Weekly Media Report – Apr. 6-12, 2021 Further Reproduction Or Distribution Is Subject to Original Copyright Restrictions
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Turkey | Freedom House Page 1 of 8
Turkey | Freedom House Page 1 of 8 Turkey freedomhouse.org Turkey received a downward trend arrow due to more pronounced political interference in anticorruption mechanisms and judicial processes, and greater tensions between majority Sunni Muslims and minority Alevis. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) secured two electoral victories in 2014. In March, it prevailed in local elections with more than 40 percent of the vote, and in August the party’s leader, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was elected president in the first direct elections for that post in Turkey’s history. The AKP won despite a corruption scandal implicating government ministers as well as Erdoğan and his family, which emerged in December 2013 and cast a shadow over Turkish politics throughout 2014. Erdoğan dismissed the evidence of corruption, including audio recordings, as fabrications by elements of a “parallel state” composed of followers of Fethullah Gülen, an Islamic scholar who had backed the AKP but was now accused of plotting to bring down the government. More than 45,000 police officers and 2,500 judges and prosecutors were reassigned to new jobs, a move the government said was necessary to punish and weaken rogue officials; critics claimed it was designed to stop anticorruption investigations and undermine judicial independence. Erdoğan and AKP officials spoke out against other so-called traitors, including critical journalists and business leaders as well as members of the Alevi religious minority. Media outlets bearing unfavorable coverage of the government have been closed or placed under investigation. In December, more than 30 people linked to Gülen, including newspaper editors and television scriptwriters, were arrested on charges of establishing a terrorist group; this sparked widespread protests. -
The Plot Against the Generals
THE PLOT AGAINST THE GENERALS Dani Rodrik* June 2014 On a drizzly winter day four-and-a-half years ago, my wife and I woke up at our home in Cambridge, Massachusetts, to sensational news from our native Turkey. Splashed on the first page of Taraf, a paper followed closely by the country’s intelligentsia and well-known for its anti-military stance, were plans for a military coup as detailed as they were gory, including the bombing of an Istanbul mosque, the false- flag downing of a Turkish military jet, and lists of politicians and journalists to be detained. The paper said it had obtained documents from 2003 which showed a group within the Turkish military had plotted to overthrow the then-newly elected Islamist government. The putative mastermind behind the coup plot was pictured prominently on the front page: General Çetin Doğan, my father-in-law (see picture). General Doğan and hundreds of his alleged collaborators would be subsequently demonized in the media, jailed, tried, and convicted in a landmark trial that captivated the nation and allowed Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to consolidate his power over the secular establishment. In a judgment issued in October 2013, Turkey’s court of appeals would ratify the lower court’s decision and the decades-long prison sentences it had meted out. Today it is widely recognized that the coup plans were in fact forgeries. Forensic experts have determined that the plans published by Taraf and forming the backbone of the prosecution were produced on backdated computers and Cover of Taraf on the alleged coup attempt made to look as if they were prepared in 2003. -
The Decline of the Military's Political Influence in Turkey
The decline of the military’s political influence in Turkey By Anwaar Mohammed A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of Master of Philosophy Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham August 2014 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The political role of Turkey’s military has been declining with the strengthening of the civilian institutions and the introduction of new political factors. Turkey’s political atmosphere has changed towards civilian control of the military. The research focuses on analysing the various political factors and their impact on the political role of the military. The military’s loss of political influence in handling political challenges will be assessed against the effectiveness of the military’s political ideology. The shift in civil-military relations will be detected through the AKP’s successful political economy and popular mandate. The EU as an external factor in dismantling the military’s political prerogatives will be assessed. Greece’s route toward democratization of its civil-military relations compared to Turkey. -
Illiberal Media and Popular Constitution-Making in Turkey
