouraging the people, they agreed to start on the next morning.

We then started full gallop for John Hunt's camp fifteen miles further. On arriving (the 28 th ) no one noticed us or appeared to care who we were. Their tents were pitched in good shape, wood was plentiful, and no one seemed concerned. Joseph A. Young became offended, not expecting such a cool reception and remarked, "Well it appears we are not needed here." So we went down into the bottom and made camp for ourselves. After a while some one sauntered down our way, thinking probably we were mountaineers. These recognized Brother Young and made a rush for camp, giving the word; soon we were literally carried in and a special tent was pitched for our use. Everything was done to make "amends" for the previous neglect. I never could see where the amends came in, for no one happened to know us when we first arrived, and strangers were often passing, this being near where several camps of old traders were located. About the time we were settled in our tent,

Capt. Hunt and Gilbert Van Schoonhoven, his assistant, arrived from the Platte Bridge, also Captain Ben Horgett. They were rejoiced to meet us. Here I first met "Gib Spencer" and formed a friendly acquaintance with him which continues to this day. These people were just on the eve of suffering, but as yet had not. Quite a number of their cattle had died during the snow storm which had now been on them for nine days.

Next morning (29 th ) Brother Young and others went to Platte Bridge, leaving Brother Garr and I to get the company started according to agreement made to the evening before. There was a spirit of apathy among the people, instead of going for their teams at once, several began to quarrel about who should go. This made us feel like leaving them to take care of themselves. We saddled up to do so. The clouds were gathering thickly for storm, and just as we were about to start it commenced snowing very hard. The heavens were obscured by clouds, excepting a small place about the shape of the gable end of a house. This opening was in the direction of the valley and the sun seemed to shine through with great brightness. We mounted our mules; Brother Garr, pointing to the bright spot in the heavens, said, "Do you see that hole? You had better all get out of here before that closes out, for it is your opening to the valley. We are going." The people, I believe, took this for a warning and soon started for their cattle.

Wednesday, Oct. 29

The journal again:

The three brethren, who had arrived in the camp from the Valley the day before, left Captain Hunt’s company on their return, expecting to be back with help in ten days. The (Hunt) company resumed the journey at 2 o'clock p.m., leaving on the camp ground one old wagon belonging to Brother Walters who had joined Brother Farmer in bringing their teams together and making one wagon serve for both families. After travelling 3 miles a new encampment was made at 3:30 p.m., at a place where the feed was scarce, Handy in USA ------However, Jones encountered the Martin Company on his journey west from the Hunt Company and they were:

We continued on, overtaking the hand-cart company ascending a long muddy hill. A condition of distress here met my eyes that I never saw before or since. The train was strung out for three or four miles. There were old men pulling and tugging their carts, sometimes loaded with a sick wife or children--women pulling along sick husbands--little children six to eight years old struggling through the mud and snow. As night came on the mud would freeze on their clothes and feet. There were two of us and hundreds needing help. What could we do? We gathered on to some of the most helpless with our riatas tied to the carts, and helped as many as we could into camp on Avenue hill.

Thursday, Oct. 30

The company resumed the journey at 9 o'clock a.m., the weather being fine, but the roads heavy, leading over high hills and wet, sandy ground. After travelling 7 miles, the company went into camp at 2 p.m., near the Platte River, where the feed was scarce. Margaret Price, wife of John Price of Pembroke shire, Wales, was delivered of a daughter.

Friday, Oct. 31

The company remained in camp all day. The brethren who had received fresh cattle from the traders at Fort Bridger upon a draft on Brigham Young held by Brother Thomas ( who kindly proffered it for the use of the camp) signed bonds, giving as security to him t heir oxen and wagons.

Saturday, Nov. 1

The company resumed the journey at 11:15 a.m., but had travelled only a short distance when a snowstorm came on, accompanied by rain, making the ground very wet and muddy. All the emigrants were cautioned not to let the cattle drink, as the road led through poisonous creeks of water. After travelling 12 miles, encampment was made at 7 o’clock p.m., where there was no wood or water. The company was met during the day by Brothers Cyrus H. Wheelock and William Broomhead from the Valley. They came to find out the condition of the wagon company.

Sunday, Nov. 2

During the night a hard frost had prevailed and several of the cattle had strayed away. Search was made for some distance around the camp but they could not be found. Those who had their teams travelled on to Willow Springs, from which place oxen were sent back to bring up the other wagons afterwards. Captains John A. Hunt and Gilbert Spencer went back to the previous day’s camping place and found the missing oxen, which they brought to camp late in the evening. At this place, the snow was 6 or 7 inches deep, and the weather was very cold. The brethren cut down willows for the oxen. The company had travelled 4 miles during the day.

A meeting was held in the camp in the evening addressed by Elders Wheelock, Webb and Broomhead, and a unanimous vote was taken that all the emigrating Saints would be willing to do as they were instructed, even if it was required of them to leave all they had behind and be glad to get into the Valley with their lives only. They agreed to cease complaining at coming so late in the season, as everything was being done to start the company.

Monday, Nov. 3

The company start at 10:30 a.m., the weather being very cold. Fourteen or fifteen oxen were left on the road. The night encampment was formed on Greasewood Creek, half a mile from the crossing, at 8 p.m., after travelling 11 miles, during the day. The infant child of William Goble died at 9 o’clock p.m.

Tuesday, Nov. 4 92

92 The transcriber of the journal states “From this date on, the camp journal was written with lead pencil which at this late day- Feb. 25, 1926 can scarcely be read. It would appear that the ink used by the scribe had frozen, and the journal from now on only contained a few entries”

The brethren found some green grass growing along the banks of Greasewood Creek and they scraped off the snow in places, in order to find something for the cattle to eat. A fresh start was made at 3 o’clock p.m., but after travelling 5 miles, another encampment was made on the same creek (Greasewood Creek).

The decision is made to abandon the goods at Devil’s gate

Wednesday, Nov. 5

Jane Walters, daughter of John Walters, died at 9:30 a.m., aged 8 weeks.

The company started at 11 o’clock a.m., passed Independence Rock at 2 p.m. and arrived at the log house at Devil’s Gate at 8 p.m. Here Brother Hodgett’s company were encamped. Brother George Grant and other brethren from the Valley were stopping here to give the emigrating Saints instructions in regard to their further journeyings to the Valley.

A meeting was called which was addressed by Brothers Grant, Cyrus H. Wheelock and Robert T. Burton. Brother Grant informed the emigrants that they would have to leave their goods at this place ( until they could be sent for ), such as stoves, boxes of tools, clothing, etc., and only take along sufficient clothing to keep them warm, with their bedding. He wanted four or five wagons and teams to assist the handcart companies and he expected them to take only about half the number of wagons along. All present expressed their willingness to do whatever was expected of them. The distance travelled during the day was 12 miles. Handy in USA ------

The winter of 1856/57 at Fort Seminoe 93 with Daniel Jones

Figure 20 : Daniel Jones

Dan Jones’ diary 94 describes the discussions when the rescuers eventually reached the main party of emigrants at Devil’s Gate. There was an old Trading Post nearby, called Fort Seminoe. 95 96

93 Semino's Trading Post, Devil’s gate, Wyoming. http://wyoshpo.state.wy.us/trailsdemo/fortseminoe.htm 94 “Treasures of Pioneer History” Volume 4, under the reference to William Handy, Samuel’s brother, who would have been 39 at this point. The account is written by Daniel Jones. 95 http://wyoshpo.state.wy.us/trailsdemo/fortseminoe.htm 96 http://www.lds.org/churchhistory/library/pioneercompany/0,15797,4017-1-174,00.html

THE winter storms had now set in, in all their severity. The provisions we took amounted to almost nothing among so many people, many of them now on very short rations, some almost starving. Many were dying daily from exposure and want of food. We were at a loss to know why others had not come on to our assistance.

The company was composed of average emigrants: old, middle-age and young; women and children. The men seemed to be failing and dying faster than the women and children.

The hand-cart company was moved over to a cove in the mountains for shelter and fuel; a distance of two [70] miles from the fort. The wagons were banked near the fort. It became in possible to travel further without reconstruction or help. We did all we possibly could to help and cheer the people. Some writers have endeavored to make individual heroes of some of our company. I have no remembrance of any one shirking his duty. Each and everyone did all they possibly could and justice would give to each his due credit.

All the people who could, crowded into the houses of the fort out of the cold and storm. One crowd cut away the walls of the house they were in for fuel, until half of the roof fell in; fortunately they were all on the protected side and no one was hurt.

Many suggestions were offered as to what should be done, some efforts being made to cache the imperishable goods and go on with the rest. Accordingly pits were dug, boxes opened and the hardware, etc., put in one, while clothing, etc., were put in another.

Often these boxes belonged to different persons. An attempt was made by Brother Cantwell, to keep an account of these changes.

This caching soon proved to be a failure for the pits would fill up with drifting snow as fast as the dirt was thrown out, so no caches were made. The goods were never replaced.

Each evening the Elders would meet in council. I remember hearing Charles Decker remark that he had crossed the plains over fifty times (carrying the mail) and this was the darkest hour he had ever seen. Cattle and horses were dying every day. What to do was all that could be talked about. Five or six days had passed and nothing determined upon.

Steve Taylor, Al Huntington and I were together when the question, "Why doesn't Captain Grant leave [71] all the goods here with some one to watch them, and move on?" was asked. We agreed to make this proposal to him. It was near the time appointed for the meeting. As soon as we were together, Capt. Grant asked if anyone had thought of a plan. We presented ours. Capt. Grant replied, "I have thought of this, but there are no provisions to leave and it would be asking too much of anyone to stay here and starve for the sake of these goods; besides, where is there a man who would stay if called upon." I answered, "Any of us would." I had no idea I would be selected, as it was acknowledged I was the best cook in camp and Capt. Grant had often spoken as though he could not spare me.

Then a proper understanding may be had, I will say that these goods were the luggage of a season's emigration that these two wagon trains had contracted to choose three, and it was being taken through as well as the luggage of the people present. Leaving these goods meant to abandon all that many poor families had upon earth. So it was different from common merchandise.

