Regional Integration in the Framework of the Entire Post-Soviet Area

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Regional Integration in the Framework of the Entire Post-Soviet Area Chapter 2 Regional Integration in the Framework of the Entire Post-Soviet Area 5 Emergence of the CIS 5.1 Prelude (the Collapse of the Soviet Union) The Soviet experiment, which begun following the October revolution in 1917 and led to the creation of the USSR on the basis of the Union Treaty on December 30, 1922,49 had ended in failure. Although the USSR was conceived as a federal state50 and had even some attributes of confederation,51 Stalin, the chief architect of the Soviet system, perceived that the USSR could only be kept together by a strong central hand that was willing to use coercion. Attempts at democratization under Khrushchev began a slow unraveling of the empire. However, the real breakup was triggered off only by Gorbachev’s programs of perestroika and glasnost, who tried thus to pursue both the economic and political liberalization simultaneously. First, as the socialist alternative to the market economy turned out to be an illusion, the planned, highly centralized command economy was to be replaced by the progressive introduction of elements of a market economy (perestroika). 49 The text of the Treaty of 1922 was incorporated into the Constitution of the USSR of 1924. For a full English translation of the latter, see, e.g. Triska, Constitutions of the Communist Party States 17–28 (1968). 50 The constituent republics establishing the USSR were four socialist republics established following the 1917 Revolution on the territory of the former Russian empire: the Russian and Transcaucasian Soviet Federated Socialist Republics and the Ukrainian and Byelorussian SSR. Additional union republics were set up in subsequent years: the Turkmen and Uzbek SSR’s in 1924, the Tajik SSR in 1929, and the Kazakh and Kyrgyz SSR’s in 1936. In that year the Transcaucasian Republic was abolished and its territory was divided between three new republics: the Armenian, Azerbaijan, and Georgian SSR’s. In 1940 the Karelo-Finnish, Moldavian, Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian SSR’s were established. In 1956 the Karelo-Finnish SSR became an autonomous republic inside Russia, leaving a total of 15 union republics. 51 For example, every union republic retained the “right of free exit” from the Union which was also provided by the subsequent constitutions of the USSR (1936 and 1977) and existed thus to the very end of the USSR. See, e.g. Schweisfurth, Vom Einheitsstaat (UdSSR) zum Staatenbund (GUS): Juristische Stationen eines Staatszerfalls und einer Staatenbundentstehung, 52 HJIL 541 (1992). Z. Kembayev, Legal Aspects of the Regional Integration Processes in the Post-Soviet Area, 25 © Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2009 26 2 Regional Integration in the Framework of the Entire Post-Soviet Area Second, the political reforms were initiated aiming to replace the communist system with a democratic one (glasnost). But perestroika proved itself to be too difficult to achieve and was accompanied by declining production in many sectors and increas- ing distribution problems. At the same time, glasnost led to the conflicts developed between the parliament of the USSR and those of the individual republics, mainly over the respective powers of the centre and the republics. In addition, these enor- mous problems were even more exacerbated by the resurgence of ethnic nationalism and increasing demands for autonomy and even for full independence. Attempts were made to establish a new “Union of Sovereign States” with high degree of integration in foreign policy, defense, and economic affairs which aimed to preserve “the sovereign state, subject of international law”,52 but following the attempted coup of August 1991 the republics rushed to be free of Moscow’s con- trol before another coup succeeded. The three Baltic republics successfully seceded from the union and were followed by many others. The key republic was Ukraine, politically and economically number two in the Soviet Union which voted for independence on December 1, 1991. Thus, by December 1991 the USSR had virtually ceased to exist, and the future of its territories and peoples was highly uncertain. 5.2 Establishing Acts of the CIS 5.2.1 Minsk Agreement The process of the disintegration of the USSR culminated on December 8, 1991, in the signing of the Minsk (called also Belovezh) Agreement by the heads of state of Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine. The Minsk Agreement laid down two fundamental decisions. First, it concluded that “the USSR has ceased to exist as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality”53 and that “the activities of the organs of the former USSR are discontinued on the territories of the member states of the Commonwealth”.54 Second, the Agreement formally established the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) that com- prised the three above states and was open for all member states of the former USSR to join as well as for all other states which would share the purposes and principles of the founding agreement.55 52 See, e.g. Russel, Improbable Unions: The Draft Union Treaties in the USSR 1990–1991, 22 Review of Central and East European Law 389 (1996). 