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Communication Department Faculty Publication Series Communication 2020 Illiberal Media and Popular Constitution-Making in Turkey Burcu Baykurt Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/communication_faculty_pubs 1 Illiberal Media and Popular Constitution Making in Turkey 1. Introduction Popular constitution making, a process that allows for public participation as opposed to a handful of elites writing a fundamental social contract behind closed doors and imposing it on the rest of society, is tricky. It sounds like a noble idea in theory, but it is difficult to execute effectively, efficiently, and, most importantly, democratically. Even trickier are the roles of publicity and media in popular constitution making. What are the consequences of reporting during the drafting of a new constitution? In what ways could the media lend legitimacy to the process by informing the public and incorporating public opinion into the drafting of a constitution? Coupled with the rise of new media technologies, an ideal of participatory constitution making (and an active role for the media) may seem desirable, not to mention attainable, but there are myriad ways to participate, and basing a constitution on popular opinion could easily devolve into a majority of 50 percent plus one that imposes its will on the rest. The bare minimum, ideally, is to expect journalists to report on facts without bowing to political or economic pressures, but even that is easier said than done. For which audiences are these journalistic facts intended? For those leaders drafting the new constitution or the public at large? These are not easy questions to answer empirically, not only because media and communications are often neglected in studies of constitution making, but also because the relationship between the two is hard to ascertain precisely. -
ERGENEKON, SLEDGEHAMMER, and the POLITICS of TURKISH JUSTICE: CONSPIRACIES and COINCIDENCES August 29, 2011 Gloria-Center.Org
http://www.gloria-center.org/2011/08/ergenekon-sledgehammer-and-the-politics-of-turkish-justice-conspiracies-and-coincidences/ ERGENEKON, SLEDGEHAMMER, AND THE POLITICS OF TURKISH JUSTICE: CONSPIRACIES AND COINCIDENCES August 29, 2011 gloria-center.org Since it was launched in June 2007, the Ergenekon investigation has become the largest and most controversial case in recent Turkish history, resulting in over 300 people being charged with a membership of what is described as a clandestine terrorist organization seeking to destabilize the country’s Islamist government. In the parallel Sledgehammer investigation, 195 members of the fiercely secularist Turkish military stand accused of plotting a coup in 2003. Yet not only is the evidence in both cases deeply flawed, there are also increasing indications that much of it has been fabricated. On June 12, 2007, acting on an anonymous tip-off, the Turkish police discovered a crate of grenades in a shantytown in the Istanbul suburb of Umraniye in the beginning of what later became known as the Ergenekon investigation. By May 2011, a motley collection of over 300 people had been formally charged with membership of what public prosecutors described as the “Ergenekon terrorist organization,” which was allegedly plotting to use violence to try to destabilize the government of the moderate Islamist Justice and Development Party (JDP). In January 2010, prosecutors launched a parallel investigation into claims that members of the Turkish military had plotted to stage a coup against the JDP in early 2003. By May 2011, 195 serving and retired members of the Turkish military had been formally charged with involvement in the alleged plot. -
Interim Trial Observation Report
INTERIM TRIAL OBSERVATION REPORT Hearing of “Taraf” journalists Istanbul High Criminal Court October 2016 Written by Gráinne Mellon Bar Human Rights Committee 1 Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales Doughty Street Chambers 53-54 Doughty Street London WC1N 2LS England 2 Produced by BHRC Copyright 2016 © Contents About the Bar Human Rights Committee ...................................................................................... 4 Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 6 Background ............................................................................................................................................. 8 Arrest and investigation ..................................................................................................................... 9 The hearing ........................................................................................................................................... 10 Events following the hearing .......................................................................................................... 13 Concerns ................................................................................................................................................. 14 The right of a Defendant to know the case against them................................................................ -
Fetullah Gülen and Fetö
