Kilmacthomas Union The Administration of Poor Law in a County Waterford workhouse 1851-1872.

John Gerard Crotty Student ID 97150479

Research Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements of

His6, Bachelor of Arts 200617

University College Cork

Supervisor: Peter Connell

I, John Gerard Crotty, certify that this work is my own report and I haw not copied the work of any other student or individual. Any ideas, information, or quotations derived from other sources have been dull referenced. Acknowledgements.

In writing this thesis I have received much help. First of all I would like to thank all my lecturers throughout the course of my studies for their guidance and inspiration from the beginning to the completion of this thesis. In particular I would like to thank Peter Connell, Kay McKeogh and my fellow students for their help and advice in producing this paper.

I am indebted to the staffs of the Waterford County Library, Waterford Institute of Technology Library, Waterford City Library and the National Library of Ireland for their generous help. Special thanks must go to Joanne Rothwell, Waterford County Archivist who gave me unending help. Maria McCarthy in the WIT was extremely helpful in sourcing difficult to obtain secondary material &om other libraries.

Of the many other people who helped me I am extremely obliged to my parents John and Kathleen Crotty for all their help over the life of this course. I would also like to thank Kieran O'Connor and my work collegues for being flexible with my work times in order to allow me carry out detailed research of the primary materials used in this thesis. The Barry family, the owners of the workhouse property, were particularly helpful and allowed me unrestricted access to the workhouse buildings.

Last but not least I would like to thank my wife Bernie for her patience, support and encouragement during the writing of this thesis and throughout my studies. This course and thesis would never have been completed without her constant commitment to helping me complete my research. Contents

List of Tables and Figures Page 4. Introduction Page 5 The Formation of the Union Page 5 County Waterford and Kilmacthomas-the effects of the famine Page 9 The Guardians Page 11 The Officials Page 15 The Paupers Page 17 The Diet Page 19 The Medical Charities Act Page 21 The Workhouse Infirmary Page 27 Religion Page 30 Outdoor Relief Page 31 Female Paupers and Children Page 33 Work Page 37 School Page 38 Emigration Page 39 Mortality Page 41 Conclusion Page 42 Appendix 1. Index and Status of Minute Books Page 44 Appendix 2. Maps of Waterford and Electoral Districts Page 45 Appendix 3. Contacts with other Unions Page 46 Appendix 4. Table showing numbers admitted and categories of admission. Page 48 Appendix 5. Examples of Assisted Emigration Page 49 Appendix 6. The present condition of the workhouse including photographs. Page 51 Appendix 7. Samples of pages from Kilmacthomas Minute Books Page 54 Primary Sources Page 61 Bibliography Page 63 List of Tables and Fieures

Table 1. Kilmacthomas Union Electoral Districts Page 7 Table 2. Kilmacthomas Children in Dungarvan Minute Books Page 8 Table 3. Relief in County Waterford during the Famine Page 11 Table 4. Rates struck showing general trend over twenty years. Page 13 Table 5. Dietary Scale 12 July 1859. Page 20 Table 6. Kilmacthomas Union Dispensary Districts Page 22 Table 7. Dispensary and Vaccination Tickets 1852-56 Page 24 Table 8. Return of the number of Unmarried Male & Female Inmates in County Waterford on ~3'~July 1859 Page 33 Table 9. Numbers of Illegitimate Children in County Waterford workhouses 01 January 1854 Page 36 Table 10. School Timetable February 1854 Page 39

Figure 1. Map of Waterford showing location of Kilmacthomas workhouse Page 6 Figure 2. Yearly Expenditure 1851-1872(excluding Medical Charities Act) Page 14 Figure 3. Average number of days in workhouse Page 18 4. Issue of Dispensary Tickets 1859-1872 Page 24 Figure 5. Issue of Visiting Tickets 1859-1872 Page 25 Figure 6. Comparison between those sick and not sick entering the workhouse Page 28 Figure 7. Indoor V Outdoor Relief Page 32 Figure 8. Births in the workhouse 1856-1871 Page 36 Figure 9. Emigration from County Waterford 1851-72 Page 40 Figure 10. Mortality rates for workhouses in County Waterford 1862-1870 Page 41 Introduction. This paper examines Kilmacthomas Union in the period 1851 to 1872, presenting an opportunity to examine the workings of the poor law administration outside the period of the famine. The principal argument of this thesis will centre on the implementation of the poor law and the way in which the workhouse moved from a narrow workhouse base to becoming the major provider of the statutory social services which came about as a direct result of the legislative changes in the poor law in the period following the famine. The minute books provide us with the opportunity for detailed analysis of how the poor law impacted on the administrators, ratepayers, officials and inmates. The geographical area of the union covered sixteen electoral divisions with a population of almost 25,000 people in 1851. The spatial aspect will primarily focus on the workhouse and will reference the actual townlands in the context of the administration of the union, outdoor relief and the administration of the dispensary system established by the Medical Charities Act of 1851. Analysis of assisted emigration, disease control and the changing role of the poor law in the provision of fledgling social services at local level gives a picture of the changes brought about by legislation such as the Sewage Utilisation Act 1865 and the Sanitary Act of 1866. By examining the union as a community as defined by Hoskins and Finberg, we can view it as a 'distinct and fundamental entity and organism with a continuous, ordered, coherent life of its own'.' The union provides a local view of the political, economic, social and cultural life of a rural workhouse against a national backdrop. As Kinealy points out the poor law system can only be worked out through detailed examination of its implementation at local level.2

The Formation of the Union. The Amendment Act of August 1849 provided the basis for the formation of new Poor Law unions resulting in the Poor Law Commission becoming one of the largest and most powerful government agencies in

' Oscail, 2006, History 6, Dublin: Dublin City University.(hereafte Oscail, History 6),pl-9 Christine Kinealy, The Workhouse System in Connty Waterford, 1838-1923 in William Nolan & Thomas Power, Waterford History and Society- Inferdisciplinavy Essays on the History of an Irish Colin& (Dublin, 1992) (hereafter Kinealy, The Workhouse System), p579. t re land.^ The Union of Kilmacthomas, one of the final eight formed: can be found in County Waterford and is surrounded by the Unions of Waterford, Dungarvan and Carrick-on-Suir. The workhouse buildings are located on the main Waterford-Cork road approximately 12 miles from Waterford and 1 mile from Kilmacthomas in the townland of Carriganonshagh in the electoral division of Kilmacthomas.

- Fig.1 Map of Waterford showing location of Kilmacthomas ~orkhouse.~.

The site consists of a dining hall, chapel, two storey male and female hospital buildings, three storey male and female dormitory buildings and two single storey buildings at the site entrance. The mortuary is still intact and three of the rooms retain original limestone laying out slabs. The union consisted of sixteen electoral divisions, with a population of 24,735 at formation in 1851, and covering more than 64,000 statute acres.6

RD Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics: The Irish Dispensary System and the Poor Law, 1836-1872 (New York,1997) (hereafter Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics), 978. George Nicholls, A History of the Irish Poor Law (Reprint, London, 1856, New York, 1867) (hereafter Nicholls, the Irish Poor Law), p373. See Christine Kinneally, The Irish Poor Law, 1838-62: a study of the relationship between the local and central administrators (Dublin, 1984) p252 for detail on Kilmacthomas as one of the final eight unions formed as a result of the changes which came about in the aftermath of the famine. http://w\uw.mountainviewhse.com/waterfordmap.shtml GB Handrahan, Townlands in Poor Law Unions- A Reprint of Poor Law Union Pamphlets of the General Register's Office, (Massachusetts, 1997) (hereafter Handrahan, Townlands in Poor Law Unions),p275. Most sources quote Kilmacthomas as having opened in 1851 and the first minute books are for October 1851 although it did not actually admit paupers until 1853.~The date on which the declaration of the new union took effect was set at 7" June 1850' with the first election of guardians set for the 30 July 1850.' The date of acceptance of the site for the workhouse was recorded in the 4'h Annual Report as 11 October 1850 with the advertisement for tender issued on 18 February 1851 and tender accepted in ~~ri1.l'The minute books for 1851, 1852 and 1853 hide this fact as the observations section of the weekly reports were badly damaged by water prior to their storage in the County Archive. These were the sections containing the entries regarding the number of inmates resident in neighbouring institutions."

Table 1. Kilmacthomas Union Electoral Divisions

Source: Information compiled from Handrahan, To~vnlarrdsin Poor Law U~ziorts.

The board resolved on 12 June 1852 that the Clerk contact the Poor Law Commissioners for plans of the furniture required for Kilmacthomas w~rkhouse.'~Shortly after the opening of the workhouse the plans for the Fever Hospital were approved with the board accepting the tender from Mr.

7" Annual Report of the Irish Poor Law Commissioners 1854 (NLI, PP, XXIX.531) (hereafter 7" Annual Report 1854), p30. The report of George Wilkinson on building and erection of new unions in the 5Ih Annual Report 1852 states "work in progress and in a very advanced state. The 7" Annual Report refers to Kilmacthomas as one of 27 new unions which were completed and in occupation. 4& Annual Report of the Irish Poor Law Commissioners 1851, (NLI, PP, XXV1.547) (hereafter 4" Annual Report 1851), p194. Ibid , Table I, p2. The Waterford Evening News for Nov 8" 1850, reporting on the proceedings of the Waterford Board of Guardians, quotes the chairman as seeing it as "a good time to seek some of their money fiom the Kilmacthomas Union as he had heard they were now collecting in their own funds." 'O Ibid, pl59. Ibid, Table 11, p6. The Reservation Order dated 09" July 1850 and issued under section 3 of 12 & 13 Vict.c.lO4 records accommodation reserved in the neighbouring unions until the building was completed. Waterford reserved 424 spaces and Dungarvan 239. l2 BGKILTHOWI, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 12 June 1852, (Waterford County Archive Service, BGKILTHOM) (hereafter BGKILTHOWl). Terence O'Reilly for the erection of a fever hospital.13 The fever hospital was reported completed on 9 December 1854 although the male probationary ward was still being used as a temporary fever ward.14 There are references found in newspaper accounts and the minute books which give us the first clues to the relationship between Kilmacthomas and the neighbouring unions of Waterford and Dungarvan. There is an account in the Waterford Evening News for November 8Ih 1850 reporting on the proceedings of the Waterford Board of Guardians which quotes the chairman as seeing it as "a good time to seek some of their money from the Kilmacthomas Union as he had heard they were now collecting their own funds." He described it as a great hardship on Waterford Union to be supporting Kilmacthomas Union paupers and "could see no honesty in their dispositions. We have a right to make them honest even if they have not a mind to do so".15 There is a letter from the clerk of Waterford Union sending the statement of account for the half year ending 29 September 1851.16

Table 2. I(i1macthomas Children in Dungarvan Minute Books June 1852. Date Class Number of Pupils 26Ih ~une1852 In Girls School 210 I I June 1851 In Girls School 253 26" June 1852 In Infants School 144 June 185 1 In Infants School 212 I I I I Source: William Praher (Ed), Desperate Haveu- The Poor Law, Famine, & Aftermath in Dungarvan Union (Dungarvan, 2001), p143.