There was a move made at once to adopt this suggestion. Accordingly, next morning store rooms in the fort were cleared and some two hundred wagons run in and unloaded. No one was allowed to keep out anything but a change of clothing, some bedding and light cooking utensils. Hauling provisions was not a weighty question.

This unloading occupied three days. The hand-cart people were notified to abandon most of their carts. Teams were hitched up and the sick and feeble loaded in with such light weight as was allowed. All became common property.

When everything was ready Brother Burton said to [72] me, "Now Brother Jones we want you to pick two men from the valley to stay with you. We have notified Captains Hunt and Horgett to detail seventeen men from their companies to stay with you . We will move on in the morning. Get your company together and such provisions as you can find in the hands of those who may have anything to spare. You know ours is about out. Will you do it?" I said, "Yes." "Well take your choice from our company. You are acquainted with the boys and whoever you want will stay." I had a great mind to tell him I wanted Captains Grant and Burton.

There was not money enough on earth to have hired me to stay. I had left home for only a few days and was not prepared to remain so long away; but I remembered my assertion that any of us would stay if called upon. I could not back out, so I selected Thomas Alexander and Ben Hampton. I am satisfied that two more faithful men to stand under all hardships could not have been found.

That night we were called together and organized as a branch. Dan W. Jones, Thomas Alexander and Ben Hampton were chosen to preside, with J. Laty as clerk. The rest of the company was composed of the following names:

John Cooper, John Hardcastle, John Shorton, John Chapel, John Galbraith, John Ellis, John Whitaker, WILLIAM HANDY , William Laty, Edwin Summers, 97 Rossiter Jenkins, Elisha Manning, 98 Henry Jakeman, 99 George Watts.

Handy in USA ------

Captain Grant asked us about our provisions. I told him they were scant, but as many were suffering and some dying, all we asked was an equal chance with the rest. He told us there would be a lot of worn out cattle left; to gather them up and try to save them. [73] They consisted mostly of yearlings and two-year-old heifers, some one was taking through.

The storm had now ceased to rage and great hopes were felt for a successful move. We were daily expecting more help and often wondered why it did not come. Next day all hands pulled out, most of them on foot.

After getting my camp regulated a little and giving some instructions, I got on my horse and rode on to see how the train was moving along. All were out of sight when I started. After traveling a few miles, I came upon a lady sitting alone on the side of the road, weeping bitterly. I noticed she was elegantly dressed and appeared strong and well. I asked her what was the matter. She sobbingly replied, "This is too much for me. I have always had plenty, and have never known hardships; we had a good team and wagon; my husband, if let alone, could have taken me on in comfort. Now I am turned out to walk in this wind and snow. I am determined not to go on but will stay here and die. My husband has gone on and left me, but I will not go another step." The train was two or three miles ahead and moving on. I persuaded her after a while to go on with me.

This lady, Mrs. Linforth, and her husband now live in San Francisco, California. They could not stand the hardships of Zion; but I believe they are friendly to our people.

After overtaking the train and seeing them on the move, Captain Grant asked me to go back with instructions for the brethren left with me; then to come on next day and camp with them over night.

On calling the company together at the fort that night, I told them in plain words that if there was a man in camp who could not help eat the last poor animal left [74] with us, hides and all, suffer all manner of privations, almost starve to death that he could go on with me the next day and overtake the trains. No one wanted to go. All voted to take their chances.

On taking stock of provisions, we found about twenty day's rations. No salt or bread excepting a few crackers. There was at least five months of winter before us and nothing much to eat but a few perishing cattle and what game we might chance to kill. The game was not very certain, as the severe storms had driven everything away. The first move was to fix up the fort. Accordingly Brother Alexander, being a practical man, was appointed to manage the business; Brother Hampton was to see about the cattle.

I followed the train this day to their second encampment and the next day travelled with them. There was much suffering, deaths occurring often. Eph Hanks arrived in camp from the valley and brought word that some of the teams that had reached South Pass and should have met us here, had turned back towards home and tried to persuade Redick Allred, who was left there with a load of flour, to go back with them. The men who did this might have felt justified; they said it was no use going farther, that we had doubtless all perished. I will not mention their names for it was always looked upon by the company as cowardly in the extreme.

If this had not occurred it was the intention of Captain Grant to have sent some one down to us with a load of flour. As it was, by the time any was received, the people were in a starving condition, and could not spare it.

From the third camp, where I saw the last of the brethren, an express was sent on to catch the returning supplies and continue on to the valley, giving word that [75] the train was coming. I know nothing more of them except from reports. As I am writing mainly from my own observations, I will simply state that after great suffering and much assistance (hundreds turning out to help) the emigrants were finally landed in the valley.

I LEFT the company feeling a little downcast, to return to Devil's Gate. It was pretty well understood that there would be no relief sent us. My hopes were that we could kill game. We had accepted the situation, and as far as Capt. Grant was concerned he had done as much as he could for us. There was more risk for those who went on than for us remaining.

On returning to camp, I found that the cattle left were very poor. The weather had moderated and we hoped to get them on good feed and recruit them a little. Over two hundred head of cattle had died in the vicinity of the fort. Along the road each way for a day's travel were carcasses. This led droves of prairie wolves into our camp, it was almost impossible to keep them off from the cattle in the day time. We were obliged to corral them at night. Once in the day time a small bunch was taken and run off in spite of the efforts of the herders to stop them. In fact, it became dangerous to [76] face these wolves, they were at times almost ready to attack men.

I followed the train this day to their second encampment and the next day travelled with them. There was much suffering, deaths occurring often. Eph Hanks arrived in camp from the valley and brought word that some of the teams that had reached South Pass and should have met us here, had turned back towards home and tried to persuade Redick Allred, who was left there with a load of flour, to go back with them. The men who did this might have felt justified; they said it was no use going farther, that we had doubtless all perished. I will not mention their names for it was always looked upon by the company as cowardly in the extreme.

If this had not occurred it was the intention of Captain Grant to have sent some one down to us with a load of flour. As it was, by the time any was received, the people were in a starving condition, and could not spare it.

From the third camp, where I saw the last of the brethren, an express was sent on to catch the returning supplies and continue on to the valley, giving word that [75] the train was coming. I know nothing more of them except from reports. As I am writing mainly from my own observations, I will simply state that after great suffering and much assistance (hundreds turning out to help) the emigrants were finally landed in the valley.

I LEFT the company feeling a little downcast, to return to Devil's Gate. It was pretty well understood that there would be no relief sent us. My hopes were that we could kill game. We had accepted the situation, and as far as Capt. Grant was concerned he had done as much as he could for us. There was more risk for those who went on than for us remaining.

On returning to camp, I found that the cattle left were very poor. The weather had moderated and we hoped to get them on good feed and recruit them a little. Over two hundred head of cattle had died in the vicinity of the fort. Along the road each way for a day's travel were carcasses. This led droves of prairie wolves into our camp, it was almost impossible to keep them off from the cattle in the day time. We were obliged to corral them at night. Once in the day time a small bunch was taken and run off in spite of the efforts of the herders to stop them. In fact, it became dangerous to [76] face these wolves, they were at times almost ready to attack men.

We soon found it would be impossible to save the cattle. Already some twenty-five had died or been killed by the wolves within a week. It was decided to kill the rest, some fifty head. A few were in living order, but many would have died within twenty-four hours. In fact we killed them to keep them from dying. We had a first-class butcher from London, who dressed everything in the best style. Everything was saved that we thought might be eaten. We hung the meat up. The poorest of it we did not expect to eat, but intended to use it for wolf bait further along when the carcasses were all devoured, provided we could get traps from the Platte Bridge, which we afterwards did. We never used our poor beef for wolf bait as we had to eat the whole of it ourselves, and finally the hides were all consumed for food.

After killing the cattle we had nothing much to do but fix up the fort and look after four ponies we had left. Brother Hampton and myself had our saddle horses yet in good order.

There were plenty of guns and ammunition left with us, also dishes and cooking utensils. After thoroughly repairing the houses, chinking and daubing them, we overhauled the goods stored away.

While storing the bales and boxes the snow had drifted in among them. There was nothing but dirt floors and the goods had been tumbled in without any regard to order. Having cleaned out everything, we took ox yokes, of which there were a great many, and made floors of them and then piled the goods on them. While handling the goods we found some coffee, sugar and fruit, also a roll of leather. These we kept out and [77] put in our store room for use. We also found a box of soap and candles. These goods were marked F. D. Richards, Daniel Spencer, John Van Cott, James Fergeson, William Dunbar, Cyrus Wheelock and Chauncey Webb; most of them John Van Cott. We were told by Captain Grant to use anything we could find to make us comfortable.

During this time we were at a loss what to do, men's minds did not run much upon property, the main interest was to save life. One prominent Elder became very liberal. He had several large trunks filled with valuable stuff. He opened his heart and trunks, making presents to several of the boys from the valley of socks, shirts and such things as would help to make them comfortable. He left his trunks in my rooms, giving me the keys and telling me to use anything there was, not to suffer for anything that could be found, and asked God to bless me.

I told the boys who remained with me that we had better not open this man's trunks, that when he got to the valley and had time to think, he would change his mind and would doubtless be thinking we were using his goods, and if we touched anything belonging to him we would be accused of taking more than we had. Later occurrences proved this to be a good suggestion.

Handy in USA ------

With the cattle killed that were fit to eat, and what provisions we had on hand, we managed to live for a while without suffering, except for salt. Bread soon gave out and we lived on meat alone. Some of us went out hunting daily but with poor success.

A day or two before Christmas, Ephraim Hanks and Feramorz Little arrived at the fort, bringing mail from the valley with the following letter of instructions from President Young:

Chapter XV.

[78] "PRESIDENT'S OFFICE, GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, "Dec. 7th, 1856.

"Brothers Jones, Alexander and Hampton, in charge at Devil's Gate, and the rest of the brethren at that place:

"DEAR BRETHREN: Quite unexpectedly to us we have the opportunity of sending you a few suggestions, as Judge Smith, the post master here, has concluded to forward the eastern mail by Brothers Feramorz Little and Ephraim Hanks.

