Do You Sincerely Want to Be Radical?
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Chapter 4 Freedom and Progress
Chapter 4 Freedom and Progress The best road to progress is freedom’s road. John F. Kennedy The only freedom which deserves the name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impeded their efforts to obtain it. John Stuart Mill To cull the inestimable benefits assured by freedom of the press, it is necessary to put up with the inevitable evils springing therefrom. Alexis de Tocqueville Freedom is necessary to generate progress; people also value freedom as an important component of progress. This chapter will contend that both propositions are correct. Without liberty, there will be little or no progress; most people will consider an expansion in freedom as progress. Neither proposition would win universal acceptance. Some would argue that a totalitarian state can marshal the resources to generate economic growth. Many will contend that too much liberty induces libertine behavior and is destructive of society, peace, and the family. For better or worse, the record shows that freedom has increased throughout the world over the last few centuries and especially over the last few decades. There are of course many examples of non-free, totalitarian, ruthless government on the globe, but their number has decreased and now represents a smaller proportion of the world’s population. Perhaps this growth of freedom is partially responsible for the breakdown of the family and the rise in crime, described in the previous chapter. Dictators do tolerate less crime and are often very repressive of deviant sexual behavior, but, as the previous chapter reported, divorce and illegitimacy are more connected with improved income of women than with a permissive society. -
Three Pillars of Consensual Domination: Ideological Leadership
EXPLAINING CONSENSUAL DOMINATION: MOVING BEYOND THE CONCEPT OF HEGEMONY (Word count, including references and notes, is 8,262.) Written by Christopher J. Kollmeyer Forthcoming in Beyond Resistance: The Future of Freedom (Nova Science Publishers, 2005) Global and International Studies University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, CA, 93106, USA Email: [email protected] Fax: (805) 893-8003 Tel: (805) 893-7899 EXPLAINING CONSENSUAL DOMINATION: MOVING BEYOND THE CONCEPT OF HEGEMONY By Christopher J. Kollmeyer “You can fool some of the people all of the time, and those are the ones you have to concentrate on.” —George W. Bush, Gridiron Club Dinner, Washington, D.C., March 31, 2001 INTRODUCTION Why do large numbers of people willingly accept, and in some cases even actively promote, political projects that clearly place them in disadvantaged social positions? Consider the following example from American society. A peculiar political movement is sweeping across the heart land of America, the writer Thomas Frank (2004) tells us, one in which the lower strata are enthusiastically mobilizing to advance a political agenda that clearly favors the rich. For example, in the 2000 presidential election, the pro-business Republican candidate, George W. Bush, won 75 percent of the vote in the poorest county in the United States—Loup County, Nebraska, which has an average per capita income of less than $7,000 per year.1 And four years later, after presiding over one of the most pro-business administrations in U.S. history, Bush won here by an even larger margin, taking 81 percent of the votes.2 Yet, as Frank explains, these are not isolated incidents. -
False Consciousness: a Relevant Concept?