The entry notes that, of the above children in 1852, half belonged to

l3 BGKILTHOW4, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 18 February 1854 (Waterford County Archive Service, BGKILTHOMf) (hereafter BGKILTHOW4). The Poor Law commissioners sent a sealed order in July authorising the borrowing of £1400 to defray the cost of erecting the fever hospital (BGKILTHOWS, 22 Jul 1854). However, the loan was turned down by the Commissioners on 16" September. Due to the difficulty getting a loan the board set up interest payments to Mr. O'Reilly. The loan was eventually paid off in January 1861 when the new Master advanced a loan to pay O'Reilly at 4% interest (BGKILTHOW12). BGKILTHOW5, 09 December 1854 Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, (Waterford County Archive Service, BGKILTHOMf) (hereafter BGKILTHOWS). IS Waterford Evening News, 8" Nov 1850. It was reported in the same newspaper on the 19" November that the clerk "had received a cheque for £250 from the Kilmacthomas Union as part payment for the support of their paupers to which Mr. Meagher MP (father of Thomas Francis Meagher) commented "This is their first money" and which was accompanied by laughter &om the rest of the board ( WaterfordEvening News, 19" Nov 1850). l6 BGKILTHOWI. 25 October 1851. Kilmacthomas union.17 The is still a record of two paupers in the Waterford workhouse on 4'h February 1854, reducing to one two weeks later while the week after records no paupers in the other workhouse^.'^

County Waterford and Kitmacthomas-the effects of the famine In 1841 County Waterford contained 10,729 land holdings of above one Irish acre in extent. Some 42% of farms in Waterford were over 15 Irish acres and operating commercially and should have been better equipped to weather the coming storm. These strong farmers were well integrated into the market economy and well tuned to fluctuations in the demands of the market. They also increasingly assumed leadership roles in the political, religious and social spheres. The remainder were small holdings with small farmers and cottiers. These classes along with the large number of labourers and spailpins, would be the ones most affected by the famine. Burtchall uses data to support his argument that Waterford had the most commercially viable farming structure of any county in Ireland. Compare this with the bottom of the scale where Mayo had only two percent of holdings above thirty Irish acres." With more potatoes per capita and a well established farming structure, the county seemed to be better positioned than most others to survive the potato blight of the late 1840's. It is within this context that we can look specifically at the area making up the union of Kilmacthomas. The union is flanked to the north by the Comeragh Mountains and to the south by extensive coastline. To the south of the Comeraghs the land declines in approaching the sea and "presents a large alluvial tract, highly cultivated and fertile".20 Lewis Topographical Dictionary describes many "teeming townlands along the coast in cottierlfishing communities such as Ibockane, Dunabrattin, and Tankardstown, to Ballyvoyle." The copper mining activities at Knockmahon concentrated

l7 William Fraher (Ed), Desperate Haven- The Poor Law, Famine, & Affermath in Dungarvan Union (Dungarvan, 2001)(hereafter Fraher, Desperate Haven), p143. BGIKILTHOMI4,25' Febmary 1854. Entries in BGmLTHOMI4 record the final close out of accounts for Dungarvan on 04 March 1854. The Final Adjustment Order of £200 for Waterford was drawn on the 17 July 1854. l9 Jack Burtchall. The demographic impact ofthefanline in coun!y Waterford in Des Cowman (ed). The Famine in Waterford 1845.1850: Teacht Na bPratai Dubha (Waterford, 1995) (hereafter Burtchall, The Famine in County Waterford), p267. 20 Lewis Topographical Dictionary, (Vol I1 p677) population in Knockmahon itself and the neighbouring townlands of Rathquage, Kilduane, Templeyvrick and Ballynarrid. With the exception of the Bonmahon area, gross overpopulation was an isolated phenomena in east County waterford?' Prior to the opening of the Kilmacthomas workhouse paupers were sent to the neighbouring workhouses of Waterford and Dungarvan. The distance between the electoral divisions and these workhouses sometimes resulted in sick paupers travelling a distance of over twenty miles.22Immediately prior to the famine the pauper population was quite small in the workhouses and up to 1845 the poor law system was reasonably effective in relieving di~tress.'~The second failure of the potato crop resulted in severe strain on the workhouses in County Waterford and also saw the collapse of the public works system.24 During the period of the famine there were three temporary and generally ineffectual relief acts leading to a separate and independent Irish Poor Law Commission formally created by the Poor Law Relief (Ireland) Amendment Act of 1847.2~One of the chief features of the crisis was that despite the increased collection of local rates they were totally insufficient to deal with the level of de~titution.~~Kinealy argues that by 1849, and despite widespread emigration, the entire fabric of the poor law system was disintegrating?7 The county had a high mortality rate similar to rates shared by western counties such as Cork and Kerry-running at 3 to 4 per cent of its population?8 The death rate for County Waterford has been estimated at between 20.8 and 30.8 per thousand excess deaths as compared to between 58.4 and 72.0 per thousand for Mayo and 1.7 to 6.6 for exf ford.^^

21 Burtchall, The Famine in County Waterford, p272. 22 Fraher, Desperate Haven, p73. 23 Kinealy, The Workhouse System, p582. 24 Ibid, p587. 25 Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p64. Cassells argues that this act resulted in the Poor Law Commission becoming one of the largest and most powerful government agencies in Ireland(Cassel1, p78). 26 Kinealy, The Workhouse System, p587. See Cassells Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p65 for a discussion on the impact of increased rates on the medical charities, which relied on the upper and middle classes for support. The 6d in the pound and a further 2d in the pound in December 1850 saw the funds available &om this source reduce dramatically. 27 Ibid, The Workhouse System, p587. 28 Ibid, The Workhouse System, p588. 29 Burtchall, The Famine in County Waterford, p268. Table 3. Relief in County Waterford during the Famine

Outdoor I Waterford -----... ( 8,998 ( 7,528 ( 973 ( 144 Source: Compiled from the Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1848-1852.

Table reproduced from Kinenly, C. 1992, nre FVo~kI~ouseSyslem itr Cotmly FValerford, 1838-1923.

The census returns for 1841 put the Irish population at 8,175,124. By 1851, as a result of famine, disease and emigration, it had fallen to 6,52,386. The fall in population varied by province with the Connaught dropping by 29% while Munster dropped by 22%. Ulster and Leinster followed losing 16% and 15% respectively.30Overall the population drop for Kilmacthomas Union was 26% over the period of the famine while there were significant variations within the electoral divisions. While the average was in the mid to low twenties, Kilmacthomas lost 39% of its population while Comeragh was as low as

The Guardians. The workhouse was administered by a board of guardians, a position on which only ratepayers and therefore those with property could sit with the system supported by the payment of rates.32 Much of the day to day business

'O Cassell. Medical Charities. Medical Politics. 063 '' conrpahive View of Census oflreland, 184i-51. PP 1852 (373), xIvi, p357. 32 Kinealy, The Workhouse System, p579. Kinealy argues that because "all ratepayers were entitled to vote in annual poor law elections, the concept of local self government was well established in Ireland long before the 1898 Local Government Act." When considering the setting of rates it is important to note that guardians often had vested interests. For example, both the Uniacke family and Lord Waterford had interests in the mining company in Knockmahon and were happy for the rates to be spread over the ratepayers rather than have high rates against the mining company property. involved dealing with requests from the Poor Law Commissioners for returns on rates, issues around chargeability, auditing of union accounts and ele~tions.3~The administration was carried on in a very business like manner and it is only rarely that there is any mention of the condition of the paupers. The focus of the guardians often rested on saving money and keeping rates down. On the 21" January 1854 the board called on the schoolmaster and agriculturalist to resign so that they could appoint one Mr. Coffey to take up the joint position?4 In a visit to the house in December 1859 Mr. Hamilton, Poor Law Inspector, suggested warmer clothing for the children for the winter.35 However, the following week the guardians examined the clothing and deemed it sufficiently warm.36When differences of opinion did occur and the board refused to comply with the commissions wishes, the latter resorted to sealed orders with invariable success.37 The appointment of the workhouse doctor in March 1854 caused a level of disagreement between the board and the commissioners. Following his resignation he reapplied for the position and was approved by the guardians but the commissioners refused to sanction his appointment.38The issue was finally resolved when Dr. Coughlan resigned at the end of and a new doctor was appointed in early An example of the ongoing concern of the guardians regarding rates is clear in the entry for March 1854. There was a four page account outlining the reason for the high rates in Knockmahon, which was due to people flocking to the mines for work. The result was that the ratepayers were bearing the high

33 BGIKILTHOWI, 06 Mar 1852. The level of involvement of the PLC extended down to detail such as the direction of the drains leading from the workhouse. See Cassells Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p78 for an examination of the powers of the Poor Law Commission over taxation, poor law property, and supervision of the guardians. " BGKILTHOW4,Zl Jan 1854. 35 BGIKILTHOWll, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 10 December 1859 (Waterford County Archive Service, BGKILTHOMJ (hereafter BGIKILTHOWI 1). "%id, 17 December 1859. 37 Ibid, p81. In Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p80, the role of the commissioners in supervising the work of the guardians is discussed. The minutes of each weekly meeting were read and compared to the detailed evaluations contained in the inspector's reports. 38 BG/KILTHOM/4,25 March 1854. 39 Ibid, 24 June 1854. 40 Ibid, 08 July 1854. There is a hidden reference to the relationship of some of the inmates with Dr. Coughlan in the Masters report for 15 July 1854. Some of the female inmates in the hospital abused all those they felt had not supported Dr. Coughlan including some of the Board members. cost of maintaining the destitute families of miners who resided in the area.41

Table 4. Rates struck showing general trend over twenty year period.

Source: Information compiled from BG/KUTHOM/Minute Books 1851-1872.

The level of concern with costs is evident in a request minuted on the 08' September 1855 from the chairman of the South Dispensary District requesting the clerk to provide the dispensary with a sweeping Despite a request for consideration by Mr. J.B. Franks, Esq. R.M., in the case of a destitute child found at the side of the road the board refused to accept any

41 Ibid, 18 March 1854. Following on fiom an earlier discussion on the re-valuation of the mines at Knockmahon based on the company's half year profit reports. The 1871 census returns showed the population increase fiom 339 in 1841 to 480 (1851), 584 (1861) and drawing back to 479 in 187 1. " BGiKILTHOMl6, Kilmactbomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 08 September 1855 (Waterford County Archive Service, BG/KILTHOM/) (hereafter BGiKILTHOW6). On 3 November 1855 the Medical Officer "requested warm socks for pauper boys of the institution throughout winter months to prevent their feet from being affected by sores or chilblains as last winter there were a large number of them in the infirmary with bad sore feet fiom the cold weather." The board so ordered. Entries of this nature outline the harshness of workhouse life. liability for 31- incurred by the person who took charge of the child and referred the case to the Commissioners noting that the mother was in

Figure 2. Yearly Expenditure 1851-1872 (excluding Dispensary Districts).