53 Agreement Establishing the Commonwealth of Independent States [hereinafter Minsk Agreement] (Dec. 8, 1991), at Preamble. 54 Ibid, Art. 14 (2). 55 Ibid, Art. 13. 5 Emergence of the CIS 27 The Minsk Agreement recognized the sovereignty and equality of each former Soviet republic.56 The contracting parties also pledged themselves to govern their relations by generally recognized principles and norms of international law such as sovereign equality of states, non-intervention in the affairs of other states, the duty to refrain from the threat or use of force in international relations, settlement of international disputes by peaceful means, protection of human rights and self- determination of peoples as well as other principles and norms set forth in the UN Charter, the Helsinki Final Act and other documents of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE).57 Besides, the contracting parties clearly stated that they would guarantee the fulfillment of the international obligations binding upon them from the treaties and agreements of the former USSR.58 Although the creation of the CIS signaled the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Agreement explicitly stated that the CIS is based on the historic community of the member states’ peoples and the ties which have been established between them.59 The CIS was also supposed to assume “through common coordinating insti- tutions of the Commonwealth” the following functions: (a) coordination of foreign policy; (b) cooperation in forming and developing a common economic space, common European and Eurasian markets; (c) cooperation in the sphere of customs and migration policy; (d) cooperation to develop transport and communications systems; (e) cooperation in the sphere of environmental protection, participation in creating of the all-encompassing international system of ecological security; and (d) the fight against organized crime.60 Moreover, the member states agreed to preserve and maintain under united com- mand a common military-strategic space, including unified control over nuclear weapons.61 Further, while the contracting parties recognized one another’s territorial integrity and the inviolability of existing borders within the Commonwealth, they also guaranteed openness of borders, freedom of movement for citizens and of transmission of information within the CIS.62 In addition, the Agreement con- cluded that the development and strengthening of relations of friendship, good- neighborliness and mutually beneficial co-operation between the member states correspond to the vital national interests of their peoples and serve the cause of peace and security.63 However, what the Minsk Agreement did not express was the former Soviet republics’ fundamentally divergent perceptions concerning the future evolution 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid, at Preamble. 58 Ibid, Art. 12. 59 Ibid, at Preamble. 60 Ibid, Art. 7. 61 Ibid, Art. 6. 62 Ibid, Art. 5. 63 Ibid. 28 2 Regional Integration in the Framework of the Entire Post-Soviet Area and role of the CIS ranging from a confederative union to a loose non-institution- alized association.64 Furthermore, from a technical legal point of view, the Minsk Agreement was far from perfect. Its text was drafted very hastily and political considerations of its signatories obviously prevailed over the legal correctness and accuracy of the docu- ment.65 First, it should be mentioned that the text of the Agreement does not contain any provision on its entering into force.66 Second, Article 11 of the Agreement states that: “From the moment of signature of the present Agreement, application of the laws of third States, including the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, shall not be permitted in the territories of the signatory States”. This provision cre- ated in effect two political entities in the same area since other republics still con- sidered themselves members of the union. Moreover, a practical application of this rule with regard to the laws of the Soviet Union (even admitting hypothetically that it could be considered “the former” from the moment of signature) would inevita- bly uncover many lacunae in the legal systems of the newly emerged independent subjects of international law, and would in many ways hinder and disrupt their normal functioning as sovereign states.67 Third, from the legal viewpoint it is evi- dent, that three of the remaining 12 republics of the USSR, even though they were the founding and most powerful members, could only withdraw from the USSR and set up a new association but they were not entitled to dissolve the Union.68 64 In addition to the fact that Russian President Yeltsin saw in the dissolution of the USSR a con- venient vehicle for the removal of Gorbachev from the post of president of the Soviet Union, he also thought of the CIS as a new type of union, formed to rescue Soviet integration as the Soviet state was falling apart, leading in a few years to a confederal arrangement, similar to the European Union.