"Being somewhat aware of a natural disposition in many to relax their vigilance after a temporary and unaccustomed watchfulness, more especially in case no particular cause of alarm is of frequent occurrence, I feel impressed to write a few suggestions and words of counsel to you all. You are in an Indian country, few in number, blockaded by the snows, and far from assistance in this season of the year. Under such circumstances you can but realize the necessity of all of you being constantly on the alert, to be firm, steady, sober-minded and sober-bodied, united, faithful and watchful, living your religion. Do not go from your fort in small parties of one, two or three at a time. But when game is to be sought, wood got up, or any other operation to be performed requiring you to travel from under the protection of the fort guns, go in bands of some ten or twelve together, and let them be well armed; and let those who stay by the stuff be watchful while their comrades are out. And at all times and under all circumstances let every person have his arms and ammunitions ready for active service at a moment's warning, so you cannot be surprised by your foes nor in any way be taken advantage of, whether in or out of the fort. Always have plenty of water about the buildings, and be very careful about fires, and the preservation from damp, fire or other damage of the goods in your care. Unless buffaloes and other game come within a reasonable distance, you had better kill some of the cattle than run much risk in quest of game. Use all due diligence for the preservation of your stock, [79] and try to so ration out your flour as to have it last until we can send you relief, which, as before stated, will be forwarded as early as possible in the spring, but may not reach you until May, depending somewhat on the weather snows and spring weather, of which you will be able to form an estimate as the season advances.

"We will send teams to your relief as early as possible in the spring, and trust to learn that all has been well with you and the property in your care. Brothers Little and Hanks will furnish you with items of news from the valley, and I will forward you some packages of our papers by them.

"Praying you may be united, faithful and protected,

"I remain, Your brother in the gospel,

"BRIGHAM YOUNG"

From this letter is plain to see that Brother Brigham was not apprised of our condition. He afterwards said if he had known our situation he would have relieved us if it had taken half the men in the valley. I never felt to complain. The brethren who left us knew but little about what was left to provision us. The supposition was that the cattle would have furnished us in case game could not be killed.

Brother Alexander and I were out for several days, killing some game on this trip. We were much disappointed on our return to find that Brothers Hanks and Little had gone on east without us seeing them. Brother Little looked around at our supplies, telling the boys to take care of the hides that they were better than nothing to eat. This proved good advice.

Soon after, the MaGraw mail company came along under the charge of Jesse Jones. They left their coaches, fitted up with packs and started for the valley, Brother Joseph L. Heywood, United States Marshal for Utah, was a passenger. They went as far as the South [80] Pass. This storm setting in so severely they could not face it, they came near freezing to death; it was with great difficulty that Brother Heywood was kept alive.

The day they returned to our camp we had killed a buffalo some twelve miles distant, it took all hands three days to get it into camp. This buffalo I shot at the risk of my life. He was coming toward me in a snow trail. I lay on the trail with nothing to protect me. If I had not killed him he would doubtless have run on to me; but he dropped at the first shot. We were about out of anything fit to eat and it did not require much bravery to take the risk, for almost anyone will take desperate chances when hungry. We wounded two others, that we expected to get, but about the time we commenced dressing the one killed, there came on a regular blizzard that lasted several days. We had hard work to save the lives of the men getting the meat into camp.

CHAPTER XV

THE MAIL company went down fifty miles to Platte Bridge to winter. Marshal Heywood decided to remain with us and live or die, as the case might be, preferring to be with his brethren. There were no provisions to be had at the Bridge, for three of us had been down to see if we could get supplies. We barely got enough to last us back. The mountaineers there had some cattle but no bread, they lived by hunting.

[81] Game soon became so scarce that we could kill nothing. We ate all the poor meat; one we get hungry eating it. Finally that was all gone, nothing now but hides were left. We made a trial of them. A lot was cooked and eaten without any seasoning and it made the whole company sick. Many were so turned against the stuff that it made them sick to think of it.

We had coffee and some sugar, but drinking coffee seemed to only destroy the appetite, and stimulate for only a little while. One man became delirious from drinking so much of it.

Things looked dark, for nothing remained but the poor raw hides taken from starved cattle. We asked the Lord to direct us what to do. The brethren did not murmur, but felt to trust in God. We had cut the hide, after soaking and scraping the hair off until it was soft and then ate it, glue and all. This made it rather inclined to stay with us longer than we desired. Finally I was impressed how to fix the stuff and gave the company advice, telling them how to cook it; for them to scorch and scrape the hair off; this had a tendency to kill and purify the bad taste that scalding gave it. After scraping, boil one hour in plenty of water, throwing the water away which had extracted all the glue, then wash and scrape the hide thoroughly, washing in cold water, then boil to a jelly and let it get cold, and then eat with a little sugar sprinkled on it. This was considerable trouble, but we had little else to do and it was better than starving.

We asked the Lord to bless our stomachs and adapt them to this food. We hadn't the faith to ask him to bless the raw- hide for it was "hard stock." On eating now all seemed to relish the feast. We were [82] three days without eating before this second attempt was made. We enjoyed this sumptuous fare for about six weeks, and never had the gout.

In February the first Indian came to our camp. He was of the Snake tribe, his people were located a day's travel up the river. At the time of his arrival we were out of everything, having not only eaten the hides taken from cattle killed, but had eaten the wrappings from the wagon-tongues, old moccasin-soles were eaten also, and a piece of buffalo hide that had been used for a foot mat for two months.

The day the Indian came was fast-day, and for us fast-day in very truth. We met as usual for we kept our monthly fast- day. During meeting we became impressed that there were some wrongs existing among the brethren in camp that should be corrected, and that if we would make a general cleaning up, and present our case before the Lord, He would take care of us, for we were there on His business. On questioning some of the company privately, we found that several had goods in their possession not belonging to them. When we felt satisfied all goods were replaced we went en masse and cut a hole in the ice on the river. There were several carcasses of cattle that had died lying near the fort, that the wolves had not devoured. Some of the boys, contrary to counsel, had cut steaks from them during the time we were eating the hides; it made them quite sick. There was a pile of offal in the butcher shop from the poor cattle killed. But what looked more tempting than all to starving men was a pile of more than one hundred fat wolf carcasses, skinned, piled up and frozen near the fort. They lived very much like nice fat mutton. Many of the company asked my opinion about eating them. I told them if they would all do as I [83] advised we would have a good clean supper of healthy food; that these carcasses were unclean; that we were on the Lord's service, and did not believe He wanted us to suffer so much, if we only had faith to trust Him and ask for better.

We all became united in this feeling. Accordingly we hauled all these carcasses of cattle, the wolves, also the offal from the store-house and shoved them into the hole cut in the ice, where they floated off out of our reach. We then went and washed out our store-house and presented it before the Lord empty, but clean.

Near sundown the Indian spoken of came to our quarters. Some of the boys hunted up a small piece of raw hide and gave it to him. He said he had eaten it before. None of us were able to talk much with him; we invited him to remain with us over night. Evening came on and no supper; eight o'clock, no word from any one. And the word had been positively given that we should have supper. Between eight and nine o'clock all were sitting waiting, now and then good-naturedly saying it was most suppertime. No one seemed disheartened. Handy in USA ------

Bro. Heywood was still with us. All at once we heard a strange noise resembling human voices down the road. Bro. Heywood rushed out explaining, "Here comes our supper." The voices were loud and in an unknown tongue. Bro. H. came back a little frightened saying there was something strange going on down the road. Several of us, taking our arms, started in the direction of the noise. On getting nearer we recognized the voices. The Magraw party under Jesse Jones was making another effort to get through with their coaches; they got stuck in a snow drift and the noise we heard was Canadian Frenchmen swearing at their mules. [84] We helped them out and guided them into the fort. It was a bitter cold night but we had good houses with rousing fires.

I remember about the first thing I did after shaking hands, was to drink a pint of strong salty broth, where some salt pork had been boiled.

When Hickman's company arrived, some of our boys were getting the pack saddles soaked up ready for cooking the hide covering. Boyd always calls me the man that ate the pack saddle. But this is slander. The kindness of him and others prevented me from eating my part of it. I think if they had not arrived, probably [89] I would have taken a wing or leg, but don't think I would have eaten the whole of it. As it was, the saddle was allowed to dry up again, and may be in existence yet and doing well so far as I know.

In Hickman's book he says he found us starving with plenty of provisions in store houses, but did not dare to take them; that on his arrival he burst open the store houses and told us to help ourselves. Can anyone believe such stuff? If all his book is like this for truth, one would do well to believe the reverse. Hickman left about the 6th of March, going on east.

Ben Hampton and myself started to go on to Platte bridge with this party, intending to get some supplies if possible. Hickman left us two animals and with one of ours (the other three had long since been eaten by the wolves) found near by we felt ourselves rich.

We had gone but a few miles when we met some men from the Platte bringing us some beef. They had heard in some way that we were still alive. I think the Indians must have passed the word. They could not get buffalo meat, so had killed some cattle and were bringing them to us. They had been four days on the road, tramping snow and working through drifts, expecting to find us starving. I often think of these old pioneers, who were always so ready to help a fellow-man in need.

We bade good-by to Hickman and party and returned to the fort with the meat. We paid for it in goods from Brother Van Cott's boxes, paying mostly calico and domestic. They charged us ten cents per pound, which was very cheap considering.

With our animals and meat we felt quite well fitted out; for we had now become so used to taking what we [90] could get thankfully, that we looked upon these two mules left us as sure food when all else failed.

While Jesse Jones was in camp, one of his men gave me a small book of words in the Snake language. I expected the Indians around and studied hard every day. Soon they commenced coming in to see us. There were over one hundred lodges of Snakes and Bannocks came in from the Wind river country and camped about fifteen miles from us. Small bands camped around us in different directions. They soon learned we were short of provisions.