Yearly Expenditure

u, 3500 u 5 3000 2500 2000 1500 +Total Costs 1000 500 X w 0

Year , Source: Compiled from the Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1851-1872.

The guardians did not operate in isolation despite the strict controls of the Commissioners. The boards could be highly political in terms of protecting their own interests and petitioned each other on various issues.44 The Commissioners noted in their 10" Annual Report in 1857 the responses to calls for the amalgamation of unions. The answer from the unions "was generally an unfavourable one, the exceptions being those that wished to extend their unions areas."45 On the 19~June 1865 the board ordered that the clerk summon a special meeting for the following Tuesday to take into consideration a copy of a resolution received from Limerick Board of Guardians regarding the Catholic

" BGKILTHOWl5, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 29 March 1862 (Waterford County Archive Service, BGKILTHOM) (hereafter BGKILTHOMll5). 44 See Appendix 3 for examples. An example of political awareness 1s evident in an cnny in BG/KII.THOM/14 for 28 December 1861 when the board sent a message of sympathy.-. to HRH on the death of Prince Consort and their devoted loyalty to Her ~ajest~r *' lo6 Annual Report of the Irish Poor Law Commissioners 1857 Session 2, WI, PP, XXII.137) (hereafter 10' Annual Report 1857), p9. Of all the 32 newly formed unions they either remained silent or expressed an objection to the proposal as it was recognised that the move would only suit larger unions who were left with spare accommodation in the wake of the famine. a BGKILTHOW19, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 19 June 1865, Tlic Officials. The lives of the officials along with the paupers were strictly regulated. The officials were employees of the union and this is very evident in the primary materials. However, some of the officials, such as the Relieving Officers and Doctors, were also ratepayers with land in the area. Others were related to members of the board and both can be found renting accommodation for the dispensary's and supplying goods to the workhouse. There were a number of entries in the early years of the workhouse which showed the difficulty which accompanied the setting up of the workhouse. Complaints were made on occasion against officials in the workhouse. There were ongoing issues with one of the collectors, Henry Langley, over discrepancies in his accounts. An entry for 31 January 1852 records a request from the board for Henry Langley to furnish his books for inspection by the clerk as there were issues with "no monies being lodged."47 In March 1854 the board resolved that the Poor Law Commissioners should be asked to reconsider the case of Andrew Kearney, late Relieving Officer, to have him reinstated as no bills had been found against him at the assizes.48 The commissioners agreed to his reinstatement in a letter on the 25 Mar 1854.49 Five. months later, following an altercation between the Master and some boys wanting admission, the Commissioners recommended that the Master should use his discretion in admitting cases of sudden and urgent necessity under Number 3 of Article 1 of the workhouse rules and such relief shall not be limited.s0 In a letter entered on 22 July 1854 the Poor Law Commissioner called for the resignation of the porter, Nicholas Power, for being drunk. The board argued that, while the porter was under the influence of alcohol, he had

(Waterford County Archive Service, BGIKILTHOM) (hereafter BGIKILTHOMI19). 47 BGIKILTHOMII, 31 January 1852. There was constant weekly communication between all the parties including the threat of legal action by the Poor Law Commissioners until he finally attended on 29" May 1852 and, while there were still some issues with the books, the account was closed in June. 48 BG/KILTHOM/4,04 Mar 1854. 49 Ibid, 25 Mar 1854. There is no reference to the reason for his arrest. BGKILTHOMI3 is badly damaged and cannot be referenced. 50 BGKILTHOMI5, 05 August 1854. The Master was reminded again on the 18" April 1857, of the powers which he possessed in relation to three boys he turned away fiom the house (BGIKILTHOMI8,18 April 1857). returned a day earlier than his leave of absence had expired. They also highlighted the heat of the day as having affected his alcohol intake.51At the same time the infirmary nurse was also called on to resign to which she replied that "she was afflicted by tyranny of the Master and Matron." The board deferred calling on the nurse to resign as it was felt that the Master had not told the full st01-y.~~The following week the porter sent in a letter further criticising the Master and stating that he felt he would not get a fair hearing as the Master "had too many friends on the board."53 In September the Master was reprimanded by the Commissioners for giving keys to paupers and warned "not to give grounds for suspecting him of drinking."54In June of the following year there was an ongoing dispute between the Master and the schoolmaster, John McCaffrey, which resulted in the schoolmaster being accused of being under the influence of drink and of "accosting young girl inmates more than once."55 The porter also ended up in dispute with the Master and was forced to resign. The culmination of the dispute was that Mr Hamilton recommended that it was necessary to dismiss all the officers.56 John McCaffrey, Mrs. McCaffrey and Nicholas Walsh, Porter, all resigned.57 The Master and Matron again appear in difficulty in 1860 with the board receiving a letter from the commissioners regarding a visit from the PL Inspector, Capt Hamilton, who had visited the house on 22 March 1860 and found both missing, the doors unlocked, the infirmary wards dirty and "the inmates not clean in their person." The Poor Law Commissioners called the

" Ibid, 22 July 1854. This dispute ran into counter argument with the porter accusing the master of inappropriate behaviour. The following week the porter again wrote to the board and the commissioners stating that he could not get a fair hearing as the Master "had too many friends on the board." The Commissioners did not sway and there is an entry for 02"~August 1854 appointing a new porter, Thomas Murray, at £8 pa. It was also decided to alter one of the buildings to provide a gatelporters lodge. 52 Ibid, 22 July 1854. When the position of infirmary nurse was advertised at £12 per annum the nurse reapplied for her position and was appointed on trial at her old rate of £9 per annum on condition she withdraw her accusations against the Master and Matron and resolve to "tender respectful obedience to the Master and Matron." 53 Ibid, 29 July 1854. Ibid, 09 September 1854. '' BG/KILTHOM/6,07 June 1855. In another entry for 8 December 1855 the board received a letter from the Commissioner for National Education withdrawing the grant of salary from Robert McGrath, the new schoolmaster, it appearing that he was addicted to intemperance and that he should not be again recognised. 56 bid, 07 July 1855. 57 Ibid, 18 August 1855. The Board respectfully asked the Commissioners to give the Master and Matron another chance to which the commissioners agreed on 18 August 1855. attention of the board to the actions of the Master and Matron being unsatisfactory and questioning whether it was in the interest of the union to retain such officials. In reply the Master pointed out that himself and his wife had been in office for the last 7 years and had carried out their duties faithfully.58 However, within the next few weeks they were both dismissed from their posts due to this and unexplained discrepancies in stock.59Entries for the 29th July 1871 note a "charge of scandalous and immoral conduct" against Richard Power, Relieving Officer which culminated in his resignation on the 04' ~ugust.~~The principle trend in the early years of the workhouse in Kilmacthomas is marked by a degree of instability, petty bickering and controversy in the actions of many of the officials. However this stabilised and some of the official's names appeared in entries for 1851 right up to 1872.~'

The Paupers The paupers themselves were from the area and shared information on opportunities for getting work or nursing out children. It is interesting to see how the paupers used the workhouse to their own advantage moving in and out as needed. The records show that the average stay at certain periods was around 80 days and peaked during the "hungry months." In 1851 national statistics on admissions showed that 34.5 per cent of workhouse inmates were able-bodied men and women and another 44.4 per cent were children under 15, while only 6.8 per cent were listed as aged and infirm. However, the pattern altered in the next two decades. By 1871 the first two categories had declined to 19.9 per cent and 26.6 per cent respectively while the figure for aged and infirm had climbed to 24.3 per cent. In 1851 only 14 per cent of the workhouse inmates were admitted in sickness while by 1871 the figure had ballooned to fully 32.2 per cent.62

58 BGiKILTHOWll, 31 March 1860. 59 In an entry for the 19' June the clerk was directed to summon the late Master in order to settle the claim of the union for £27-6-7 against these deficiencies. 60 BGKILTHOW27, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 29 July 1871 (Waterford County Archive Service, BG/KILTHOM/) (hereafter BGiKILTHOW27). William Hunt served as clerk and carried out his duties in a reliable and efficient manner apart fiom some periods of illness up to his death which was recorded in an entry in BGiKILTHOMI28 for 02 March 1872. Dr. Walker and Dr. Coughlan served as dispensary doctors over the period of this study. 62 Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p103. Figure 3. Average number of days in the workhouse

\ Average Number of Days in Workhouse

+Average nuntRr Iof days mh?I

Source: Compiled from the Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1856-1872. There were significant increases in the numbers in the workhouses during the "hungry months'" In line with national trends the Kilmacthomas Minute Books clearly show how vulnerable women and young children were simply by analysing the ratio of men to women. In all the records examined women clearly outnumbered men in terms of workhouse population. The records for 1851 should be taken in the context of the end of the famine period. The entry for the 01'' October 1851 showed sixteen able-bodied men and four males over fifteen but not working on the books. This eould be compared to sixty nine able bodied and nineteen not working females. This presented a ratio of more than four to one female's inmates to every male, with children making up the remainder of the 235 inmates," Following the famine period the numbers in the workhouse dropped due to different factors, although there would be periodic rises due to various cuntributing factors. Even within the workhouse itself the paupers shdsolidarity with each other, an example being a young boy, Pat Lanigan, who tried to hit the agriculturalist with a shovel while working in the field.64Discipline was harsh within the workhouse and is evident in entries such as a reference to the Mshment Book. Four boys, including Pat Lanigan, were confined to the

63 BGKILTHOWI, 01 October 1851. '' BGIKILTHOM14, 04 February 1854. Derpitc the fact that there were ocher inmates in the fields there meno witnesses to the alleged atternpa assault. house in April for insulting the agriculturalist. The Master was informed that he could not inflict severe punishment without the Medical Officers ~ertificate.~~In May 1854 two inmates who committed assault were committed to jail for one month. There are also numerous cases of inmates absconding with clothes received in the workhouse. In May 1854 of the same year 2 boys absconded with clothes and were caught in Portlaw having sold one of the pairs. They were arrested and summoned to appear in front of the magi~trate.~~ Four boys, aged between 15 and 20, were arrested in November 1854 for begging, threatening and injuring the gate with stones.67 Paupers did not confine themselves to the territorial confines of particular unions but showed high levels of mobility, a feature which caused great concern to the Poor Law Commissioners and individual Boards of ~uardians.~'However, there are other examples such as the entry for 20 December 1851 regarding two women, Mary Carlin and Mary Harrington, who had entered the IGlmacthomas workhouse under false pretences. Within a short time of entering Kilmacthomas it transpired that the women had also entered Dungarvan and Waterford under fictitious names and it was recommended that they be "prosecuted for their criminal actions."69

The Diet There is much discussion over the years on the dietary scale in place in the workhouse. The food was meagre and was continually criticised by the Medical Officers. The workhouse inmates were given a diet which was not superior to that of independent labourers.70 The Commissioners issued a circular in April 1854 outlining the risk of cholera and drawing the hoard's attention to the quality of the dietary during their visits.71 In particular they focus on the quality of the milk in the event of a cholera outbreak as "the