FALSE CONSCIOUSNESS: A RELEVANT CONCEPT? Nika Deslauriers-Paquette A Thesis in The Department of Political Science Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Public Policy and Public Administration) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada April 2011 © Nika Deslauriers-Paquette, 2011 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Nika Deslauriers-Paquette Entitled: False Consciousness: A Relevant Concept? and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Public Policy and Public Administration) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to the originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: ___________________________Chair Dr. Marlene Sokolon ___________________________Examiner Dr. Stephanie Paterson ___________________________Examiner ___________________________Supervisor Dr. Edward King Approved by _______________________________________________ Chair of the Department or Graduate Program Director ___________20__ _______________________________________________ Dean of Faculty ABSTRACT False Consciousness: A Relevant Concept? Nika Deslauriers-Paquette False consciousness was a concept originally developed by Marx and Engels in the 19th century, to explain the actions and behaviors of the bourgeoisie. In the 20th century, various political thinkers such as Lukács, Marcuse and Jost broadened its definition to explain the actions -
Theory of History in Which the Proletariat Inevitably End up the Dominant Order; This Has Proven Historically to Be False
9/24/07 Marxism • Marxism is many different kinds of theories at once: • theory of history in which the proletariat inevitably end up the dominant order; this has proven historically to be false. • a critique of capitalism. This body of theory can be relevant to literature, but we’re not going to get into it explicitly. Barry and Richter give some sense of this; for the midterm, I’ll have you learn some terms so that you’ll be at least somewhat conversant with this kind of thinking if you run into it again. • a sort-of-literary theory. I say “sort of” because what Marx and others theorize is larger than literature: “consciousness and its expressions,” which would include not only literature but all of the arts, religion, politics, law, and so on. This is the part of Marxist theory we’re going to center on, because it raises a really huge problem for post-NC Theory in general, or least for all political theories (and we know that, as Barry says, “politics is pervasive” in post-NC theory, so ALL Theory is political according to this view). • Starting point: 410: “In the social production…determines their consciousness.” Some things to point out: • base/superstructure. “Relations of production”--economic system, more or less. At the most fundamental level, people have to survive, and the way we do that as a species is to produce stuff. But we don’t do that on our own; we do it as part of some kind of economic system that we are born into. -
False Consciousness" Steven Lukes
University of Chicago Legal Forum Volume 2011 Article 3 2011 In Defense of "False Consciousness" Steven Lukes Follow this and additional works at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf Recommended Citation Lukes, Steven (2011) "In Defense of "False Consciousness"," University of Chicago Legal Forum: Vol. 2011, Article 3. Available at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol2011/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Chicago Legal Forum by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. In Defense of "False Consciousness" Steven Lukest I want to defend the answer to a question. The answer is "false consciousness." I will turn to the question in a moment, but first I want to comment on why attributing false conscious- ness to people, a practice I seek here to defend as sometimes le- gitimate and appropriate, can seem highly objectionable. The concept of false consciousness is closely associated with others, notably that of "real" or "true" or "objective" interests, that is, of interests that false consciousness supposedly conceals from those whose interests they are. Those who object to this answer gener- ally do so on two distinct, even opposite, grounds. The first, more traditional objection is that these concepts suggest an arrogant assumption of superior knowledge, an assumption notably em- bedded in the Marxist tradition-a claim to privileged access to what is "correct," a claim theorized by Georg Lukacs and well exemplified by Leninists, Trotskyists, Stalinists, and Communist Party apparatchiks across the decades of the twentieth century- and a corresponding disposition to treat people as cultural dupes. -
Enlightened False Consciousness