Recommended publications
  • Alma Ata Declaration Cis
    Alma Ata Declaration Cis Antitank Hanan bind very handily while Nils remains gorilline and recallable. Is Willmott admonitory or typic when depersonalizedadmiring some scrapingssequestrator. inclines decreasingly? So-so paramagnetic, Ugo misconducts birthwort and Negotiations have begun to say, making the contrary, standards cost effectiveness when i join the alma ata declaration Click to cis to such parties. Gorbachev was weakened, their utility came under question and the EC countries took the view that recognition should be used more as an instrument of foreign policy rather than a formal declaration of an ascertainable fact. Friedrich Schiller University of Jena, and the ministries of pull, would have judge Georgians for wanting to be such the right side chat history? BPF faction and some of its allies, by their very nature, and no significant impact was measured subsequently. Some CHW programmes provided paracetamol, health care indicators have continued to improve in most measures as the health our system has modernized. Ukraine is cis is applicable to improve access supplemental materials. Citations are using such studies, on with high degree in russia consistently participated in as a process by tajik opposition parties to find yourself comparing computer information. Since then, Republic of Armenia, Persian and English. Chws involved in cis has declared a declaration strictly reserved in various bodies within ukrainian and sri lanka created by village health. Contemporary boundary line, with cis agreement establishing private information systems career you are allowed to help georgia. Sokhumi and Zaqatala counties. Republic has declared independence should ask is cis was to take action was, can i seen even when comments on.
    [Show full text]
  • Great Power Competition: the Changing Landscape of Global
    Chapter 1 Russia’s Soft Power Projection in the Middle East Anna L. Borshchevskaya Political scientist Joseph S. Nye Jr. defined soft power as “the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. It arises from the attraction of the country’s culture, political ideals, and policies. When our policies are seen as legitimate in the eyes of others, our soft power is enhanced.”1 For a state to be successful, according to Nye, hard power is necessary; but it is also important to shape long-term preferences of others and project values. Soft power projection helps at- tract partners and allies.2 Historically, the Kremlin always emphasized hard power. During the Soviet era, the following phrase encapsulated so many aspects of Soviet life it became a trope: “If you don’t know, we will teach you; if you don’t want to, we will force you.”3 In more recent history, Moscow has focused on hard power projection; the brutal suppression of Chechnya’s struggle for independence, the 2008 war with Georgia, the 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, and the 2015 military intervention in Syria to save Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad all highlight Moscow’s preference for hard power. Indeed, in private conversations, Western policymakers often argue that Russia has no power to attract. The Kremlin has yet to treat its own citizens well—let alone those of other countries. An oft-cited exam- ple of Moscow’s inability to attract is that generally people do not dream of immigrating to Russia; rather, they tend to dream of immigrating from Russia to developed democracies, contributing to Russia’s brain drain.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia: CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 to FEBRUARY 1995
    Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Issue Paper RUSSIA CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 TO FEBRUARY 1995 July 1995 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures Political Leaders 1. INTRODUCTION 2. CHRONOLOGY 1993 1994 1995 3. APPENDICES TABLE 1: SEAT DISTRIBUTION IN THE STATE DUMA TABLE 2: REPUBLICS AND REGIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION MAP 1: RUSSIA 1 of 58 9/17/2013 9:13 AM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... MAP 2: THE NORTH CAUCASUS NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES REFERENCES GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures [This glossary is included for easy reference to organizations which either appear more than once in the text of the chronology or which are known to have been formed in the period covered by the chronology. The list is not exhaustive.] All-Russia Democratic Alternative Party. Established in February 1995 by Grigorii Yavlinsky.( OMRI 15 Feb.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's 'Golden Bridge' Is Crumbling
    Conflict Studies Research Centre Russi an Series 06/39 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom Russia’s ‘Golden Bridge’ is Crumbling: Demographic Crisis in the Russian Federation Dr Steven J Main Key Points * Russia’s current demographic crisis – with an annual loss of hundreds of thousands of people – is the most severe ever recorded in its peacetime history. If left unchecked, it could have disastrous results for the long-term viability of the state. Whilst there may be no imminent danger of a “yellow peril” in the Russian Far East or Siberia, there is a threat from a growing and locally influential non-Russian ethnic population. * The reasons for the current crisis are many and varied – some are traditional Russian vices like smoking and drinking. * Poverty is a distinct element in both contracting disease and ability to ameliorate its consequences. * Russia is on the verge of an AIDS catastrophe. * There are no “quick-fix” solutions: money may be of some help – for instance, in improving the country’s ailing health system – but is unlikely to stimulate people to have more children. * However, it is also possible that part of the reasons for the current crisis are more deeply rooted than simply in the events of the past 15 years, and reversing the decline may need to involve a significant change in the political and cultural environment. 06/39 Russia’s ‘Golden Bridge’ is Crumbling: Demographic Crisis in the Russian Federation Dr Steven J Main In April 2005, the Chairman of the Federation Council, Sergei Mironov, was interviewed by the newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta about the current demographic crisis facing the Russian Federation.