The first party that brought meat to us wanted to charge an unreasonable price for it. I talked with them quite a while before they would consent to sell it cheaper. They said that they themselves were hungry, showing us their bare arms, how lean they were. But I told them it was not just to take advantage of our circumstances. I weighed out a dollar's worth of meat, on a pair of spring balances, marked the scales plainly and told them I would give no more. They consented, and we bought hundreds of pounds afterwards without more trouble. In buying we had to weigh one dollar's worth at a time, no matter how much they sold us.

We exchanged various articles with them, many of the company trading shirts, handkerchiefs and such things as they could spare. We had some coffee, for which the Indians traded readily. This helped us out for a short season; but game became so scarce that this camp of natives (several hundred) had to move out or starve. They came up the first day and pitched their lodges near us. We had but little provisions on hand, some meat and a few pounds of flour that we used to thicken our broth was all. We had about lost our appetite for bread. We were a little uneasy to have all these hungry [91] Indians come upon us at once; the greatest care had to be taken to avoid trouble.

They were not of the best class, being a party made up of Snakes and Bannocks, who had left their regular tribes and chiefs and joined together under an ambitious young fellow named Tabawantooa. Washakie, the old Snake chiefs, called them bad men.

There was one little party under an old petty chief, Toquatah, who kept apart from the main band. From them we had procured most of our meat. Toquatah had informed us that the main band and his were not on the best of terms, and that Tabawantooa was "no good." This naturally made us feel a little uneasy. We had some two hundred wagon loads of valuable goods under our charge, and only twenty men, the greater portion of them with no frontier experience.

The store rooms were blocked up with logs, and had been all winter.

By this time I could talk considerable Snake and many of these Indians understood Ute.

Tabawantooa and his band came in sight of our quarters about noon. They were all mounted and well armed. The chief with many others rode up in quite a pompous style, no doubt expecting to be looked upon with awe and treated with great deference. I had time to get my wits together before they got to our gate where an armed guard was stationed. Brother Alexander was to be chief cook. Knowing that from such as we had we would have to make a great showing of hospitality, we concluded to make up in ceremony what was lacking in food. So all the camp-kettles and coffee-pots were failed and put on. The one for weak soup the other for strong coffee. We had plenty of the latter on hand.

[92] The company were instructed to go into their rooms, shut the doors, keep quiet, and not to show themselves unless ordered to do so. Brother Hampton was to be general roust-a-bout, ready for any emergency; I was to meet these Indians outside and invite them in the gate, as we knew the chief and grandees of the band would expect to be entertained.

Soon the chief with some us fifty others rode up to the fort, while hundreds more passed on a short distance and commenced to put up their lodges. I met the chief, shook hands, and asked him to get down and come in. He wanted to know if they could not ride inside. I told him no, and explained to him that we had a lot of men in the fort who were afraid of Indians; that they had gone into their houses and shut the doors; but the door of my house was opened for them, but that these men, who were afraid, should not be frightened; they must leave their horses and arms outside the fort.

This the chief agreed to do and appointed a man to see that no one came in with arms. Soon my room was full. I explained to the chief that we had but little to eat and could not entertain many; but half we had they were welcome to. I talked and acted as though we were glad to see them, still I, with all my friendship for Indians, would have been willing for this band to have taken another road.

Brother Alexander soon had plenty of weak soup and strong coffee ready; cups were filled and the feast commenced. The chief sent word for those outside to go on to camp, probably seeing his rations would be short if many more came in.

Brother Hampton kept his eye on things in general and would come in and report from time to time. All except one respected our arrangements. Indians, like [93] white men, have their bullies. One fellow in spite of the guards rode into fort armed. Brother Hampton kept his horse by the bit, and guided him back out of the gate. He was quite saucy but went out all right.

We were asked how many men were in the houses. I told them shonts (great many). They then wanted to know if the man had guns. We told them "lots," which was a fact as there were more guns than men.

Indians, when hungry relish anything that tightens their belts, so our friends filled and emptied their cups many times. Soon all who had remained were satisfied, bade us good-by, mounted their horses and started to their camp, the chief inviting us to go up and take supper with him. Went up late in the day. Some coffee had been given the chief and at supper we feasted on poor antelope meat and coffee. We were told that but one antelope had been killed that day and the chief had been presented with it.

The whole camp were about out of food except thistle roots. These were not very plentiful, as we had already dug and eaten the most that could be found for miles around our quarters.

These natives moved on next morning. Toquatah's band being still in the rear. In a day or two the last band came along and camped near us. We were glad to see them and wanted them to remain near us, but they were afraid of the Crow Indians and desired to keep in the vicinity of the larger band for protection against their common enemy.

We explained to them our destitute condition, telling them that we were again about out of provisions, and would be sorry to have them leave, for while they were near they had never let us suffer for meat.

Handy in USA ------Next morning the old chief said he would go out [94] twelve miles to a gap in the mountains and camp, and if he could find any game he would let us have some dried meat he had reserved.

We waited a day and then went to see if our friends were prospered. Nothing had been found. Ten of us stayed all night with the Indians and we barely got enough for supper and breakfast. The chief told us to go back home; he would move on a little farther; if he found anything he would send it to us. His spirit towards us was something like a mother's with a lot of hungry children.

Now some might ask why we did not do our own hunting and not depend on the Indians. An Indian will manage to kill game where it is so scarce and wild that but few white men would even see it. We were much safer to depend upon the Indians as long as they were around in the country. Again, they considered it their business to hunt, and if we had made the attempt it would have been resented by them.

We went home feeling a little sad. We had our animals, but did not wish to kill them; still we felt safe as long as mule flash was on hand. To our joy, next day some Indians came from their camp, bringing us some three hundred pounds of buffalo meat and informing us that they had seen signs of game; and if we would come to them the next morning, they might let us have some more.

Brother Hampton and I saddled up taking our extra animal, a large mule, and started for our friends. The weather was still cold, but the snow was mostly gone from the lowlands, it being now near the first of April. When we arrived at their camp the Indians were just starting out to move a few miles further towards where the signs of buffalo had been seen. Brother H. [95] and I rode along with them, chatting with the old chief. We had taken a few things with us to trade for the meat. We camped in the afternoon some thirty miles from home. The old chief called out and soon the squaws commenced bringing in a few pounds each of good dried meat. We traded for about three hundred pounds--all our mule could pack and about all the Indians could spare. This, of course, was all we could expect, but the old chief said maybe they could do more for us in the morning.

I think Brother Hampton and I really enjoyed ourselves that night. We slept in the lodge, ate meat, and drank coffee. The squaws' dirt, or dogs sticking their noses into the meat dishes, made no difference to us; or if it did we ate all the same.

Next morning after breakfast, we saddled up, packing our dried meat on the mule. As we were about ready to start there was quite a commotion in camp. We thought at first the Crow Indians were upon us, but the old chief, looking in an easterly direction said, "It is some of the young man driving a buffalo. Now good-by. You go on your road (our track was to the north) and you will find some more meat ready for you soon."

We started and had gone but a short distance, probably three miles, when we found the buffalo that was being chased had been run into our trail, killed and made ready to deliver to us. We gave them some few things we had left and they loaded both of our saddle animals. This left us nearly thirty miles to go afoot. We did not mind this on the start, but did before we got home.

CHAPTER XVII I HAD been wearing moccasins all winter, had done a great deal of walking and had felt well and strong; but the winter had commenced to break and there was mud and wet snow to encounter on our trip. Someone had induced me to put on a pair of heavy, stiff-soled English shoes. About sundown I gave out; got so lame that it was impossible for me to where the shoes and travel. We had about ten miles to go yet, and no trail, as the Indian trail was much longer than to cross directly over the country, and we wished to take the shortest cut. Moreover there was still a few inches of snow on the ground part of the way on the most direct route. We were bent on getting to camp that night, if possible, so determined to keep going. I was compelled to pull off my "stoggas" and go in my stocking feet. This did very well till the snow gave out, which it did as we got onto lower country. My socks and failed then, and the ground commenced to freeze hard. Traveling became slightly unpleasant to me. I put on the shoes again, but could not possibly walk; it was as though my shin bones were being broken at every step. (Some may wonder why my companion did not change his foot gear with me. The reason was he wore a number six shoe, and I could squeeze on a number ten. Will that do?) So I determined to go bare-footed. It now became really unpleasant, for the country was spotted with prickly [97] pears (thorny cactus). When I placed my number ten foot, pressed down by my 175-pound body, on these desert ornaments, they had a piercing effect, often causing me to halt. Several times it hurt so badly that I dropped, desiring to take a seat so that I could pull the thorns out of my feet, but on striking the ground I had a sudden desire to rise, as the cactus formed the only place to sit. This was really amusing. Still, I soon had enough of this fun and commenced to figure how to avoid having any more of it. The horses dreaded the cactus, and its left to pick the road would avoid them; so we allowed them to go ahead. I carefully watched their tracks and followed them, getting along much better after this.

About midnight we got in, my feet a little the worse for wear; but so happy were we with our success that my feet soon got well. Another blessing had befallen the company while we were gone. Three large work oxen, one wearing a big bell, had come into camp. These cattle had travelled nearly one hundred miles from where they had been lost; they were in fair order. We supposed the reason why the wolves had not killed them was that the noise of the bell scared them away.

With the meat on hand and these cattle we felt pretty safe for the balance of the season. We had hopes of keeping a yoke of the cattle to haul wood with, this having been done all winter with a light wagon, ten men for team, or in hand-carts. The ice was melted on the river and in going for wood it had to be waded. This was hard on the boys, and we were very grateful for the cattle.

About this time the second company of the Y. X. express, under Jet Stoddard, passed down. They had [98] but little to spare us, but we were now out of danger. We got a little flour, salt and bacon.

The word was that the next company would bring us flour. The most of us had got so we cared but little for bread if we could have plenty of meat. Our cattle were our pets now. We hauled up a lot of wood. The grass being quite good off toward the east, the cattle were taken out every day. At night someone went and brought them in and corralled them. Our horses were hoppled in sight of camp, where they ran day and night.