65 Ibid, 29 April 1854. Bid, 20 May 1854. 67 BG/KILTHOM/S, 04 November 1854. 68 Dympna McLonghlin, Workhouses and Irish Female Paupers, I840-I870 in Maria Luddy and Cliona Murphy, Women Surviving: Studies in Irish Womens History in the 19''' and 20" Centuries, (Dublin, 1990) (hereafter McLoughlin, Workhouses and Irish Female Paupers),. . gl17. BG/KILTHOM/l, 20" December 1851. 70 Helen Burke, The People and The Poor Law in 19''' Century Ireland (West Sussex, 1987) (hereafter Burke, The People and The Poor Law), p160. Circular, BG/WTFD/l14 (Waterford County Archive Service). Medical Officers appear sometimes to rely on an increased quantity of Milk, as conducive to the preservation of the health of the inmates."72 The commissioners took a concentrated approach to the cholera outbreak by notifyng the boards and enforcing the Nuisances Removal and Diseases Prevention ~cts?~even going as far as threatening to prosecute any suppliers who violate their contracts in terms of quality in the event of the guardians declining to do so.74The diet was seldom satisfactory and in September 1854 the agriculturalist requested increased diet for the boys reaping as they were working extra hours and which the board allowed7' The dietary table below gives a good indication of the food available to the inmates by 1859. Table 5. Dietary Scale 12 July 1859 Class Breakfast Dinner Supper 1 802 Indian Meal 1602 White Bread 802 White Bread Ipt Buttermilk 2%~Oatmeal with vegetables lo2 Cocoa loz Sugar 1116qt Sweet Milk 2 802 Indian Meal I602 White Bread 802 White Bread Ipt Buttermilk 2Koz Oatmeal with vegetables lo2 Cocoa lo2 Suear 1116qtSweet Milk 702 Indian Meal 1202 White Bread 602 White Bread Ipt Buttermilk 2x02 Oatmeal with vegetables loz Cocoa lo2 Sugar 1 I 1116qtSweet Milk 4 702 Indian Meal 1202 White Bread 602 White Bread Ipt Buttermilk 2Ko2 Oatmeal with vegetables lo2 Cocoa l oz Sugar 1116qt Sweet Milk 5 502 Indian Meal 802 White Bread 402 White Bread Ipt Buttermilk 2Koz Oatmeal with vegetables 112 oz Cocoa 112 02 Sugar 1116qt sweet Milk 6 402 Indian Meal 602 White Bread 402 White Bread Ipt Buttermilk 2Koz Oatmeal with vegetables 11207. Cocoa 11202 Sugar 1116qt Sweet Milk 7 402 Indian Meal 402 White Bread 402 White Bread ll2pt Buttermilk %oz Oatmeal with vegetables Ipt Sweet Milk Source: Extract from Minute Book BG/KILTHOM/11 12 Jul1859

The Masters report for the 6" August 1859 draws attention to the issue of spoiled beef which was delivered to the workhouse during the previous

72 7"' Annual Report 1854, p24. 73 Cassell, Medical Chnrities, Medical Politics, p112. See p108 where Cassells argues that by implementing Clause 19, which made the Poor Law Commission responsible for implementation of the act, state intervention became more effective in Ireland over the next two decades than in any other part of the British Isles. 74 7'' Annual Report 1854, p24. 75 BG/KILTHOM/5,02 September 1854. week. Rather than waste the meat the master removed the spoiled portions and prepared the remainder with vegetables for the healthy inmates.76 There are numerous accounts in the minute books of the Medical Officer requesting changes to the diet either as a result of shortages of particular foodstuffs or due to extremes of weather. On 17 October 1868 the Medical Officer requested that "the healthy inmates to get vegetable soup three or four times a week for dinner instead of buttermilk during winter months same as formerly used."77 The following year the doctor recommended vegetable soup should be given with bread for dinner to the healthy inmates in lieu of b~ttermilk.~'An entry for 27 May 1871 reports that Poor Law Inspector Capt Hamilton visited and was pleased to see inmates eating potatoes.79The diet improved gradually over the two decades and is evident in the increased use of meat in the diet.

Medical Charities Act In the late stages of the famine and in the immediate post famine period the poor law administration became increasingly concerned with the provision of medical relief in Ireland. The dispensary system was established by the Medical Charities Act of 1851, combining medical relief and public health powers in the Irish Poor Law omm mission.^^ One of the key provisions of the act was the appointment of a medical commissioner to the Poor Law Commission and the addition of medical personnel to the poor law in~~ectorate.'~The Medical Charities Act marked the move to state provision of healthcare although it must be recognised that it was far from satisfactory. However, the act and the legislation which followed turned a largely uncoordinated approach to medical care into a nationwide system providing the most comprehensive free medical care available in the British ~sles.'~In 1852-

76 BGKILTHOW11, 06 August 1859. On occasion the contract was cancelled if the meat was of poor quality over a constant period (BGKILTHOW13,ll May 61). " BGKILTHOW30, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book 17 October 1869 (Waterford County Archive Service, BG/KILTHOM/) (hereafter BGKILTHOW30). BGiKILTHOW24, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 16 October 1869. (Waterford County Archive Service, BGKILTHOW (hereafter BGKILTHOW24) 79 BGiKILTHOW27,27 May 1871. Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p78. Over the next two decades the poor law system was transformed into something like a national board of health. '' Ibid, p86. 82 Ibid, pl28. 53 the system cost £88,440 and rose to £127,362 in 1871-72.83 At a meeting in November 1851 the board resolved that the union be divided into two districts- North District and South District. As a rule the boards preferred fewer districts in order to keep costs down.84

Table 6. Kilmacthomas Union Dispensary Districts

Source: Extract from BG/~THOM/lBG/l,29 Nov 51 and Handrahan, G.B. 1997, Townlands in Poor Law Unions- A Reprint of Poor Law Union Pamphlets of the General Register's Office, Massachusetts: Higginson Book Company.

This meeting also resolved that the salaries of the doctors be set at £100 per annum." A change in legislation would later come into operation in 1867 defraying half of the medical officer's wages out of the consolidated fund, an arrangement already in place in ~n~land.'~The efficiency of the board is noteworthy as they implement the directive at a meeting on the 02"~December

83 Ibid, p94. 84 Ibid, p87. Each district was run by a committee answering to the board of guardians and ultimately to the poor law administration. The Commissioners had ultimate authority and supervised the actions of the dispensaries through its inspectors. 85 BGIKILTHOWl, 29 November 1851. Nationally salaries averaged less than £80 annually by the mid fifties. Some were over £100 but many were much less. The salaries, set by the commission itself, were calculated on the basis of the size of the dispensary district, both in terms of area and population, and the prospects the medical officer might have a private practice. Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p98. 86 Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p98. This is first mentioned in BGKILTHOW19 for 25 Mar 1865 when Thomas Power resolved a motion of thanks to those members of the House of Commons who voted for Mr. McIvor's motion for a grant of half the cost of the Medical Officers salaries in Poor Law unions in Ireland and "that the board regret the absence of many Irish members £cam that important division in consequence of which the motion was lost" (BGlKILTHOMl19). recommending that "the formation of the Dispensary Districts.. .take effect the lStday of January 1852"~~although the first meeting did not take place until the 17~February 1852.~' The Medical Charities Act ended the contract vaccination system in Ireland and required the dispensary medical officers to vaccinate, free of charge, all those who applied at the dispensaries.89 An inspection by Mr. Hamilton, Poor Law Inspector, in October 1854 criticised the medical officers because records of sickness and mortality were not properly kept and that paperwork was not in order for the Northern ~istrict." An entry for the 17 September 1859 showed the Commissioners were not beyond withholding payments because of improper filling out of requests under 3'* & 4" Articles of the Vaccination ~ct.~'The Births and Deaths Registration (Ireland) Act (62 & 27 Vic., c.11) and the Compulsory Vaccination (Ireland) Act (26 & 27 Vic., c.52) proved more effective in Ireland than similar measures implemented in other parts of the United Kingdom and provided the authorities with detailed patterns of illness and mortality rates." Again in early February 1869 Hamilton questions the neglect of duty by Dr Coughlan in relation to the Form G.~' The issue dragged on into March and on the 13" March Dr. Walker reported that all defaulters in his area had been summoned to appear in court. Coughlan is still on the defensive and writes a detailed letter pointing out that he had not one defaulter and also taking the opportunity to point out the deficiencies in the Act. In particular he highlights issues with carrying out vaccinations during the ''difficult seasons."94

'' BGKILTHOMA, 01 January 1852. Ibid, 17 February 1852. " Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p120. 'O BGKILTHOW5, October 1854. " BGKILTHOM/11,17 September 1859. '' Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics p125. Cassell argues on page 128 that the primary reason appeared to be the Irish dispensary system. While medical officers continued to be public vaccinators, they were the births and deaths registrars also (Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p128). 93 BGKILTHOW22, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 13 February 1859 (Waterford County Archive Service, BGKILTHOW (hereafter BGKILTHOiW22). Fonn G was the Vaccination Register and contained name, age, date(s) of vaccinations. It also contained the residence, names of parent(s) if a child, the number of the enhy on the births register and the Medical Officers signature; See Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics p92 for a discussion on the increased paperwork which would be a source of continuing grievance to the medical officers. 94 Ibid, 13 March 1869. On the 20' March it was reported that Dr. Walker's defaulters had Table 7. Dispensary and Vaccination Tickets 1852-56

Type 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 North Dispensary District Dispensary 802 1308 1244 1486 1472 Tickets Vaccination 88 151 115 30 358 Tickets South Dispensary District Dispensary - 592 1222 1320 Tickets Vaccination - 54 311 11 Tickets Source: BGIKILTHOMI8 01" November 1856.

Figure 4. Issue of Dispensary Tickets 1859-72

North Dispensary V South Dispensary

Year Ending 29th September

Source: Compiled from the Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1859-1872.

An essential feature of medical relief provided by the dispensary system was the provision of free drugs to the holders of the black and red ticket^?^ Any examples of ticket abuse occurred generally as a result of carelessness been prosecuted. 95 Burke, The People and The Poor Law, 248. The issue of a black ticket entitled the recipient to care at the dispensary and the red ticket to care in the home. rather than premeditation, and the medical officers were required under the legislation to honour the tickets regardless of their suspicions. However, they could later appeal to the committee for ~ancellation.~~While there is evidence nationally of abuse there are very few recorded cancellations in Kilmacthomas, averaging only three or four per year.97

Figure 5. Issue of Visiting Tickets 1859-1872

North Visiting V South Visiting

Yu 350 u'= 300 2 250 6 200 ;150 2 100 Z 50 0 m0r~mtmm~mm0N mwwwwwmwmfDmCzC ~~mmc~mmmmmmmmm rr-rrrrrrrrr

I Year Ending 29th Septemher

Source: Compiled from the Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1859-1872.