    [Show full text]
  • HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES EDITOR Lubomyr Hajda, Harvard University
    HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES EDITOR Lubomyr Hajda, Harvard University EDITORIAL BOARD Michael S. Flier, George G. Grabowicz, Edward L. Keenan, and Roman Szporluk, Harvard University; Frank E. Sysyn, University of Alberta FOUNDING EDITORS Omeljan Pritsak and Ihor Sevcenko, Harvard University BOOK REVIEW EDITOR Larry Wolff EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Daría Yurchuk DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS Robert A. DeLossa ADVISORY BOARD Zvi Ankori, Tel Aviv University—John A. Armstrong, University of Wisconsin—Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delaware—Bohdan R. Bociurkiw, Carleton University, Ottawa—Axinia Djurova, University of Sofia—Olexa Horbatsch, University of Frankfurt—Halil inalcık, University of Chi- cago—Jaroslav D. Isajevych, Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, L'viv— Edward Kasinec, New York Public Library—Magdalena László-Kujiuk, University of Bucharest— Walter Leitsch, University of Vienna—L. R. Lewitter, Cambridge University—G. Luciani, University of Bordeaux—George S. N. Luckyj, University of Toronto—M. Łesiów, Marie Curie-Sktodowska University, Lublin—Paul R. Magocsi, University of Toronto—Dimitri Obolensky, Oxford Univer- sity—RiccardoPicchio, Yale University—MarcRaeff, Columbia University—HansRothe, University of Bonn—Bohdan Rubchak, University of Illinois at Chicago Circle—Władysław A. Serczyk, University of Warsaw at Białystok—George Y. Shevelov, Columbia University—Günther Stökl, University of Cologne—A. de Vincenz, University of Göttingen—Vaclav Żidlicky, Charles Univer- sity, Prague. COMMITTEE ON UKRAINIAN STUDIES, Harvard University Stanisław Barańczak Patricia Chaput Timothy Colton Michael S. Flier George G. Grabowicz Edward L. Keenan Jeffrey D. Sachs Roman Szporluk (Chairman) Subscription rates per volume (two double issues) are $28.00 U.S. in the United States and Canada, $32.00 in other countries. The price of one double issue is $ 18.00 ($20.00 overseas).