One evening the boys who went for the oxen came in rather late without them, saying that they could not hear the bell. We supposed they had laid down for the night; still, we were anxious, as our meat was about out and we expected to soon butcher the fattest of them.

Early next morning Brother Hampton and I saddled up and started out before breakfast to hunt the cattle, not expecting to be gone more than an hour. We soon struck their trail going east, most of the time showing they were on the move, not often feeding. At sundown we were about thirty miles from camp, still trailing and tolerably hungry; but that trail could not be left. We followed on, the tracks running almost parallel with the road but gradually nearing it. It now became too dark to see the trail.

We were continually expecting to hear the bell, but no bell sounded. We continued in the same direction until we reached the main road. After following it a short distance Brother Hampton dismounted and felt for tracks. He soon decided that the cattle were now on the road as he could feel the tracks where the ground had been lately disturbed, the road being dry and soft in places. Thus we continued to travel for some four or five miles feeling for tracks. At length we came to a [99] gulch crossing the road, several feet deep and full of snow. We could see where the cattle had crossed as the moon was now up and we could trail quite well; but on attempting to cross the drift, we sank down. At this season of the year the snow-drifts freeze in the night time, thawing out in the afternoon and gradually melting away so that from noon until after midnight it is impossible for a horse to cross them; men often crossing on hands and knees, or if the snow is quite soft lying down and rolling across. This we could have done but our horses did not feel as anxious as we did to go on; so when we proposed to them to roll across the drift, they pretended not to understand us.

We followed up the drift for quite a distance, but it remained the same white streak of snow as far as we could see by moonlight, so we concluded to turn in until morning when the snow would be hardened. It was now getting quite chilly, we had eaten nothing all day, all the bedding we had was a couple of small saddle blankets, and there was nothing to make a fire with but a little green sagebrush. But if there had been fuel we would have been afraid to light a fire as the Crow Indians were in the country and might steal our horses.

We went to "ground" but did not sleep much. It soon became so cold that we almost froze to death. When we thought the snow was hard enough we got up, but were so chilled we could not saddle our horses. We were almost lifeless, and commenced stirring about to bring life back. We commenced bumping against each other, sometimes knocking one another down. We got to laughing at the ridiculousness of our actions, more life returned, our teeth began chattering and our bodies shaking, but we kept up this jostling each other until we started circulation and were able to saddle up and go on. [100] It was daylight before we got thawed out. We walked until we got well warmed up the trail following right on the road.

About ten o'clock a. m. we found the cattle. They had finally turned off the road to feed. We were now about forty-five miles from home. The first thing I proposed after finding the cattle was to cut their tails off, tie a string around the stubs to keep them from bleeding, roast the tails and eat them, for I felt wolfish. Ben objected, saying it might weaken the cattle and that he believed we could stand it back home; that the cattle were good travelers and may be we could reach the fort by midnight. Our horses (or rather, horse and mule. As I will soon have to deal a little with a mule it will not do to call him a horse now) were all right, having been on good feed the night before. The cattle, on being turned back, took the road in good shape, starting on a trot.

We were anxious to get back and cross the snow-drift before it softened up. This we succeeded in doing, and continued traveling until afternoon before "bating." We had more sympathy for ourselves than for our animals, for we were getting a little hungry and dreaded the thought of having to "go to ground" again. So we kept up our speed. Finally Handy in USA ------Ben's mule began to weaken. We had considerable trouble to get it along, but by one leading and the other walking and whipping we got to Independence Rock, where there were three or four men camped in some old houses. This was about six miles from our fort. Here we had a trial I think few men would have stood. As we rode up they had a good fire burning, a nice supper cooked and were just ready to commence eating.

They had stayed the night before at our camp where [101] they had arrived destitute and out of provisions. Brother Alexander had told them about us. Our company was very anxious about us. They had given these poor fellows what provisions they could spare, enough to last them to Platte bridge provided they made the trip in reasonable time. One of the party had frozen his feet and was suffering terribly. We soon learned their condition, but they insisted on us eating supper. We thought of the poor lame fellow getting out of food; we were within six miles of home so we pretended that we were not very hungry, and advised them to be careful of what they had and we would go on home. The smell of the food to us was like piercing our stomachs with a dagger. It was really hard to refuse taking a few bites, but we did.

When we had got about half way home I went ahead with the cattle, Ben driving the tired mule. I wished to get in and have supper ready by the time my comrade arrived, which I did not suppose would be over one half hour. On arriving at the fort, most of the company were up waiting in suspense our arrival.

Brother Alexander had a camp kettle full of meat and sued with dumplings ready. It was rations for seven men. He had kept it warm all day, and commenced to dish some up for me, but I told him that I would not eat a bite until Ben came. It was more than an hour before he arrived, the give-out mule having broken loose and ran away from him and he had been following it. Finally he arrived, bringing the mule and feeling very much like beefing it when we he got home.

All now was ready for our supper. We sat down on some wolf skins before the fire, a camp-cattle in reach, and commenced to eat, but not very hurriedly. Before daylight we had emptied the kettle. We relished this [102] feast fully and did not suffer any inconvenience. Both of us were well and feeling first rate next day after having a good sleep. As the cattle were so much bother we concluded to kill them.

Chapter XVIII.

ABOUT this time another Y. X. company under Porter Rockwell and John Murdock, arrived going east. They gave us a little flour and other provisions; they also brought us letters telling us when the relief train would arrive. With the three head of cattle and what this company furnished us we felt safe for supplies until time for the relief trains.

Here I will give an account of a little personal matter that may seem like boasting, but I did not intend it so. This company stayed with us two nights. They were picked men, thirty in number, able-bodied, tough boys. On hearing of our sufferings many remarks were made showing deep sympathy for us.

At this time we were well recruited, having had plenty of meat for some time but scarcely any flour for some five months. Bread we had hardly tasted. In fact, the first biscuit I got almost choked me, I had entirely lost my appetite for it.

[103] The morning the Y. X. company were getting ready to start on, a young man, Mr. Eldredge, who was going down as a passenger, expressed much indignation, saying that there could be no excuse for leaving men to suffer as we had. I did not like to hear this said, for I knew there were justifiable reasons for leaving us to take care of the goods. I also knew Brothers Grant and Burton would have sent us help if they could. It was expected that the cattle left would have been better beef than they turned out to be.

I had neither time nor disposition to explain all these things, so to stop the talk that I had got a little tired of hearing, I said to Mr. Eldredge, "We do not need your sympathy; we are all right now; none of us have died, and I am a better man than any of your company, picked men as you are."

"How do you propose to prove this, Mr. Jones? Will you pull sticks with our best man? I will not allow you rawhide-fed fellows to banter the corn-fed boys that way."

I was a little fearful that I was "sold," for I knew there were some stout man in their company; but as the banter was made, to back out would be worse than to get beat, so I said, "Bring him on; I will hoist him."

Mr. Eldredge came back with John Murdock, who was smiling. Now I really wished I had not made the banter, for John was an old friend who was hard to pull up.

A ring was formed, both companies helping to form a circle. "Rawhide against corn" was the cry. We sat down and got an even start. It was a hard pull, but "Rawhide" won, and we got no more pity from that company.

Making a close estimate of the food we now had, [104] we found it would last us to till the promised provisions could arrive, which would be about the 1st of May.

There were twenty of us now. We quit rationing and ate all we wanted. As may be imagined, some big eating was done. Now the food soon began to diminish very fast. At this time we could go to the Platte bridge and get provisions, but on calling the company together all hands agreed to make the meat last by again rationing. We could do this quite easily, allowing one and a half pounds per day. We lived a few days on these rations and all seemed content.

One day Brother Hampton and I were out and on returning to the fort we learned that a small herd of buffalo had been seen passing within three miles of the fort. All hands were excited, as they were the first seen for a long time. The boys were all sure that Ben and I could get meat and we could again go to feasting. We started out and soon came in sight of the buffalo feeding. We dismounted and crept close to them, but just as we got in shooting distance it commenced to snow so hard that we could not see to shoot with any certainty. We sat there trying to get sight of a buffalo until our painters were too much benumbed to hold our guns. I had brought an extra gun in anticipation of having to chase the buffalo on horseback. We concluded to blaze away, hit or miss, and then take to our horses and have the running shot. At the crack of our guns all the herd ran away. We mounted and started in pursuit.

The horse I was riding could easily outrun the buffalo, but for the life of me I could not get him up along side of one. When I would follow straight behind he would get within about twenty-five yards, but when I would try to get him up nearer he would bolt and run off to one side. This game we kept up for some time. [105] Occasionally the buffalo would get two or three hundred yards away from me, when the horse would start in after them and soon run up to about the same distance, then he would bolt again. I felt almost like blowing his brains out. I finally commenced shooting at the buffalo, but to no purpose. As none were killed we had to give up the chase and go home without meat, feeling quite chagrined.

We had not been in camp long until I was informed that there was a great dissatisfaction being manifested by some of the company about the rations. I immediately called the company together to see what was the trouble. Several expressed themselves quite freely, finding fault for being rationed when provisions could now be had, and saying that they thought I ought to go and get something to eat and not have them suffer any more. This grieved me very much as I had a kindly feeling towards all the company. We had suffered everything that men could suffer and live. We had often been on the point of starvation. Sometimes becoming so weak that we could scarcely get our firewood, having to go some distance to the mountain for it. We were now all in good health and had, as I understood, willingly agreed to be rations for a few days, until relief came from Salt Lake City. I did not care so much for the trouble of going for provisions, but I felt a great deal of pride in the grit of the company and this was a sore disappointment for me, for no one had just reason to find fault. All I said was, "Well, brethren, I will go and get you all you want. Now pitch in and eat your fill. I will have more by the time you eat up what is on hand."

Brother Hampton felt very indignant at the fault-finders. He told them that they would soon be ashamed of themselves; spoke of the hardships we had endured [106] uncomplainingly, and of the hard labors in hunting, and many efforts made to keep alive. Now when we were about through and no one suffering, some had shown their true colors, and marred their credit for being true men. Ben got warm and finally said, "You will regret this. Instead of having to wait twelve days there will be plenty of provisions here inside of twelve hours, and then you will wish you had kept still." At this he ceased talking, sat down and turned to me saying a little excitedly, "What do you think? Will it come?"