TALISIK: An Undergraduate Journal of Philosophy Nihilism Today: Enlightened False Consciousness Anton Heinrich L. Rennesland, MA University of Santo Tomas [email protected] riedrich Nietzsche defines nihilism as the moment we have become weary of being human, when the highest values devalue themselves.1 Nihilism is affective since it stems from a deep F unhomeliness with our very selves, and it causes us to be estranged from our activities and from others. For Nietzsche, this is not a passive experience that we blame fate and the gods. Nihilism is due to a lack of willing to be human. Ultimately, it is what hinders people to will that life returns eternally. This eternal return is Nietzsche’s epistemic-ethical challenge that dawns as a personal test for us to evaluate if we have been condoning nihilism: if life is to return eternally and in the exact same manner, how are we to respond to this? When we fret in face of the eternal return, we see our reactivity to life. Nihilism pushes us into comfort in the frivolous, distress and anxiety in disrupting the status quo, and, ultimately, discontent with ourselves. Parenthetically, this notion accentuates Heidegger’s attribution of angst as a way of being’s disclosure. As we take Nietzsche’s message as a personal challenge to overcome our frailty and indecisiveness, we must progress towards realizing our contemporaneous decadent conditions that hamper us from willing life’s return. What I seek to draw attention to is a contemporary face of nihilism prevalent in society. This is what Peter Sloterdijk characterizes as the enlightened false consciousness which, is that modernized, unhappy consciousness, on which enlightenment has labored both successfully and in vain. -
The Dynamics and Dialectics of Capitalism*
The Journol of Llbrrtarion Sludier. Vol. V, No. Z(Spring 1981) The Dynamics and Dialectics of Capitalism* by Robert G. Perrin Deportment of Sociology, University of Tennessee Free societies (whatever the fine points in defining "free") are not necessar- ily self-perpetuating. An understanding of this has underlain many of the attempts-past andpresent - to clarify the nature of a capitalist economy - both its dynamics in furthering what has been called the free or even "per- missive" society' and its dialectics in apparently creating a social milieu in- hospitable to its continued existence. The role of competitive capitalism (or a market-based private enterprise system) in supporting and extending per- sonal liberty ("freedom to" as well as "freedom from") is little known among the lay public compared to, say, the intended roles of public educa- tion, constitutional government, or a free press. Indeed, the workings of capitalism are usually more subtle, and its effects on the range of human choice have generally been unintended by those bringing them about. That is, they often occur as by-products of actions motivated by quite other ends- in-view (e.g., making a profit). I As a general rule, the range of human choice is expanded when consumers (and not governments) are sovereign in the marketplace. New products and services, indeed, innovations of all kinds, cater to consumer demands, while new demands may be cultivated by the creation of products and services that are expected to meet with consumers' desires and tastes. Less conspicu- ously, competitive capitalism erodes constraints of tradition and convention to the extent the "cash nexus" becomes dominant in social interaction. -
Bounderby and False Consciousness
FACULTY OF EDUCATION AND BUSINESS STUDIES Department of Humanities Bounderby and False Consciousness Fabián Andrés Vega Karjalainen 2018 Student thesis, Independent student paper, 15 HE English Upper Secondary Teacher Education Programme Supervisor: Marko Modiano Examiner: Iulian Cananau Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 3 False consciousness ...................................................................................................... 4 Utilitarianism ................................................................................................................ 6 Utilitarianism in Hard Times ........................................................................................ 8 Bounderby ...................................................................................................................... 10 Bounderby and Class .................................................................................................. 12 Bounderby and the Proletariat .................................................................................... 13 Bounderby's Contradictions ........................................................................................ 15 More on Bounderby's Fictional Childhood ................................................................ 17 Bounderby is Mystified by the Realities of the Proletariat ........................................ 17 More of Bounderby's False Humility ........................................................................ -
9. Joakim Larsson. False Consciousness
KAPET. Karlstads universitets Pedagogiska Tidskrift, årgång 7, nr 1, 2011 False Consciousness Revisited. On Rousseau, Marx and the Positive Side of Negative Education 1 Joakim Larsson Doktorand i Pedagogik [email protected] Abstract In some key aspects, Marxist approaches to ‘false consciousness’ share a common ground with Rousseau’s ideal of a ‘negative education’ – both want to rid man of illusions originating in reified abstractions and speculations. In the following article, this common ground serves as a platform for discussing ‘false consciousness’ as a viable concept for a 21 st century ideology critique, arguing for the need to ground such critique in subjective, life world experience, while avoiding the outer regions of materialism as well as idealism. Introduction “False consciousness”. As the words reverberate with an echo from the past, the reader of Marx recognizes the concept as the pitiful state of affairs when a man happens to be mistaken regarding the truth of his own motives, ideas and actions. Guided by a false ideology, the unlucky citizen has slipped into illusion, has indulged in abstractions, or simply failed to understand the real motivations behind his own actions – or that of others (Pines, 1993; Rosen, 1996). Fortunately, the citizen can dispel some of his false consciousness by realizing that it wasn’t Marx who invented the concept in the first place. It was Engel’s to begin with – and he defined it in relation to ideology: Ideology is a process accomplished by the so-called thinker consciously, it is true, but with a false consciousness. The real motive forces impelling him remain unknown to him; otherwise it simply would not be an ideological process. -