The Sewage Utilisation Act 1865 and the Sanitary Act 1866 consolidated public health legislation and broadened the role of the Board of Guardians outside the workhouse.98These acts gave the guardians control over sewers and the protection of water supplies and the prevention of disease.99The board received a circular &om the Poor Law Commissioners on the 26" Aug

96 Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p99. It is recorded under the Medical Charities report in the minute books for 16~June 1860 by the dispensary committee for the South District that tickets 583 and 621 "be cancelled and that Mr. Hughes of Annestown be informed that the committee do not consider him entitled to dispense relief @G/KILTHOM/ll, 16 June 1860)." 97 The source for this information is the Annual Reports of the Poor Law Commissioners. 98 Burke, The People and The Poor Law, p275. The Sewage Utilisation Act gave the hoard of guardian's responsibility as the "sewer authority" in towns which did not have any other pveming body. BGKILTHOiW20, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 01 September 1866 (Waterford County Archive Service, BG/KILTHOM/) (hereafter BGKlLTHOiW20). By 1866 the sewer authorities were actively engaged in taking steps to supply water to towns such as Stradbally. 1865 explaining the Removal of Nuisances Act which resulted in the board instructing the Relieving Officer to implement the Nuisances Act rigidly.Io0 One of the most important developments brought about by the Sanitary Act was the introduction of a new type of official into the system, the Sanitary Inspector. In some unions the Relieving Officer was able to combine his office with that of Sanitary ~ns~ector,'~~an approach taken by the Kilmacthomas Board of guardian^.'^^ There was constant communication between the commissioners and the guardians regarding the outbreak and response to cholera. The sanitary officer's report highlights 7 cases of nuisance in the entry dated 23 Jun 1869, some of which had been removed and some of which were still outstanding.Io3The Sanitary Officers reports for 8 April 1871 gives an indication of the issues dealt with; in the No. 1 District under Lenehan there were three cases of nuisances and three cases of scarlatina. Notice was also given to defaulters under the Vaccination Act. Richard Power, the sanitary officer for the No 2 Southern District reported two cases of fever visited by Dr. Walker and the houses were limewashed.'04 The Sanitary Officers report for 2 November 1872 included the names of 5 people who had pools of stagnant water in the yards and outlined the legal steps being taken against them. It also reported on two men keeping pigs in their houses who had notices served on them. There are reports of scarletina in the dispensary house in ~ern~brien.'~' The two decades following the formation of the union saw the dispensary system expand its facilities and services and also saw a steady expansion of state control of healthcare. The issues which affected the officials and guardians nationally also affected Kilmacthomas. The unions changed from the role it had held before and during the famine, with those who entered increasingly made up of the old, infirm and the sick. The entries throughout the minute books clearly show the transition and composition of the workhouse

loo BG/KILTHOM/19,26 August 1865. The cholera epidemic of 1865-66 saw mortality down &om the earlier outbreak in 1854-55. This compared favourably with England which was hard hit by the epidemic. Removal of nuisances was central to the campaign. lo' Burke, The People and The Poor Law, 276. See Cassells, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p117 for a discussion on the increased powers of the poor law system. I" BGiIULTHOM/20, 02 February 1867, Relieving Officers, Lenehan and Power empowered to act as Sanitary Inspectors in their respective districts. Io3 BG/KILTHOM/22,23 June 1869. lo' BG/KILTHOM/27,08 April 187 1. lo5 BG/KILTHOM/30, 02 November 1872. Scarlatina was a highly infectious disease which attacked red blood cells. The symptoms were sore throat, high fever and a punctuate rash. population change as the numbers of able-bodied inmate's declines and numbers using outdoor relief and the dispensary system increase.

Workhouse Infirmary The hospital was an integral part of the workhouse and was administered by a workhouse doctor appointed separate to the dispensa~y doctors. Prior to his resignation in February 1854, Dr. John Coughlan's report for 14 January 1854 highlights the hospital as overcrowded with healthy children being accommodated with children suffering from hooping cough. His report goes on to state that the infirmary "is in fact used as a district hospital."lo6 The conditions prevalent in the hospital are evident in the reports of Dr. Coughlin's successor who highlighted the outbreak of fever in March within the hospital. He also reported that he had asked the Matron that the bedclothes of the fever ward should be especially marked and washed separately but found that they were mixed with other clothing and given to healthy inmates.lo7 By the mid 1850's the guardians began to allow the admission of accident cases and non-contagious disease patients to both kinds of institutions, with the commissioners generally overlooking the practice. There is reference in March 1857 to Dr. Greene requesting permission to get a second doctor to help in the amputation of a leg.Io8The boy, Michael Norris, is further referred to in the medical report of 16 May when he requests that he be allowed go home and also requested an artificial leg at a cost of £1-10-0.1°9 This can be viewed in the context of a letter in early 1861 from Dr. Greene requesting the board to increase his salary from £70."~The salary of the workhouse doctor

BGKILTHOMI4, 14 January 1854. In the 9" Annual Report 1856 the Commissioners refer to the changing nature of the Poor Law system. The Medical Officers of Kilkenny Union draw attention to the number of sick in the hospital as being "markedly disproportionate" to the number of healthy inmates. The Commissioners viewed the numbers in reference the opulation of the whole union rather than the workhouse population. Ibid, 11 March 1854. '" BGGIKILTHOMI15,07 March 1857. I" Ibid, 16 May 1857. [I0BGKILTHOMI13, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 26 January 1861 (Waterford County Archive Service, BGKILTHOW (hereafter BGKILTHOW13). The board passed the increase on the 9" Feb but it was rescinded at the meeting 16' Mar 1861 after the Poor Law Commissioners requested that the board reconsider their decision. His letter gives an insight into the changing nature of the workhouse as the "workhouse is gradually assuming more the character of a hospital, a large proportion of those admitted come in to the was always lower than the two dispensary doctors throughout the period of this research. It is worth noting that the Medical Officer was expected to carry out a variety of medical functions.

Figure 6. Comparison between those sick and not sick entering the workhouse 1856-1871.

Admitted in sicknesslNot sick

Year , Source: Compiled from the Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1856-1871.

In the hospitals of the larger workhouses and in all the fever hospitals "salaried" nurses were employed and "assisted by the most eligible of the female inmates.""' This eligibility was conditional as evident in a letter from the Poor Law Commissioners regarding the appointment of Mary Kiely as nurse of the Fever Hospital in February 1861. The circumstances of her having a child as a pauper in the workhouse was not compatible with her holding paid office in the union."' She was finally accepted when she agreed that she would use her salary to support her child outside the workh~use."~ Those who were able to pay for services were expected to. In May 1861 the son of a local police constable was admitted with fever and the constable house as medical relief." His letter also gives a view of the dangers faced by those who worked in the workhouse drawing attention to the risks faced from fever and infectious diseases. This is amply demonstrated in his own experience of taking a bad typhoid fever in 1856 to which he nearly succumbed. I" Burke, The People and The Poor Law,p262. BG/KILTHOM/13,02 February 1861. 'I3 Ibid, 30 March 1861. She did not take the position at £6 pa and the clerk was directed to advertise the position at £10 pa. which she finally accepted on the 30" Mar 1861. agreed that he would pay for the treatment and this was approved by the guardians."4 The following week a child was admitted whose legs had been injured by machinery at Knockmahon mines in Bonmahon. The manager of the company requested that the union to "take every care of the little thing" and that they would gladly pay for this care.'15 The workhouse did not have the facilities to deal with all cases which came to their doors. While the Relief of the Destitute Poor in Ireland Amendment Act 1862 opened the workhouse hospital to sick people who were not destitute, it also gave the Board of Guardians the authority of the parent and the right to place children out to nurse.Il6 This must be considered in the context of the high death rate among the young children in the workhouses. In December 1854 the board resolved "that the Poor Law Commissioners sanction he requested to have three orphan children named Thomas Wade, Mary Hayes and Margaret Baldwin and who are now over the age of 5 years and have been out at nurse continue at nurse until they attain 8 years."'17 The Commissioners directed that children should only be left out to nurse over the age of 5 years on grounds of health.'18 The minutes for the 16 September 1854 report an 8 year old child sent to the Deaf and Dumb school under the provisions of the legislation in place."9 Ellen Power was to be sent to Dublin for an eye operation on the 13 January 1866.I2O The medical report for 21 November 1868 shows how inadequate the facilities were in terms of dealing with lunatics and mentally unstable with an account of the necessity for restraining a violent female inmate who was then sent to the Lunatic ~s~lum.'~'An entry as late as 31 November 1872 shows that despite the changes in the poor law and the growth of services the workhouse was not viewed with any great affection.

'I4 Ibid, 11 May 1861. [I5 Ibid, 18 May 1861. There are a number of references of this type. On the 9~ April 1870 there is reference to receiving 91- fiom a Mr. Langford on account of maintenance in hospital for fourteen days (BGKILTHOW25). Burke, The People and The Poor Law, p226. BGKILTHOW22,19 December 1868. Ibid, 09 January 1869. Following the Medical officer's report on the three children (BG122, 23 Jan 1859) the Commissioners sanctioned that only Thomas Wade could be left out to nurse for health reasons for one extra year (BG/22,30 Jan 1869). 'I9 BGKILTHOWS, 16 ~e~tember1854. This was a recurring theme throughout the years. 12' 12' BGKILTHOW19, Kilmactkomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, Waterford County Archive Service, (hereafter BGKILTHoW~~)~13 January 1866. 12' BGKILTHOM/22,21 November 1868. The Relieving Officers report states that: "a beggar woman is very ill at Carrigachilla. She is not fit to be removed and she requires wine and beef tea. A man in the neighbourhood has £6 belonging to her and says he will give it to me [Relieving Officer] but she refuses to allow any of the money be given for her support and states that if anything is bought for her she will not use it. She wants the money to bury her." "'

Religion. No study of nineteenth century Ireland would be complete without taking in to consideration the religious friction at work in all parts of Irish society. As a result the commission was required to appoint religious chaplains and see to the regulation of religious services for the inmate^.''^ One of the earliest entries of a religious nature comes from the Masters report 28 Jan 54 when he stated "that the members of the Protestant faith who go to church from here on Sundays are in the habit of going to ICilmacthomas before and after the prayers and on two occasions lately had attempted to convey tobacco in their shoes." The board resolved that a separate service would be required in the workhouse if it continue^.''^ Shortly after the workhouse opened the Roman Catholic chaplain "drew attention to want of accommodation for performing divine service." The Board resolved that tenders for the erection of an altar be sought. On the same day the Poor Law Commissioners requested a return of the number of paupers members of the Established Church to which the Board returned an account of nine.'" When the Catholic chaplain saw the timetable for the boys schooling and farmwork he complained that there was not enough time set aside for religious instruction. He requested that the time be taken from the farmwork rather than school work and the board so ordered.lZ6It is significant that there were reports that the chaplain interfered with the election of guardians in the union along with a resolution of strong disapproval.