I said "Yes," for I felt the prophecy would be fulfilled. Sure enough that same evening twenty men arrived at our camp bringing nearly a ton of flour and other provisions.

This company had been sent to strengthen our post. The informed us that there was a large company of apostates on the road led by Tom S. Williams. Before leaving Salt Lake some of this company had made threats that indicated danger to us.

The circumstances leading to the threats were these. The goods we were guarding belonged to the last season's emigrants. The wagon companies freighting them through agreed to deliver them in Salt Lake City. These goods were to be taken in and delivered as by contract. Some of the owners had become dissatisfied with "Mormonism" and were going back to the States. As their goods had not arrived in Salt Lake City they demanded that they should be delivered at Devil's Gate. Quite a number settled their freight bills and brought orders for their goods and received them all right. Others refused to settle, but threatened that if the goods were not given up they would take them by force. Tom Williams' company was composed largely of this class and their backers. They numbered about fifty men. [107] The twenty men coming to our relief were sent under the emergency. This is the way Brother Hampton's prophecy came to be fulfilled.

Handy in USA ------Tom Williams knew nothing of this company, as they had slipped out and got ahead of him and arrived long enough before him for us to get everything ready. We now had forty men well armed, the twenty sent us being picked for the occasion. As I cannot remember all their names I will simply say for the purpose they were all first-class men. Our old company were reliable. As Ben had said they would be, they were a little ashamed, but nothing farther was said, and the boys showed their repentance by doing their duties now. Our instructions were to deliver no goods to anyone unless they presented an order from the right parties. When Williams' company arrived they made camp near our fort. Most of our men were kept out of sight. There were rooms each side of the front door, where we had a guard placed.

A person that claimed a lot of goods had come on the evening before and presented an order that was not genuine. He had reported to his friends our refusing to let him have his goods. Soon Williams and a few others came up and said if we did not give up the goods that they would tear down the fort or have them. Williams was well-known to most of us; by marriage he was my wife's uncle. I informed him that we intended to obey instructions. He braved and threatened considerable, but no purpose. He started to his camp with the avowed intention of returning and taking the goods.

I now got my company ready for fight if necessary. We had prepared port holes in front of the fort and here I stationed some of the best shots. Brothers Hampton and Alexander took charge of our [108] company. The company that came to strengthen us working together under their leader. Soon we saw Tom Williams approaching with his backers. As he supposed double our number, that in reality near the same. I did not wish blood shed, and fully believed that Tom was playing a "bluff," so concluded to try and beat him at the game. I instructed some of the best marksmen what to do in case shooting had to be done. As Williams approached I went out alone and stood about thirty yards from the fort, having only my pistol. As the company came up near me I placed my hand on my pistol and told them to halt. They halted but commenced to threaten and abuse the whole fraternity sparing none. I explained our situation, being simply custodians of the goods, not knowing whose they were; but only knew who left us there, and we could not consistently recognize any orders except from those under whose instructions we were acting. My reasoning had no effect whatever, but Tom called on his crowd to say if the goods should be taken. The vote was to take them.

Now that no one may suppose that I wish to appear brave, I will say that the way I had my men placed, and the instructions given, if a weapon had been drawn on me, half Williams' company would have been shot dead before I could have been harmed.

I said to Williams just hold on one minute and hear what I have to say: "We have been here all winter eating poor beef and raw hide to take care of these goods. We have had but little fun, and would just as soon have some now as not; in fact would like a little row. If you think you can take the fort just try it. But I don't think you can take me to commence with; and the first one that offers any violence to me is a dead man. Now I [109] dare you to go past me towards the fort." This seemed to take them back. I meant what I said, and some of them knew my disposition, which in those days, was not the most Christian-like when a white man was before me as an enemy.

After looking at me for moment Tom said, "For your family's sake I will spare you, for I think you d----d fool enough to die before you would give up the goods." I thanked him and said I believed as he did.

After this we had no more trouble. Many times I thought I should have shown our force openly to have deterred Williams, but he was such a known bully and so conceited that I felt just like "taking him down a notch," and this did it.

Chapter XIX.

THE wagons being sent out for the goods soon began to arrive. Provisions were not in question now, as we had plenty. There was also a big Y. X. company, Levi Stewart in charge; going down to stock the road, and a company of Elders traveling with hand-carts came through from Salt Lake City. It was about one week from the first arrival until the last of these arrived.

President Young had sent me several letters containing instructions of various kinds pertaining to my [110] duties; but one particular letter of definite instructions how to arrange many things, had not arrived. I kept waiting for it, as there were many things to do that I had no instructions about. I kept enquiring but no letter came. Finally all were in. I asked some of the older and more experienced Elders what I should do. Their answer was that they were also expecting instructions and that they were more in need of counsel than able to give it.

There are over two hundred teams now on the ground, many of the owners beginning to get impatient at the delay. I was at a loss what to do, so I went out after night and asked the Lord to help me out. I told Him I desired to do exactly what was best, but did not know anything about it, and made this proposition that I would take my clerk with me in the morning, and when a question was asked me by any one what to do, I would tell the clerk to write down just what first came to my mind. And if that was right to please remove the spirit of oppression that I was laboring under and allow me to go back to the fort and enjoy myself with my friends. My mind was at once entirely relieved. I went and passed a pleasant evening.

Next morning without saying anything about the lack of instructions we commenced business. Soon some one asked whose teams were to be loaded first, I dictated to my clerk. Thus we continued. As fast as the clerk put them down, orders would be given, and we passed on to the next. We continued this for four days. Everything that I felt to be my duty was done. All the teams were loaded up, companies organized and started back

Elder Jack H Goaslind in his 1997 Broadcast "In His Strength I Can Do All Things" described it thus: 100

“That winter was recorded as one of the most severe ever. The intrepid watchmen struggled to repair the cabins at Devil's Gate; killed the remaining cattle; stored the tough, stringy beef for food; and reconditioned and stacked the goods they were left to protect.

They killed a few buffalo, but the hunting became bad. Soon they were reduced to living on animal hides, from which they scraped off the hair, then boiled the leather. They ate the leather wrappings off the wagon tongues, old moccasin soles, and a well-worn buffalo hide that had been used as a foot mat for two months. At one point Dan Jones was literally preparing to eat his own saddle!

In February of that extreme winter, a member of the Snake Indian tribe visited and helped them. That first night he and two scouts came to camp loaded with good buffalo meat.

The winter passed, and finally, early in May, the relief wagons began to roll in.

The 17 young men were loaded on the last wagons departing to the Salt Lake Valley, where they would be reunited with their families and loved ones.”

Handy in USA ------

Location of Fort Seminoe

In 2001, a University of Wyoming excavation located Fort Seminoe and established its shape and construction.

Figure 21: Seminoe Fort excavation 2001

Figure 22: Devil's Gate, Martin’s Cove & Fort Seminoe (location not found) http://www.cast.uark.edu/nadag/projects_database/DeVore27/Devore27-mag3-img.htm

Handy in USA ------

The above picture shows the Devil’s Gate in the background, with the modern reconstructed Fort Seminoe n the midground, and the remains of the original fort Seminoe in the foreground. 101

Life after the Martin Company disaster

These events took place in the winter of 1856/7.

In 1859 May 2 nd he married Martha McCauslin in Provo in Utah, still whilst his brother had yet to cross the Plains, and his brother Samuel Handy’s Autobiography continues:” and resided at Provo, Utah Co. Utah”

August 1859, his brother Samuel and family were finally ready to cross the plains, and William met them at Green river, loaded with supplies:

“My brother William Handy came and met us on Green River and brought us a supply of provisions – this was very acceptable as we were just out.”

Although there is no evidence for it, he may have travelled with his brother to Utah, as both brothers spent the winter of 1859/1860 at Provo.

In the spring of 1860, both brothers travelled from Provo to the Cache Valley in southern Idaho, where they settled in the new town of Franklin. Brother Samuel records in his own autobiography, that William left Franklin in 1862, after spending two years there.

Hansen has:

“These glowing reports stimulated the people living in less favourable locations to consider moving north. That is exactly what Thomas Smart did--first visiting the Valley, making his decision, and then being chosen to lead a group of about 50 families from Provo and the surrounding communities to settle what was to become Franklin, the oldest permanent settlement in Idaho. The Provo group consisted of Thomas S. Smart, Samuel Handy, William Handy, Enoch Broadbent, Joseph Perkins, Joseph Dunkley and William T. Wright.

10 April 1860 The Provo group left Wellsville (Peter Maughan's settlement in the south) and started for northern Cache Valley. They reached Coveville and camped for three days.

11 April 1860 They looked over the Franklin area (first known as Green Meadows) and built a bridge over a creek (Spring Creek) to be used when the other settlers would join them.

14 April 1860 The camp being divided into two groups; the first group left Camp Cove early in the morning. They met an Indian at the Bridge across Spring Creek but were allowed to pass. The Indians were under Chief Kittemare who welcomed the whites to the land, water and timber. Kittemare and his band were great beggars and exacted, beef, flour, grain, potatoes etc. quite often from the pioneers.

15 April 1860 The second group came the next day. They included Thomas Smart and his friends noted by William Woodward in his Notes this day: THOMAS S. Smart, Sam Handy, Joseph Perkins, Joseph Dunkley William T. Wright, and others.

Samuel details:

“….(1860 Ed) Provisions got very scarce in Franklin, we had to work water ditches, built a corral for our cattle and I went and herded the cattle of Franklin. The season was very dry and my brother William farmed my piece of land on shares and all that was raised for both of us was 9 bushels of wheat.

He had a child, William, in Utah in 1862, and another, Hannah, in 1864, but by 1866 the third child, Tempe was born in Ohio and by 1868, the fourth was born at Council Bluffs in Iowa.