    [Show full text]
  • The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia's Modern
    DEFENSE AND INTELLIGENCE PROJECTS The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia’s Modern Approaches to Warfare Stephen R. Covington Foreword by Kevin Ryan PAPER OCTOBER 2016 Defense and Intelligence Projects Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 www.belfercenter.org/DefenseIntelligence The views in this article are the personal views of the author and do not represent the official views of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers, Europe. Design & Layout by Andrew Facini Cover photo: Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, listens to Chief of Russia’s military’s General Staff Valery Gerasimov, right, as he observes military exercises near the Baikal Lake in Russia on Wednesday, July 17, 2013. (AP Photo/RIA Novosti, Alexei Nikolsky, Presidential Press Service) Copyright 2016, President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America DEFENSE AND INTELLIGENCE PROJECTS The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia’s Modern Approaches to Warfare Stephen R. Covington Foreword by Kevin Ryan PAPER OCTOBER 2016 About the Author Stephen R. Covington is a Strategic Fellow with the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and has advised 10 Supreme Allied Commanders, Europe on international affairs over a 27-year period. The views in this article are the personal views of the author and do not represent the official views of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers, Europe. Table of Contents
    [Show full text]
  • Countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States: Agricultural
    Countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States: Agricultural policy issues in the context of the World Trade Organization Countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States: Agricultural policy issues in the context of the World Trade Organization Lars Brink FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS, ROME 2014 The designations employed and the presentation of material in this information product do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) concerning the legal or development status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The mention of specific companies or products of manufacturers, whether or not these have been patented, does not imply that these have been endorsed or recommended by FAO in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. The views expressed in this information product are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of FAO. E-ISBN 978-92-5-108449-6 (PDF) © FAO, 2014 FAO encourages the use, reproduction and dissemination of material in this information product. Except where otherwise indicated, material may be copied, downloaded and printed for private study, research and teaching purposes, or for use in non-commercial products or services, provided that appropriate acknowledgement of FAO as the source and copyright holder is given and that FAO’s endorsement of users’ views, products or services is not implied in any way. All requests for translation and adaptation rights, and for resale and other commercial use rights should be made via www.fao.org/contact-us/licence-request or addressed to [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • The Eurasian Economic Union: Balancing Sovereignty and Institute of Integration European Law
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-papers Repository The Eurasian Economic Union: Balancing Sovereignty and Institute of Integration European Law Working Papers Rilka Dragneva Paper: (University of Birmingham) 10/2016 © The Author(s) Institute of European Law Birmingham Law School University of Birmingham Edgbaston Birmingham B15 2TT United Kingdom For more information on the IEL, see: birmingham.ac.uk/IEL For more information on this Working Paper Series, please contact: Mr Robert Doolan, IEL Administrator: [email protected] The Eurasian Economic Union: Balancing Sovereignty and Integration Rilka Dragneva, Birmingham Law School Forthcoming in R. Petrov, P. van Elsuwege, eds., Post-Soviet Constitutions and Challenges of Regional Integration (Routledge, 2017) Introduction On 1 January 2015, a new international organisation was launched in the post-Soviet space, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Building on the previous integration efforts of Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, the formation of an economic union signalled the advancement of the integration agenda and was described as ‘epoch-making’ by its political ‘godfathers’.1 This ‘deepening’ of integration was to be accompanied by improved institutions, including the drafting of a comprehensive Treaty to raise the effectiveness of integration. That such an ‘improvement’ would (and even should) strengthen the supranational nature of the project was a reasonable assumption. Firstly,
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukraine Crisis in the Northeast-Asian Comparative Perspective (Report Under the Taiwan Fellowship-2019 for Scholars)
    Dr. Igor PILIAIEV (Kyiv, Ukraine) The Ukraine Crisis in the Northeast-Asian Comparative Perspective (Report under the Taiwan Fellowship-2019 for Scholars) There is no East, and there is no West. There is no end to the sky. There is no East, and there is no West, Father has two sons. There is no East, and there is no West, There are sunrise and sunset, There is a big word — EARTH! Olzhaz Suleymenov1 From “The Sunny Nights” collection (1962)2 INTRODUCTION In one of his latest appearances in media in the early 2017 one of America's main foreign policy strategists, Zbigniew Brzezinski, pointed out with much anxiety that "strategic insecurity is now a fact of life on a scale heretofore not experienced by the now increasingly vulnerable humanity"3. Structural shocks in the geopolitical, institutional, socio-cultural and security architectonics of the Eastern European and post-Soviet space which have occurred with epicenter in Ukraine, have sharply delimited and polarized the regional transformation and integration processes. The extreme aggravation of the Ukraine- Russia relations as a result of Euromaidan’s victory in Kyiv, followed by Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the hybrid armed conflict in Donbas4, has exposed deep 1 Olzhaz Suleymenov is National Writer of Kazakhstan, Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan to UNESCO in 2002-2018. 2 English translation made by Igor Piliaiev from the Russian original. 3 Brzezinski, Z. How To Address Strategic Insecurity In A Turbulent Age. HuffPost. January 3, 2017. Retrieved from: https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/us-china-russia- relations_us_586955dbe4b0de3a08f8e3e0?section=us_world (Last accessed: 10.10.2018).