122 BGlKILTHOiW30, 31 November 1872. The board was not quite sure how to deal with this problem and decided to leave it to the discretion of the Relieving Officer. 123 cassell, Medical Cliarities, Medical Politics, p80. Cassells discusses in detail how this duty required carell consideration in the context of differences which could arise between guardians of different religious and political backgrounds. The salaries for the RC chaplain and Protestant chaplain were set at £40 and £20 respectively (BGlKILTHOiW8, 15 Nov 1856). ''' BG/KILTHOiW4,28 January 1854. Ibid, 04 February 1854. Ibid, 18 February 1854. However, it is interesting to note that the resolution was defeated soundly and along the lines of religious and political loyalties.lZ7However, the RC chaplain, Rev Roger Power, resigned on the 13" December 1856 in a dispute over the salary agreed as he had originally agreed on £50 per ann~m.~~*In an unrelated entry for 13 June 1857 the Master reported that a baptismal font was required in order to avoid sending infants to Newtown chapel for christening.lZ9The Master received the reply from the new chaplain, Rev Shanahan, stating that he was happy to organise a font but must apply to the bishop for permission to baptise in a private ~hape1.l~~In October there was particular controversy when it was learned that the Catholic chaplain had baptized a three to four week old infant left at the gate of the workhouse. Following a ruling by the board of guardians, based on advice from the commissioners, the Protestant chaplain stated his intention to take the child and baptise it in the Protestant faith.13' In June 1859 Mr. Edward Elliott, secretary of the Protestant Orphan Institution sent in a request to be informed if there were any Protestant children in the workhouse.132The 1862 Amendment Act went a long way to removing much of the religious acrimony from the workhouses by overruling Blackbournes controversial judgement that all foundling children in the workhouse be reared as b rote st ants.'^^

Outdoor Relief. The first official record of outdoor relief is found in an entry for the 14 July 1855 when 1 shilling outdoor relief was given to a woman on the order of Dr Walker and was sanctioned by the Board as "a very rare occurrence."

Ibid, 25 March 1854. See Cassells, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, for a discussion within the context of the political changes which followed the Catholic Emancipation and repeal campaigns and the ikeasingly pol&cised nature of public bodies. 12' BG/KILTHOM/l5, 13 December 1856. He also made an allegation against the Master on the 10 Jan 1857 that he had made one of the female pauper inmates IZ9 Ibid, 13 June 1857. I3O Ibid, 20 June 1857. "I BG/KILTHOM/9, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 7 November 1857 (Waterford County Archive Service, BGIKILTHOMI) (hereafter BGIKILTHOW9). The Roman Catholic chaplain warned the Master not to compel any of the inmates to bring the child to the Protestant church against their religious convictions. The following week a vote was taken by the board in favour of baptising the child Roman Catholic. The commissioners ruled on 28 November 1857 that the child must be registered Protestant and deemed it serious that any officer would go against the law. 13' BGGIKITHOWI I, 11 June 1859. Burke, The People and The Poor Law, p226. Indeed it was so rare that the union did not possess a set of outdoor relief books. The board proposed that they would not get books as outdoor relief "is not calculated to exceed a few shillings a week."'34 In September 1865 the Medical Officer reported that an inmate with a fractured leg be given outdoor relief.'35 There was a steady but significant growth in outdoor relief over the period from 1858 to 1867. The figure of 6 people getting outdoor relief in 1858 must be taken in the context of 40 in total receiving outdoor relief in the whole of the province of Munster and with only 2 other unions giving outdoor relief. The pattern is the same for 1859 and 1860. 1862 showed a significant growth with almost 60% growth in outdoor relief in Munster although Kilmacthomas figures showed no growth and the union also remained the only one in County Waterford giving outdoor relief.'36 Cassells argues that the figures for outdoor relief are misleading as they do not take into account the medical relief administered by the dispensaries.137 Figure. 7 shows how the level of outdoor relief for Kilmacthomas increased with a greater reliance on outdoor relief by 1872. Figure 7. Indoor V. Outdoor Relief

Indoor V Outdoor Relief

Source: Compiled from Ule Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1851-1872.

134 BGCULTHOW6, 14 July 1855. However, the Commissioners directed that they did not have the power to dispense with such books and as a result the board ordered the books (BGl6, 21 July 1855). 13' BG/KILTHOM/19,16 September 1865. 136 Return of Number of Able-Bodied Persons who received Provisional Outdoor Relief in Cases of Sudden and Urgent Necessity in Poor Law Unions in Ireland, 1858-67. PP 1867 (427), Ix, pl-21. 13' Cassell, Medical Charities, Medical Politics, p102. The Commissioners were meticulous in their accounting of outdoor relief and its provisions. In cases where relief was given illegally the auditors were required to investigate.I3' Female Paupers and Young People. When the entries in the minute books are examined there are many references to women staying in the workhouse for years along with their children. It is interesting to note that young people between the ages of 15 and 20 who were unmarried also tended to stay longer than the average. An example of the seriousness of this for the Poor Law Commissioners was a request from the Commissioners to the Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians in July 1859 for returns specifjmg the number of inmates between fifteen and twenty years of age and their length of stay. They also requested the cost of keep and clothing for these inmates.139

Table 8. Return of the Number of Unmarried Male & Female Inmates in County Waterford on 23'"uly 1859.140

NuxaEn of Unmarried Male and Female Inmutea of each Workhouse in Ireland an add July 1869, &o.-continued.

Number. Average Time of Residence in Workhouss. Coat per Ilead lJ N 0 N. Fenrales. per Amurn far In-&fnlntonauccand CLathiug. -- COUNTYor W~~en~oao: Dungorvan - - - - 4 7 1126-46- 6 12 8 Kilmncthonm - - - 2 6 '14--3- - 4--. Lismore - - - - I ' 10 11 10 - -4- - 6 14 Waterford - - - . 4 44 ' 76 119 1 1 8 1 0 14 6 6 ,I -- ---. , TOTAL(MVXSTER) - 628 1,048 lt5i6 3 7 10 a 4. 12 6 9 6 . .

BGLULTHOW22, 30 January 1869. The auditor was not happy with the extent of the investigations carried out by the Relieving Officer into the state of the health of applicants, their ability to work and their previous earnings. He also drew attention to the unsatisfactory accounting methods used by the Relieving Officer. The board inshucted Lenehan to cany out the auditors instructions but were unhappy with his ruling that "the sum of illegal monies issued to the Relieving officer be charged against the guardians who signed the order." '39 BG/KILTHOW11,23 July 1859. 14' Return ofNumbers of UnmarriedMale and Female Inmates ofPoor Law Unions in Ireland, behveen Ages ofFifteen and Twenty Years, 1859 Session 2. PP1854 (189), xix p765. Despite the abject poverty in which women found themselves middle class standards were applied to the classification system within the workhouse with inmates defined as "deserving" or "undeserving". An entry for 13~August 1859 "ordered that Bridget Walsh be discharged from the workhouse as the Guardians did not consider her as destitute, she being in good health and able to work."14' Another request by an inmate Mary Walsh, who had been admitted the previous February, for a "suit of clothes for her infant born in the house and a few articles for herself as she is about leaving" saw her receiving 151- worth of clothing for the child but her own request was denied.I4' An entry for the 121h November 1859 by the Chairman of the Board of Guardians dealt with the nurse in the workhouse hospital. The entry states that he "begs to inform the Guardians that the infirmary nurse Mrs Dee, having been confined within the last week, requests permission to keep her infant in the house to nurse. I consider as she has hitherto been an efficient and active nurse this permission will not prevent her being as diligent as hithert~."'~~ Another example of the attitudes towards women is found in an ently for the 1 oth December 1859 concerning the results of an inspection carried out by Mr. Hamilton, Poor Law Inspector. He suggests the porter be removed to the house at the lower gate to provide accommodation for the kitchen women who were sleeping on the kitchen floor, "a source of particular hardship during the winter months." However, the Board did not consider it appropriate to ask the porter to move and the women were left in the kitchen.144 On the other hand where inmates were seen as deserving the board was more compassionate. The case of Fanny Morrissey, a weaver's wife and widow, found her in the position of being unable to pay hospital expenses. The Board ordered that due to the "indigent circumstances in which she found herself through no fault of her own she is forgiven and her expenses paid."'45 Entry to the workhouse involved separation even where desertion or emigration was not an issue. An entry for 06" May 1871 refers to a "Margaret Holohan, an inmate with five children, who had two persons calling from her husband who

14' BGiKILTHOMIll, 13 August 1859. Ibid, 13 August 1859. 143BG/KILTHOMI15,08 March 1862. 144BGIKILTHOMI11,lO December 1859 145BGIKILTHOMI27.20 June 1871. is working at Bonmahon Mines. As her children's clothes are bad she requests help to get her to her husband."'46 There are many references in the minute books studied concerning the chargeability of female paupers. There are numerous requests throughout the minute books researched of women, both single and with children, requesting help with clothes or shoes in order that they could leave the house in order to take up employment. An entry for the 03'* June 1871 refers to a woman, Bridget Condon, with four children who wanted to leave to get employment following five years in the house.147 Another entry for the 041h July refers to an Ellen Kiely who had been in the house four years and Mary Donnell, "a woman in the house eight years."'48 There is also a report by the Relieving Officer regarding one Edmond Heffernan who got a months imprisonment for not supporting his wife. His wife was ill in the workhouse and the Relieving Officer was directed to prosecute Heffernan "as soon as the Medical Officer considers his wife fit for discharge from the hospital."'49 Under the Irish Poor Relief Act of 1838 the unmarried mother was liable for the support of her illegitimate child up to the age of 15 with the natural father having no liability under the provisions of this act. Burke uses statistics showing that of the 24,008 adult women under fifty years of age on 1 January 1854, 2796 (or 11.6 per cent) were mothers of illegitimate children.l5' Another aspect of this issue relates to the issue around moral classification. The 15" Annual Report outlines the concerns of the Commissioners in terms of "separating females of notoriously profligate character," another way of describing prostitutes, from ordinary female inmates. In the abstract on this issue Kilmacthomas reported that there was "no arrangement at present but that the guardians consider such an arrangement would be most desirable," as regards workhouse accommodation and treatment.l5' An entry for the 13'" July

14' Ibid, 06 May 1871. 14' Ibid, 03 June 1871. Ibid, 04 July 1871. BG/KILTHOM/5,02 December 1854. I5%urke, The People and The Poor Law,p191. The vulnerability of the unmarried mother in 19' century Ireland is illustrated by the number who relied on the cold comfort of the workhouse. 15~Annual Report of the Poor Law Commissioners 1862, (NLI, PP, XXIV.535) (hereafter 15~AMud Report 1862), p86. It is interesting to note that Waterford had a classification system in place but neither Dungarvan or Lismore had any system other than normal 1861 refers to a woman of no fixed abode who was admitted on that day and who gave birth within one hour of entry.152

Table 9. Numbers of Illegitimate children in County Waterford

Source: Return of Number of Females with Illegitimate children 01" January 1854.'~~

Figure 8. Births in Workhouse 1856-1871

Births

Source: Compiled from the Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1856-1871.