Samuel states this move eastward as: … (1862?Ed) .. apostatised, joined the Josephites , and then went to live in the state of Iowa, Harrison county. “

The Josephites were……

There was a community of Josephites at Malad City, 35 miles away from Franklin 1n 1866 Handy in USA ------

Various internet sites have William and his wife having a child, Joseph Alma Handy, born at Council Bluffs on the 4th April 1868. 102

Sam Handy again:

“W. Handy married a daughter of Jesse McCauslin of Provo – she bore him several children – his children are named William younger, Hannah Elizabeth, Tempe Louisa, Joseph Alma, and Rebecca, these names are from a letter he wrote to me December 29 th 1870.”

He and his Wife Martha are apparently on the Census of Shelby County, Cass Township, Iowa, in 1870.

Handy in USA ------And also on the Iowa Census of 1895 at Cass Township: 103 (but not in this order)

Martha Handy Age 61 White Born Illinois Shelby County Cass township William Handy 32(62) White Born England) Shelby Cass William H Handy 32 White Utah Shelby Cass Joseph Handy 26 White Shelby Shelby Shelby Walter L(eo?) Handy 1 White Shelby Shelby Shelby James Handy 19 White Bn Shelby Shelby Cass Nellie Handy 16 White Shelby Shelby Cass Charlie Handy 12 White Shelby Shelby Cass Dick R Handy 21 White Shelby Shelby Cass Susan Handy 11 White Shelby Shelby Cass

He apparently died 11th August 1902 in Cass Township, Shelby, Iowa, as he appears on the Cemetery Records 104 and his wife is similarly listed as dying 1 Sept 1926, with a burial in the same place.

Nellie Handy buried there 1951 born 1874 105 ?Jesse Handy buried there 1882 aged 7 months.

Analysis of William Handy’s children born Sam Handy letter 1889 Index 1895 Census CASS 1870 William H. ?Utah? 1862 X X 32 bn Utah Hannah ? Utah? 1864 X X Elizabeth Tempe Loiusa ? Ohio? 1866 X “Elza” Joseph Alma 1868 4 th April X X 26 bn Shelby Died 1892 Shelby Handy COUNCIL BLUFFS County. Md Sarah Auxier & Tilley Kellog, Rebecca X X Walter L missing 1 bn Shelby James X 19 bn Shelby Nellie 1874 X 16 bn Shelby Bd Shelby 1951 Charlie X 12 bn Shelby Dick R missing 21 bn Shelby Susan X 11 bn Shelby Jesse 1881 X Bn Shelby 1882 David X

A 1921 township map of Cass Township, on line 106 has a small plot, estimated 80 acres, in William’s name at the southern end of the Township, in square 33, Handy in USA ------

Iowa digital library

http://digital.lib.uiowa.edu/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/maps&CISOPTR=810&CISOSHOW=788&REC=2

The 1921 Farmers’ Directory 107 shows:

Handy, William H., P.O. Portsmouth, R2., R 80 ac. Sec 33 (55) Owner Wm Handy Estate” His gravestone has been photgraphed http://iowagravestones.org/gs_view.php?id=144100

In 1889 a biographical index of Shelby County was written 108

WILLIAM HANDY was born in Warwickshire, England, April 11, 1811. He is a son of Joseph and Rebecca Handy, natives of England. In 1843 he bade farewell to his native land and came to the United States, settling in Salt Lake City, Utah. He was married May 2, 1859, to Miss Martha McCasline, a native of Bond County, Illinois; she was born April 16, 1831, and is a daughter of Jesse and Tepe (Dunham) McCasline, natives of South Carolina.

William Handy and wife resided in Salt Lake City until 1866, when they came to Iowa; they stopped for a time at Cartersville 109 , near Council Bluffs, and thence proceeded to Shelby County. In 1870 Mr. Handy moved his family to his present farm; he has eighty acres of land which is well improved; in the way of buildings he has a comfortable residence, stables and cribs; he has planted a grove and an orchard, and made numerous provisions for future comfort. The farm is situated two miles south of Portsmouth.

Mr. and Mrs. Handy are the parents of ten children -- William, Hannah, Elza, Joseph, Rebecca, David, James, Susan, Nellie and Charles. One child, Jesse, died in infancy. The family are members of the church of the Latter-Day Saints.

Mrs. Handy's parents were at Nauvoo, Illinois, when Joseph Smith was killed.

Source: 1889 Biographical History of Shelby County, Iowa, pp. 482 Contributor: Marthann Kohl-Fuhs

There is a list of the members of the RLDS church in Galland’s Grove, but wILLIAM does not appear.- in the 1875 list.

110 It is stated that he settled in 1869 at Leland’s grove. Handy in USA ------

Sass Township in 1875 111

Handy in USA ------Source Appendices

Appendix 1 – The Brown Company Roster 1859

From: Geneaology webpage of Mr. Andy E. Wold (1998) http://www.inovion.com/~aewold/_Companies/wagon_1859Brown.html 1859 -- Second Company -- Capt. James Brown, III

Departed from Florence, Nebraska: 13 Jun 1859 Arrived in Salt Lake City, Utah Territory: 29 Aug 1859 Company Size: 353 persons, 59 wagons. Roster Listing: US/CAN Film #0026588, vol. 9 (item 3), p. 197 ( Deseret News , __ ___ 1859)

[?] [?] and [?]

[?] Eliza

AHLSTROM Pider and family

ALEXANDER Sarah and daughter

ANDERSEN Christin and family

ANDERSON Elina Anna and Christen

AXLEY Margaret

BASSETT Jahn [?] and family

BERGTON [?] Aanna [?] Christian and

BIRDOO [?] N. W. and family

CALL Richard W.

CAMPBELL Amon and family

CAMPBELL Daniel and family

CHRISTIANSEN Karen

CIDERSTROM Sophia

CLIPTON [?] Charles and Ann

CODY [?] Lucindo and Lucy A.

COLE William and family

COUP Stephen

CROTCHER William

CUTLER Mason and family

DARROW J. C. and family

DAVIDSON Samuel and Grace

DHALSKA [?] Jhon

DICKS Edmund and James

DICKSON Samuel

DIDERO Anne

EKELAND [?] Andre and Marie ERASMUS Gadni

EVANS David

EVELINE Mary

FAIRCHILD Typhene, jun. [(Jr.)]

FAIRCHILD Typhene, sen. [(Sr.)]

FARELL G. L. and family

FARELL Mary B.

FINLAYSON James and Mary A.

FROST John

FULLSEN [?] Oler and family

FUNCK Dedrick and family

GAMET Solomon and family

GARNETT Robert, Ann and Eliza

GARVY [?] Ana [?] and Mary

GIBSON Phoebe, James A. and Chas. [Charles] W.

GITTINGS William and family

GLASS Catharine

GOODWIN James and family

GORDON John H. and family

GORENSEN Karen M.

GREENWELL Amos and family

HANDY Samuel and family

HANSEN [?] Anne

HARSEN [?] Neils

HASKSHOM Edward

HAY [?] James

HERMAN Charles and family

HICKSON [?] James

HILL Ann

HOKEBERG Anders and family

HOWELL William

HYALTENY [?] Marla [?]

JENSEN Jens and Hans

JENSEN Jens B.

JENSEN L.

JENSEN Lars

JERNESEN Magnus and Turider [?]

JOHNSEN [?] Lopter and family Handy in USA ------JOHNSEN John and family

JOHNSON Beritia [?]

JOHNSON Hannah and Sidea

JOHNSON John and family

JOHNSON Mildred

JONES John

JORENSEN Fernelia [?]

JORENSEN Hannah

JORNESEN Vicka [?] and Gustaf

KAY Mary and Joseph H.

KENT R. B. [?] and family

KUTRUSA [?] Anne

LANDSTROM Marie

LARSEN John and family

LARSEN John and family

LARSEN John and family

LARSEN Rarns [?] and family

LEWIS Enoch and family

LONGEMUSK Frederick and family

MAGNUSEN [?] Christina

MARSEN Anna

McKAY William and family

MILTON Anne and family

MINNERLY Levi and Charlotte

MORELL James

NEILSON [?] Ola and family

NELSEN [?] Anders and Karner [?]

NELSEN Neils

NELSEN Sorein and Maren

NELSON Nels and Botila

NELSSEN Pider and Ola

NYBORG [?] A. O. and Ingre

OLSEN Lans

OLSEN Lara

OWEN John

PARSONS Sarah PIERCE George and family

PRICE James

READER [?] John C. and family

ROGERS Thomas and Ann

ROOT Lucinda Ann and John A.

ROSMUSEN Mikel and family

ROUNDE William C. and family

RUSSELL Joseph

RYBACK Cilya

RYMER Marc [?]

SANDBERG Ichumra [?]

SEESTON [?] Christopher

SHARP Philip, Mary and Ellen M.

SIDERSON [?] Anie

SLACK Eliza

SMITH Ann

SMITH Martha

SORENSEN Goren and family

SPARKS George and family

SPARKS George

SPARKS Hannah

STALKER John A.

STEELE William and family

STEERS Sarah

STOCKS Jeremiah and family

STOCKS Thomas and family

TOMSON Ingilon [?]

TRASCOTT John and Mary

WAND Thomas

WATSON George and family

WHITE Robert and Ann

WILLIAMS Rachel and family

WINTEL Joseph

WOOD Seth and family

WRIGHT William and family

YENSEN John Christian and family

ZITING C. A.

Handy in USA ------

The Day family.

This family married into the Handy family on three occasions – with three daughters marrying two Handy brothers. The following information is taken from : http://www.ourfamilylegacy.info/handy/dayjoseph1816/dayjoseph1816photo.htm

Figure 23 Joseph Day 1816:1901 Figure 24: Ann Harvey 1818-1894

Their grandson, Samuel (Joseph?) Handy is recorded as writing:

Joseph Day Sr. was born in London England 14 Apr. 1816. He was reared by his mother and grandparents, his father having died before his birth. His mother, Lucy Day, was both father and mother to him. He married Ann Harvey in 1841 and moved to West Ham, a suburb of London where he engaged in truck gardening and was very successful in his work.