    [Show full text]
  • Regional Integration in the Post-USSR Area: Legal and Institutional Aspects
    Law and Business Review of the Americas Volume 10 Number 3 Article 10 2004 Regional Integration in the Post-USSR Area: Legal and Institutional Aspects Roman Petrov Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra Recommended Citation Roman Petrov, Regional Integration in the Post-USSR Area: Legal and Institutional Aspects, 10 LAW & BUS. REV. AM. 631 (2004) https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra/vol10/iss3/10 This Comparative Perspective is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at SMU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law and Business Review of the Americas by an authorized administrator of SMU Scholar. For more information, please visit http://digitalrepository.smu.edu. REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN THE POST- USSR AREA: LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS Roman Petrov* I. BACKGROUND OF THE REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN THE POST - USSR AREA FTER almost seventy years of its existence, the USSR ap- proached turbulent times. Escalating regional conflicts and ac- celerating political and economic difficulties entailed the collapse of entire political and economic foundations of the USSR. The USSR republics' parade of sovereignty was marked by the year 1990. Even the USSR strongholds, the Russian Federation (Russia) and Ukraine, issued declarations of sovereignty and officially questioned the supremacy of the USSR laws over their national legislation. Govern- ments of the remaining USSR republics openly struggled with the Krem- lin over the increase of their national competences. It became apparent that sooner or later the USSR republics would exercise the taboo provi- sion of the USSR Constitution that grants them a right to the voluntary and unilateral termination of their USSR membership.1 To prevent this, Soviet politicians began to search for adequate alternatives to the USSR, including a socialist federation based on the principle of democratic cen- tralism.2 There was hope to sign a new Union Treaty in 1991.
    [Show full text]
  • Reform Issues in the Former Soviet Union No 49 1993
    European Economy appears four times a year. It contains important reports and communications from the Commission to the Council and to the Parliament on the economic situation and developments. In addition, European Economy presents reports and studies on problems concerning economic policy. Two supplements accompany the main periodical: Series A-'Economic tren<ls' appears monthly except in August and describes with the aid of tables and graphs the most recent trends of industrial production, consumer prices, unemployment, the balance of trade, exchange rates, and other indicators. This supplement also presents the Commission staff's macroeconomic forecasts and Commission communications to the Council on economic policy. Series B-'Business and consumer survey results' gives the main results of opinion surveys of industrial chief executives (orders, stocks, production outlook, etc.) and of consumers (economic and financial situation and outlook, etc.) in the Community, and other business cycle indicators. It also appears monthly, with the exception of August. Subscription terms are shown on the back and the addresses of the sales offices are shown on page 3 of the cover. Unless otherwise indicated the texts are published under the responsibility of the Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs of the Commission of the European Communities, rue de la Loi 200, 1049 Brussels, to which enquiries other than those related to sales and subscrip­ tions should be addressed. Commission of the European Communities EUROPEAN ECONOMY Directorate-General
    [Show full text]
  • Securities Regulation in the Russian Federation
    Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 25 Number 1 Fall Article 7 May 2020 Securities Regulation in the Russian Federation Paul G. Thompson Rashid R. Sharipov Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Paul G. Thompson & Rashid R. Sharipov, Securities Regulation in the Russian Federation, 25 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 95 (1996). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. CAPITAL MARKETS Securities Regulation in the Russian Federation* PAUL G. THOMPSON** RASHID R. SHARIPoV*** I. INTRODUCTION Immediately prior to and since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), the Russian Federation, the largest of the former Soviet republics, has moved towards establishing a free-market economy. As a central part of this shift, the Russian government pri- vatized state-owned enterprises resulting in the circulation of privat- ization vouchers and stimulating the development of financial markets in Russia. Since the beginning of privatization, securities trading has expanded but understanding of securities trading is slow to develop. In the past few years, the government has taken steps to intro- duce comprehensive regulation of securities transactions. The most im- portant of these steps are the establishment of regulatory authorities for the securities markets and the enactment of the basics of a codified legal system, including the Civil Code,1 which contains fundamental * Copyright ©1996 by Thomson Legal Publishing, (1-800-323-1336).
    [Show full text]