The guardians were focused on this issue to the extent that a solicitor was appointed in September 1862 to conduct a "prosecution on their behalf against the fathers of illegitimate children" and that the clerk instruct the clerk of petty

clarsification (15' Annual Report, p84-90). The hoard issued an order issued for 26' October 1861 that a separate room be made available to separate mothers with illegitimate children fiom the rest of mothers (BGl14). I" BGlKILTHOW13, 13 July 1861. On 29' March 1862 the board converted the former nursery and secured the windows and doors to prevent contact with other females in the yard. 153 Return ofNumber of Females with Illegitimate Children in Workhouses in Ireland, January 1854; Number of Children born in WorWrouses in Ireland, 1853. PP 1854 (183), Iv, p747. sessions to summons those men.'54

Work, The paupers were expected to work for their keep or at least those able- bodied and old enough. At Kilmacthomas the men worked on the workhouse farm and the women were engaged mostly in providing clothes for the inmates. The return for Kilmacthomas farm for 1853 reflects the fact that it is only in this year that the inmates start to populate the workhouse. The return shows that there were 6 persons above 15 years of age and 25 under that age employed on the farm. In the observations column it is noted that the land was not under crops and that the 31 persons were "employed in sub-soiling, and prepasing it for turnips." There were no persons employed in Manufacturing and Trades. The difference the following year is evident with over 12 acres of land cultivated and 24 working the farm.'55 The board directed that the Relieving Officer Richard Power, on behalf of the guardians, was to summons Patrick Mahony to Stradbally Sessions for the wages due to a child pauper named Mary Walsh who was hired to him from the board the previous JU~~.'~~ The union, and in particular the workhouse, were a vital and integral part of the local economy. Shortly after the opening of the workhouse the maintenance of the site began and this impacted on many businesses in the surrounding district. Mr. Cumins took on the maintenance of the pump.'s7 John Smith, the workhouse baker resigned on 9" September and in the same minutes it is recorded that he was appointed the contract for bread for the next three months.'s8 There are tenders for local business people; provisions, shoe tacks, sweeping brushes, lime brushes, tin platters, books and forms, glass, chimney sweep, et~.'~~The agriculturalists report for 28 October 1854 gives a

BGKILTHOMI16, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, 13 September 1862 (Waterford County Archive Service, BG/KILTHOM/) (hereafter BGIKILTHOMI16). 13 Se tember 1862. 1SP Return from Unions in Ireland of Workhouse Farm and Manufacturin~- Accounts. 1853-54. PP 1855 (349, xIvii, pl-29. BGIKILTHOMI22, Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, Waterford County Archive Service, (hereafter BGIKILTHOM/22), 06 Febmaly 1869. I" BGIKILTHOM/5,02 September 1854. bid. 09 Sentember 1854 BG~LT~OMI~,Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians Minute Book, Waterford County Archive Service, (hereafter BGIKILTHOMI8), 11 April 1857. good indication of the impact of famine and emigration on the inmates. Of 29 boys working on the farm in the period of the report 28 were in the 9 to 15 category and one between 5 to 9. Thirteen of the boys have parents in America while 6 had both parent's dead and 2 have 1 parent dead.160

School The commissioners outlined their interpretation of the duties of the schoolmaster and mistress of the workhouse in a circular issued on 17'~ September 1853 and included in the seventh annual report. They saw them not just as teachers but as being in the position of a parent and cautioned the unions against frequent change of teachers as it destroys the parental relationship. In the 7" Annual Report the Commissioners cautioned against the approach of some Boards of Guardians of underpaying teachers.I6' There is extensive communication with the National Board of Education throughout the Minute Books. The returns for 11 April 1854 show that Itilmacthomas was one of 142 "Unions that have their Schools in connexion with the National ~oard."'~'In the 7Ih Annual Report the commissioners refer to the method of agricultural instruction (in unions which have no skilled agriculturalist), both in the school rooms and field, which "devolve on the schoolmaster, who should devote a portion of his time to these objects without sacrificing the three hours in school prescribed by Article 23 of the workhouse rules. In ordinary circumstances it has been found sufficient to devote one hour before breakfast, and three before dinner, to literary instruction, and to devote from two to five to the farm."'63 The Master recorded an entry in that the children requested that they be allowed one weeks vacation which was granted.164 There are constant references throughout the minute books to inspections by the poor law inspector and tests of the schoolteachers.

BG/KILTHOM/S, 28 October 1854. 161 7th Annual Report, pl8. Return of Names ofpoor Law Unions oflreland, distinguishing those that have Schools in connection with National Board, 1854. PP 1854 (206), Iv, pl. I63 7th Annual Report 1854, p19. '" BGKILTHOW27, 01 April 1871. BG/KILTHOM/25, 20 August 1870 has a similar request. Leave was granted on both occasions and reflects the changing nature of workhouse. Table 10. School Timetable February 1854. Timetable Description 0600-0830 Wash, clean schoolroom, read prayers followed by breakfast. 0900-1 100 School 1100-1430 Farmwork 1500-1530 I Dinner I 1530-1630 I School I 1700-1830 1 Farmwork I 1900-1930 1 Supper 1930 1 Prayers I 2000 I To dorms I Source: BGIKILTHOMI4 11 Peb 1854

Emigration Emigration was not a new concept in Ireland having been seen in the pre-famine period as a solution for Ireland's economic and social problems. IGnealy highlights the opinion of economists such as Malthus and Nassau Senior who saw emigration as a means of social improvement.'65 During the period 1852 to 1872 the poor law authorities were directly involved in assisting some of the inmates of the workhouses to emigrate as a means of relieving distress.'66 In the immediate post famine period emigration dropped off, and while the boards assisted many, it is important to note that the majority of fares were provided by the emigrants themselves, their friends or family members. Throughout the minute books there are references to the board assisting pauper inmates to emigrate after they had received money or passage, with the poor law making up the balance required.'67 It is worth noting that Mr. W. Hamilton reports in the 71h Annual Report that emigration has reduced the numbers in the workhouse and that for most of those who remain work is

I" Christine Kinealy, The Irish Poor Law, 1838-62: a study of the relationship between the local and central ad~ninistrators,Ph.D., publin, 1984), p300. '66 Burke, The People and The Poor Law, p31. I6'See Appendix 5. constant.i68 As with all other aspects of the poor law administration the commissioners had the final sanction of any monies or assistance given to paupers.i69Women with children were seen as a particular burden on rates and tended to be encouraged when they left to find work or to emigrate. Assisted emigration has been estimated at rates up to 4 to 5 females to every 1 male during certain periods. There are references throughout the minute books to women and children leaving the workhouse to emigrate either through assisted emigration or as a result of passage tickets aniving from America. However, the pattern outlined below in terms of male to fanale ratio is not evident. It is only by looking at the minute books that we see the pattern which was in place within the workhouse in particular. There are very few instances of males being assisted to emigrate in comparison to the numbers of females, many of them with large families.i70The underlying message behind the entries in the Minute Books reflects the misery and unhappiness of separation behind many of the human stories which made up life in the workhouse.

Fig 9. Emigration from County of Waterford 1851-1871

tMales

tPersons

Source: Table =I, emigration from the County of Waterford during each year, from the 1" of May, 1851, to 31" March, 1871, to 31" of March, 1871; compiled from the Returns of the Registrar-General. Census of 1871.

7& Annual Report 1862, 20~April 1862. This points to the improving situation in terms of employment which resulted from the population drop following the famine. 169 There are a number of cases of monies claimed back ffom the guardians by the Commission. 170 See Appendix 5. The fluctuations which occurred tended to reflect the periodic subsistence crises whch occurred. The high rates of female emigration and their use of the workhouse as a means to achieve it shows women were not entirely passive in their use of the union. The 1871 Ccnsus records during the period fiom the OISt May 1851 until 31'' March 1871 give a good indication of the levels of emigration showing a total loss to County Waterford of 58,064 persons through emigrati~n.'"~

Mortality Prior to and during the famine the two greatest threats to public health were cholera and typhus. Cholera had a high death rate and was no respecter of class. While the figures for cholera were low by contemporary standards in 1854-55 and 1865-66, cholera had swept the country during the height of the famine.

Pigwe 10. Mortality rates for workhouses in County Waterford 1862- 1870.

300 250 200 150 100 -a- Union Workhouse, Kilmacthomas 50 -Union Workhouse, 0 -Union Workhouse,

I Years and Deaths I

Source: 7" AnnualReport of the Poor Law Commissioners.

In the seventh annual report the commissioner's point to the mortality

17' Table XLI, emigration fiom the County of Waterford during each year, fiom the 1' of May, 1851, to 3lSMarch, 1871, to 31" of March, 1871; compiled fiom the Returns of the Registrar- General. Census of 1871. rates slightly exceeding the previous year but point to the workhouses assuming "to a certain extent, the character of hospitals." The report also refers to an increase in the proportion of inmates in the hospital from 3'* January 1852 to lS' April 1854 from 15 per cent to 23 per cent despite "the country being peculiarly free of epidemic disease."172 The principle cause of deaths in County Waterford were as a result of debility caused by poor nutrition, bronchitis and many other ailments caused by poor living conditions.

Conclusion The visible face of the Kilmacthomas Union, the workhouse, is an impressive structure and provides with a link to our past. This research has provided a view of the poor law at a local level and, as such, is essential if a full understanding of national trends and events are to be understood. The period chosen has taken us from the formation of the union, through the Medical Charities Act, up to the setting up of the Local Government Board in 1872. Research of this nature provides an important link to historians who have dealt with the workhouse system in County Waterford. The time span covered in this paper also provides a solid base for further research on the union throughout up to its closure in the early twentieth century. By the time the Kilmacthomas Union was formed the county had seen the worst of the famine and the situation was improving although there were still high levels of disease, mortality and emigration. Analysis of the minute books, the 41h Annual Report and newspapers has clarified the confusion which existed around the opening date of the workhouse. Further examination of primary materials has given a useful insight into the relationship which existed between the guardians, the officials and the paupers. The impact of legislation such as the Medical Charities Act at the local level provides corroboration of studies of national trends by historians such as Cassells. A close study of the union and workhouse has brought into focus the impact of emigration, religion and entry to the workhouse itself on those who administered and availed of relief. Whiie there is little documentary evidence of the pauper inmates, a picture of their lives can be extracted from the minute books. Analysis of the minute books, supported