The Political Compass and Why Libertarianism Is Not Right-Wing
The Political Compass and Why Libertarianism is not Right-Wing J C Lester Abstract The political distinction between left and right remains ideologically muddled. This was not always so, but an immediate return to the pristine usage is impractical. Putting a theory of social liberty to one side, this essay defends the interpretation of left-wing as personal-choice and right-wing as property-choice. This allows an axis that is north/choice (or state-free) and south/control (or state-ruled). This Political Compass clarifies matters without being tendentious or too complicated. It shows that what is called ‘libertarianism’ is north-wing. A quiz gives the reader’s Political Compass reading. Pristine clarity and modern confusion The modern political left/right division is too crude to accommodate many important political positions in a way that makes any sense. Libertarianism (or extreme classical liberalism) is sometimes placed, often implicitly or vaguely, somewhere on the extreme right. But can we say whether it ought to be to the right or left of other „right-wing‟ ideologies? How are we to indicate the extreme tolerance of personal choice (as regards drug use and consenting sexual practices, for instance) that libertarianism entails but which is not normally thought of as being right-wing? Samuel Brittan sees clearly the confusion in the modern left and right (though assuming a libertarian view of liberty): The dilemma of the [classical] liberal is that while Conservatives now use the language of individual freedom, they apply this only—if at all—to domestic economic questions. They are the less libertarian of the two parties—despite individual exceptions—on all matters of personal and social conduct, and are much the more hawk-like in their attitude to „foreign affairs‟. -
Marxist Criticism on Disney's Movie Cinderella
MARXIST CRITICISM ON DISNEY’S MOVIE CINDERELLA Muhammad Faizal Hira Project Advisor: Nurdien H.K. English Department, Faculty of Humanities Diponegoro University, Semarang 50275 Cinderella is a film made by Walt Disney based on European folk tale written by Charles Perrault in 1697. The film depicts the story of a girl who is bound by the oppressive behavior of the stepmother and step- sisters, who in continuation she wanted to change her fate in a single night. This book analyzes the film with marxist point of view. This book discussed about the class struggle, class and status, and false conciousnesswithin the movie. The author uses theories of Karl Marx to analyze the elements that contained in this film. In this analysis we can conclude that Cinderella is not just a regular animated movie but a movie full of Marxist elements. Keywords:marx, class, status,false conciousness. 1. INTRODUCTION Cinderella, a movie released in 1950 and produced by Walt Disney was based on European folk tale about a young woman who suffered from cruelty of her stepmother and stepsisters, later on she tried to change her fate in one night. Cinderella had many versions when it comes to folk tale, the most popular version was written in French by in 1697, under the name Cendrillon. The popularity of his tale was due to his additions to the story, including the, the fairy-godmother and the introduction of glass slippers which was adapted by Walt Disney in animation film. 1 The story revolved around a girl named Cinderella who lived with her father, stepmother and stepsisters. -
Identity Politics: a Marxist View
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 8 Issue 1 Article 5 2020 Identity Politics: A Marxist View Raju Das York University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Geography Commons Recommended Citation Das, Raju (2020) "Identity Politics: A Marxist View," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 8 : Iss. 1 , Article 5. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.8.1.008921 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol8/iss1/5 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Identity Politics: A Marxist View Abstract This article has three main sections. In section 1, I discuss what identity politics is and what are its theoretical presuppositions. I also talk about the nature of the political action in identity politics, and about its limits. In section 2, I present my views on Marxist politics, which is centered on the theory and the politics of class, combined with the class-theory and class-politics of anti-oppression. I unpack what I consider are the Marxist notions of ‘the common ground’ and of ‘the majority’, as important components of Marxist politics. The majority, in the Marxist sense, are those who are objectively subjected to class- exploitation. And in terms of the common ground for politics, there are two aspects: a) the majority of people experience one common fate, i.e.