About 1851 the family joined the White Chapel Branch of the LDS. church in London and two years later on 4 Feb. 1853, he with his wife, two daughters and two sons, set sail on the boat International and came to America. Mary Ann and Sarah Elizabeth were the daughters.

During the trip across the ocean the weather was rough and terrific storms were encountered. For ten weeks they drifted and tossed upon the waves. At one time the captain lost control of the vessel and all passengers were ordered down into the hull of the ship and locked there. The main mast was blown away and lay out in the ocean. The passengers were very frightened but the captain of the little band of saints buoyed up their spirits and counseled them to be calm, saying that the Lord was with them and would hear and answer their prayers. Soon the storm began to subside and the ship ceased to groan and their journey continued on toward the United States. In mid ocean the baby Elizabeth was taken very ill and in a few days passed away. She was prepared for burial by the women of the company and with a sack of coal tied to her feet, was lowered into the shark infested waters. At the first sign of illness aboard ship, sharks always followed close by. This sad experience was one grandmother and grandfather could never forget. Two weeks later a baby girl was born to them, somewhat easing their grief. This little girl was named Jane.

The ship sailed around Florida into the Gulf of Mexico and on into New Orleans they changed from the sail boat to a steamship and sailed up the Mississippi River to Kelckek, later know as Council Bluffs. Here they left the water and were assigned to Captain Jacob Gates' Company of Saints. They walked across the plains arriving in Salt Lake 6 Oct. 1853.

There was nothing in Salt Lake at that time that Grandfather could work at to make a living for his family, so they came to Bountiful and settled on the land known as the Walton Farm near the Baskin Ranch - Woods Cross. They lived in a log house having only one room with no windows or door. During this time a Mr. Jackson built a two room house of hand made adobe. Grandfather Day and his family lived in one room and the Jackson family in the other. Two years later Grandfather moved to a home of his own located on the south west corner of the block just west of the Bountiful Tabernacle, still owned by the family.

The early pioneers had a hard time keeping the fires burning, not having matches, they were compelled to rekindle the fires many times a day. One morning when the fire was out it was necessary to go to the nearest neighbor from whose chimney they could see smoke, to obtain a brand of fire. Grandmother Day was called away to help care for a sick neighbor leaving James the oldest son to care for his little sister. He was told to watch the fire and not let it go out. But playing with the children, he did forget and when he saw grandmother returning, James tried to stir up the flames but could not. There was an old powder horn hanging behind the stove and James threw it into the stove. There was a terrific explosion and James being very close was burned about the face and the sight of his left eye was destroyed.

They were very poor as were most all the saints who had given up all they possessed to come to Zion. Milk was indeed a luxury and many times the children walked to Centerville to get it. In the winter with deep snow and ice and the children having no shoes, their footprints were often stained with blood.

My mother (Lucy) was born in either the log room or the adobe room 4 Nov. 1855. I have been unable to determine which. Her name was Lucy. They lived here some time until Grandfather built a home of his own on the southwest corner of the lot west of the tabernacle and the main thoroughfare north and south through Bountiful, now known as highway 91.

Mother gathered wool from the fence and bushes where sheep grazed and carded it into the bats for lining quilts. She also learned to write a good legible hand and was expert in orthography. She sang in the choir and did some dramatic work as well as church activity in the ward. She took every advantage and opportunity to progress and she became definitely self made and able to cope with the problems of pioneer life. She was an expert weaver and became adept at crocheting, tatting, and needle point. The latter is evident by a piece of work that she did when only 13 years of age and is in the possession of my sister Emma Garrett and she cherishes it very much. It is a piece about 18 by 24 inches on which is worked the family record, dates, names, births, and deaths up to the time of making. Also dates of parents marriage, all with yarn from the loom. Handy in USA ------Later, Aunt Mary Ann married William Fluit (1855 Ed.) and moved to Whitney where she made her permanent home.

Lucy, my mother, visited with her and while there met her future husband, James Henry Handy, son of Samuel Handy and Hannah Watts, early pioneers.

In 1858 Johnson's Army came into Utah, and being counseled by their leaders, the saints were all ready to set fire to their homes should trouble arise. At this time the saints had already started to build the tabernacle and it was to be used by three Bountiful Wards, East, West and South Bountiful. Grandfather helped by hauling adobe by ox team from the yard where they were made by the masons. In 1862 the tabernacle was completed and dedicated by Brigham Young. Grandfather also helped to build the Salt Lake Temple, using his oxen to haul granite from Cottonwood Canyon.

Father made trips to Bountiful on horseback to court her and on the 2 Dec. 1872 they were married in the Endowment House in Salt Lake City by Daniel H. Wells.

In 1864 a son, (Grandfather’s son) Thomas Day was taken ill with what was then called inflammation of the bowels and after a few days he passed away. He was laid to rest in the little cemetery in South Bountiful which has recently been dedicated and a marker put up and is cared for by the D. of P. of that area.

Grandfather married a second wife, Mary Ann. Their home was built and is still standing on the old Wallace Willey farm. It is a small frame house and the land surrounding it was later owned and farmed by a grandson, Brigham Day. He died there just a few years ago.

Grandfather was a strong character with a lovable disposition. He was an able farmer and derived great pleasure from his garden. He excelled in growing unusual herbs and these he prepared, grinding them with mortar and pestle and from them he made a very good ointment or salve which he used in a medicinal way.

He was also a musician of considerable talent, playing the violin which he loved greatly. He was quite a singer and many times in the evening he entertained his children and grandchildren with his music and song.

He was a lover of animals, especially dogs and horses. These he cared for with expert hands. His good horse Sam was his pride and joy and when hitched into the surrey with the fringe on top, he was really proud.

Grandmother Day passed away 21 Nov. 1894 after a severe illness. Grandfather's wife, Mary Ann, then came to live in Grandmother's home but she lived only six weeks and Grandfather was left all alone, but in his energetic way he made a good life for himself for seven years. After an illness he passed away 10 Jul. 1901.

The old home was left standing for several years shaded by three large locust trees which grandfather had planted from seeds. One tree still stands and is truly a magnificent specimen.

Samuel Handy also wrote about his Mother, Lucy Day:

To this union were born 12 children, 7 boys 6 girls, all of which save 4, married and raised respectable families. Three died in infancy and one disappointed in love, remained single. At this point, I make record of all the children born to James Henry Handy and Lucy Day:

NAME BORN DIED MARRIED James Harvey 19 Sep 1873 26 Feb 1874 Lucy Ann 2 Apr 1875 Euriah Wilkerson George Henry 15 Apr 1877 6 Oct 1930 Ruby Mendenhall Samuel Joseph 3 May 1879 Mabel Hobbs Leonard Thomas 22 May 1881 1961 Jennie Thomeson Emma 27 Oct 1883 Lester Garrett Elmer Day 28 Mar 1886 May Zelpha Biggs Newell Day 18 Jan 1888 Nora Day 18 Dec 1889 Moroni Daines Eljin Day 11 Mar 1892 16 Jun 1895 Ida Day 15 Aug 1894 1 May 1896 Edna 2 May 1898 Jacob Guy Larsen

For a young couple to start from scratch in an Indian infested country and only 12 years after the arrival of the first pioneers, it took nerve, perseverance, hype and hard work to succeed. There were many handicaps and hardships to overcome to raise a family and make a livelihood. Mother had all the qualifications necessary for these and other problems that naturally would present themselves. She had a kind motherly disposition with good management and perseverance. The envy of all her sisters, it was Lucy this and Lucy that and what she thought was unquestionable. She was a good cook and housekeeper. Life does not hold enough years to repay a mother's love.

None of the conveniences existed that we have today. For lighting she molded sperm candles. I have helped her make them many times. We also used what was called the bitch, a greased rag and then lighted it. For cooking and warmth, logs were hauled from the canyons and were chopped into lengths for the stove.

As we boys grew older, we took on responsibilities and helped in many ways in shouldering the load and making life more pleasant for all and would go to the canyons for wood while mother sat up waiting for our safe arrival home which was sometimes in the late hours of the night. Snow was three and four feet deep on the level and ten or twelve feet in the canyons and procuring a load was difficult and many times it would tip over coming down the canyon and reloading was difficult. Certain times of the year we were fearful of avalanches which were infrequent. Two Gibson boys were buried alive and when found were dead. Ed Buckley was recovered alive. These were some of the hardships of pioneer life.

We kept a few cows, chickens and our own pork and we farmed Grandfather Handy's acreage of twenty five or thirty acres which finally reverted to Father. George worked with the sheep on the summer range and Annie and Emma would do household duties for families in the neighborhood. Annie and I also worked in the North Star Woolen Mill at Franklin. I worked in the drug store which I finally studied and made my life vocation. Wages were small but all in all we gained a foothold and began to live better and enjoy our surroundings. Father learned the carpenter trade and material was available when he enlarged our living quarters.

I will always remember when we children slept three in one bed with mumps, measles and whooping cough. We had no physicians as today but mother made a good nurse. Handy in USA ------Every fall, Father and the Brodbent boys Orson, Ben and Joe, would go to Wyoming to trap beaver and shoot wild animals, deer and so forth. Much of the deer meat we cured into what we called jerky by hanging in the sunlight until dry and it made it good eating. Beaver tails, we roasted on top of the stove until thoroughly cooked.

We often heard Abe Lincoln quoted, "All that I am or ever expect to be, I owe to my angel mother." I experienced this thought and experience in my life. The advice and counsel that my mother gave me ever rings in my ear. She taught me my first prayer. Even now as I labor in the garden among the shrubs and flowers, I say to myself, "My mother taught me to do this and that wise." I regret that it isn't my privilege to share some of the luxuries and comforts that I enjoy today with her. God bless her memory and may her sleep be sweet until we all realize and enjoy the blessings promised by living the gospel for which our forebears left their native land and died that we will appreciate our heritage.

Mother died in her 49th year of pneumonia. She attended the Relief Society meeting on 17 Mar in a downpour of rain and contracted pneumonia and died 24 Mar 1905. When talented personalities leave us early in life, it is difficult to evaluate the good they would have done by remaining among us and disseminating their knowledge to the world and individuals.