15Ih Annual Report 1862, p4 by annual reports and other primary sources clearly show the growing trend towards outdoor relief form the mid 1860's onwards and also the changing nature of the workhouse hospital in the provision of outdoor relief. The twenty years following the passage of the Medical Charities Act comes across clearly as a period during which there was a rapid increase in the provision of state controlled medicine. This had resulted in a decline in the ravages of cholera, smallpox and other contagious diseases. By 1872 state medicine, as it was understood by the commission, was firmly established in Ireland along with the governments acknowledgement of a basic responsibility for the health and welfare of those at the bottom of the scale. While this healthcare would fall short of 21" century expectations it must be viewed in the context of its time. The workhouse is one of the most visible features which still exists of the hardship and destitution which was part of nineteenth century Ireland. As such it is inextricably linked with the history of our people and worthy of study. In the words of Gillespie and Moran local communities are 'the building blocks of nations.. . groups of men and women who lived within a well-defined geographical area and shared common bonds and

Oscail, History 6, pl-9 Appendix 1. Index and Status of Minute Books

1 7 October 1851-29 June 1852. 2 13 July 1852- 16 June 1853 (badly damaged and of limited value). 3 23 June 1853- 10 January 1854. 4 17 January 1854- 18 July 1854. 5 25 July 1854- 17 April 1855. 6 24 April 1855- January 8 January 1856. [7] January 1856- October 1856 (missing). 8 28 October 1856- 28 July 1857. 9 4 August 1857- 4 May 1858. [lo] 11 May 1858- 3 1 May 1859 (missing). 11 7 June 1859- 26 June 1860. 12 3 July 1860- 8 January 1861. 13 15 January 1861- 23 July 1861. 14 30 July 1861- 4 February 1862. 15 11 February 1862- 19 August 1862. 16 2 September 1862- 14 February 1863. [17] 21 February 1863- 22 March 1864 (missing). 18 29 March 1864- 21 March 1865. 19 28 March 1865- 28 March 1866. 20 4 April 1866- 2 April 1867. [21] 9 April 1867- 6 October 1868 (missing). 22 13 October 1868- 30 March 1869. [23] 6 April 1869- 5 October 1869 (missing) 24 12 October 1869- 29 March 1870. 25 5 April 1870- 4 October 1870. [26] 11 October 1870- 28 March 1871 (missing). 27 4 April 1871- 3 October 1871. 28 19 October 1871- 25 March 1872. [29] 2 April 1872- 8 October 1872 (missing). 30 15 October 1872- 1 April 1873. Appendix 2. Maps of Waterford and Electoral Districts

.9 .9 '

Source: Lewis Topographical Dictionary. Appendix 3. Contacts with other Unions.

rable showin; :xamples of cor -ct with ther unions \Tame Date Source Comment ,ord Stuart 11 Nov 1854 BGl5 Lord Stuart de Decies requested the le Decies cooperation of the Board in collecting subscriptions in aid of the Patriotic Fund. Lord Waterford started off the collection with a subscription of £100. On the 25 November it was agreed that each guardian would be responsible for collecting the Patriotic Fund in their own electoral division and the subscription list would be published by the clerk. 3ldcastle 17 Jan 1857 A letter came in from the clerk of Jnion Oldcastle Union requesting that a deputation be sent to a meeting in Dublin on the 30 January 1857 for the purpose of discussing the amalgamation of unions. Inspecified 24 Jan 1857 The board received a request for support for their amendment of the "existing laws relating to the removal of Irish poor from England." 24 Jan 1857 There is also correspondence with Enniscorthy and Cashel union on the price they are paying for bread and milk 01 Oct 1859 The board received a letter from Rathdrum union requesting the cooperation of the board in petitioning parliament to introduce a clause in the contemplated Poor La- Amendment act in order to compel parents to support their illegitimate children Dungarvan 14 Apr 1860 BG/11 Letter received from Dungarvan Union union in relation to a petition to parliament on the appointment of rate collectors and hospital inspections by Medical Inspectors Poor Law 28 July 1860 BGl12 Letter addressed to New Ross Union Commission from Mr. Buchanan, Emigration Agent at Quebec on case of infirm paupers sent out and that in future such persons would not be supported in Canada. Limerick 719 Jun 1865 BGI19 The board ordered that the clerk Union summon a special meeting for the following Tuesday to take into consideration a copy of a resolution received from Limerick board of Guardians regarding the Catholic Pledge Source: BGIKTLTHOMI (Waterford County Archive). Appendix 4. Numbers admitted to workhouse and categories.

Workhouse

9 0 "I 0

YE 29" Sep 1871 1 57 1 122 14 1183 1543 1726 15 1 23 hurce: Compiled from the Annual Reports of Poor Law Commissioners 1856-1872. There was no column in the annual reports for births until 1857. The entry for 1866 did not break down the data for births and deaths in the "Abstract of Returns from Clerks of Unions" showing the total numbers admitted, those admitted in sickness, births and deaths in the same manner as previous and subsequent reports. Much of the additional data in the 20"' Annual report related to the cholera epidemic. Appendix 5. E ation. Name Date Source Comment Not known 13 May BGl4 A woman received £5 from 1854 America and wants to emigrate with her three children Paupers BGl4 £45 drawn in order to send paupers to America 7 paupers BGl5 Seven paupers wanted to emigrate to Quebec and provided £5 themselves. Board sanctioned £49- 11-3 and charged to Electoral Division of Mount Kennedy Mary Lanigan 02 Sep 1854 BGI5 Received money from her brother Pat in America. Ordered that the money be kept with the rest of the passage money previously sent Mary Connors 15 Sep 1854 BGl5 Woman and four children receive letter and money from husband with ticket of passage to America on "Jerimiah Thompson" leaving Liverpool. Sanctioned £8 and cleared by Medical Officer. Mary Power 09 Dec 1854 BGl5 Mary Power received £4 to pay passage for herself or her sister Honora BGl19 Both women, each with a son and Harrington daughter, received passage to and Bridget Toronto and requested clothes to Veale emigrate. Mary Power 03 Jun 1865 BGl19 Both women, each with one child, and Ann embarked at Queenstown. Hayes Nora, Mary 17 Jun 1865 BGl19 Passage paid to New York and Julia Ryan Mary 24 Jun 1865 BGl19 Recorded that along with her seven Morrissey children she received passage from her husband. On the 22 July recorded cost to union at £4-12-6

49 Woman and three children request help to emigrate. Permanent wards 3f union. Initially sanctioned by Commissioners but changed Jecision as they had been deserted by husband. )1 Sep 1865 Woman and two children received passage. The auditors examination of Ellen Donne11 and her two children's case resulted in a judgement of illegal payment under 26" section of the 12'" & 13" Vic.c.104 and "in pursuance of 94Lh section of 1" & 2nd Vic.c.56 "the payment charged to named guardians who authorised payments (BGl19, 17 Feb 1866). The guardians responded by stating the reason for the payment was not to lose the passage for the woman as il was an urgent case (BGl19, 24 Fe'c 1866). The final resolution is noted as the Board resolving that the full letter of the law be followed whick the Commissioners accepte? (BGl19, 10 Mar 1866). 17 Oct 1868 Sum of £5 allowed to assist : woman and her child to emigrate 24 Oct 1868 A woman with two childrer receives a passage certificate fron her husband in America. The boarc allowed her and the children clothe! for the journey. 09 Sep 1871 "Sum of £3 be allowed to assis Ellen Power and six children tc emigrate to America" havinf received a passage certificate fo them all Appendix 6. The present condition of the union Many of the original buildings are still standing and are in a state of good repair. The external faqade of the buildings is still true to the original stonework and while the internals of some of the buildings have been extensively renovated as modern office space they still maintain many of the features of the original structures. The remaining buildings give a good insight in to the living and working conditions which were a feature of the workhouses. Despite contacting the National Archives, the National Library of Ireland and the Irish Archetectural Archive it was not possible to get a drawing of the Kilmacthomas workhouse.

Renovated infirmary building Dining hall located between male and female hospital wards

Renovated gate lodge mrernal mew 01 miue aormtory. me mullions are clearly visible on the left hand side which held up supports for the floors.

View towards the stairway from the upper female dormitory. week ending the previous Saturday. It gives a full account of the numbers of admissions, discharges, deaths in the workhouse along with numbers in the infirnary and fever hospital. These details are useful as they are recorded by category. The weekly meetings were held on Tuesday's throughout the period researched. It also gives details on the guardians who attended and any outdoor relief. Deals with weekly balance sheet of union and includes lodgements of rate collectors. Review of general ledgers and other documents provided by the c.,., Master and other officials. Also includes estimate of provisions required for week as submitted by Master. try reporting the death of Mr. Gamble, Poor Rate Collector Entries showing letters from the Poor Law Commissioners Entries showing letters from the Poor Law Commissioners An entry outlining the members of the North and South Dispensary districts. Primary Sources

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Waterford County Archive Kilmacthomas Poor Law Union BGIKILTHOW (approx 27 minute books cover the period 1851-1872 of which 4 are missing).

Register of Deaths: Co. Waterford, 1864-1901(under the provision of the 26 VIC., CAP.11, & 43 & 44 VIC., CAP.13).

Waterford Grand Jury Valuation Book 1871, Barony of Decies without Drum, Parish of Rossmore, Townland of Kilmacthomas. Waterford County Archive Service.

Circulars relating to Waterford Board of Guardians: BGIWTFDI114, 1854 (Waterford County Archive Service). BGIWTFDI115, 1855 (Waterford County Archive Service). BGIWTFDl122, 1862 (Waterford County Archive Service). BGIWTFDl125, 1865 (Waterford County Archive Service). BGIWTFDl126, 1866 (Waterford County Archive Service).

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Return of Number of Able-Bodied Persons who received Provisional Outdoor Relief in Cases of Sudden and Urgent Necessity in Poor Law Unions in Ireland. 1858-67. PP 1867 (427), Ix, pl-21. Return of Names ofpoor Law Unions oflreland, distinguishing those that have Schools in connection with National Board, 1854. PP 1854 (206), Iv, pl. Return from Unions in Ireland of Workhouse Farm and Manufacturing Accounts, 1853-54. PP 1855 (345), xIvii, pl-29. Return of Number of Females with Illegitimate Children in Workhouses in Ireland, Janualy 1854; Number of Children born in Workchouses in Ireland, 1853. PP 1854 (183), Iv, p747. Return of Numbers of Unmarried Male and Female Inmates of Poor Law Unions in Ireland, between Ages of Fifteen and Twenty Years, 1859 Session 2. PP1854 (189), xix p765. Return of Name of each Poor Law Union in Ireland; Number ofpaupers for which Accomodation is made in Workhouse; Number of Patients in Infirmary, Fever Hospitals or Fever Wards; Number of Medical Officers in attendance, to September 1865. PP 1866 (309), Ixii, p93. Return of Poor Relief in Unions in Ireland, 1854. PP 1854-55 (424), xIvi, p143. Comparative View of Census ofheland, 1841-51. PP 1852 (373), xIvi, p357. Commission inquiring into the number and boundaries of Poor Law Unions and electoral divisions, 1849: tenth report. PP 1850 (1223), xxvi, p317. Return of Names of Electoral Divisions in Poor Law Unions in Ireland; Poundage Rates; Number of Paupers on Outdoor Relief and Expenditure, 1860-62; Number ofPaupers, 1857-62. PP 1863 (354), Iii, p443.

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