History, organizational structure and deeds of a clandestine crime syndicate FETULLAH GÜLEN AND FETÖ 0 FETULLAH GÜLEN AND FETÖ 1. Brief history of FETÖ The foundations of FETÖ were laid by Fetullah Gülen, in Izmir in 1966. In the early 1970s Fetullah Gülen and an inner circle of friends established the core cadre for the organization. They exploited religious themes and concentrated their activities particularly on students and other youth groups aged 13-18 years. Fetullah Gülen communicated his views through sermons and speeches recorded and distributed on audiocassettes and videotapes. Communal gatherings and particularly summer camps were other methods used to disseminate Gülen’s views on religion to a larger group of followers. By the end of 1970’s, Gülen had already become a leader of a distinct, cultish religious group. The organization fed on perceptions of exclusion among Turkish society’s conservative, pious section. The perception was that the traditionally secular state had excluded religious people from politics and state institutions. The regime had to be more Islamic, but in the way Fetullah Gülen understood it. Solution for success advocated by Gülen was to be patient, to portray the movement as a benevolent civil society organization and gradually infiltrate key state institutions.1 1 Watch the video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5gptKWc089A: “You must move in the arteries of the system without anyone noticing your existence until you reach all the power centers… until the conditions are ripe, they [the followers] must continue like this… You must wait for the time when you are complete and conditions are ripe, until we can shoulder the entire world and carry it… You must wait until such time as you have gotten all the state power, until you have brought to your side all the power of the constitutional institutions in Turkey… Until that time, any step taken would be too early - like breaking an egg without waiting the full 40 days for it to hatch. -
Policy Notes July 2021
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY JULY 2021 POLICY NOTES NO. 108 Deals, Drones, and National Will The New Era in Turkish Power Projection Rich Outzen he Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) attracted much attention in 2020 for its devastating employment of unmanned aerial vehicles during combat in TSyria, Libya, and the Caucasus. UAVs (drones) were just one dimension of Turkish regional interventions, but they were particularly potent symbols in an age of ubiquitous cameras and Internet connections.1 A number of analysts have assessed the tactical and operational impact of Turkish drones.2 Yet the Turkish drone program is just part of a revamped national approach to power Photo: Yasin Bulbul/ projection in neighboring regions—an approach with economic, diplomatic, Presidential Palace/Handout strategic, and reputational effects, as well as implications on the battlefield. via REUTERS An expanded network of Turkish military agreements and overseas basing, the maturation of partner and proxy relationships, the expansion of the defense industry beyond UAVs, military doctrine to integrate new sensors RICH OUTZEN DEALS, DRONES, AND NATIONAL WILL and weapons, and—perhaps most critically—the development of risk-tolerant political will in foreign Abbreviations affairs have enabled Turkey to become a formidable hard-power player in the Middle East, North Africa, GNA Government of National Accord (Libya) the Caucasus, and the Black and Mediterranean Seas. Scholarly analysis is therefore needed that LNA Libyan National Army both contextualizes new capabilities for Western audiences and assesses the role and impact of these MIT Milli Istihbarat Teskilati (Turkey’s developments for the coming years. Signaling larger National Intelligence Organization) change within the Turkish military, drones represent a technical leap wrapped in a “revolution in military PKK Kurdistan Workers Party (Turkey) affairs” embedded in a regional realignment. -
House of Representatives Under the North American Wetlands Conservation Chamber Action Act Through Fiscal Year 2024 (H
September 30, 2020 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — DAILY DIGEST D881 A unanimous-consent agreement was reached pro- Additional Statements: Pages S5944–45 viding for further consideration of the nomination at Amendments Submitted: Pages S5987–98 approximately 12:00 noon, on Thursday, October 1, Page S5998 2020. Page S6003 Authorities for Committees to Meet: Nominations Confirmed: Senate confirmed the fol- Record Votes: Three record votes were taken today. lowing nominations: (Total—199) Pages S5923–24 2 Air Force nominations in the rank of general. Adjournment: Senate convened at 12 noon and ad- 6 Army nominations in the rank of general. journed at 8:39 p.m., until 12 noon on Thursday, 1 Marine Corps nomination in the rank of general. October 1, 2020. (For Senate’s program, see the re- 1 Navy nomination in the rank of admiral. marks of the Acting Majority Leader in today’s 2 Space Force nominations in the rank of general. Record on page S6004.) Routine lists in the Air Force, Army, Marine Corps, Navy, and Space Force. Pages S6006–07 Committee Meetings Nominations Received: Senate received the fol- lowing nominations: (Committees not listed did not meet) Brian S. Davis, of North Carolina, to be an Assist- ant Secretary of Defense. NASA 33 Army nominations in the rank of general. Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation: 5 Coast Guard nominations in the rank of admi- Committee concluded a hearing to examine NASA ral. missions and programs, focusing on update and fu- 2 Space Force nominations in the rank of general. ture plans, after receiving testimony from James Routine lists in the Air Force, Army, Coast Bridenstine, Administrator, National Aeronautics Guard, and Navy. -
Things We Hope to Learn from the DOJ Review of “Crossfire Hurricane” Steven Groves and Zack Smith
LEGAL MEMORANDUM No. 270 | SEPTEMBER 4, 2020 EDWIN MEESE III CENTER FOR LEGAL & JUDICIAL STUDIES Things We Hope to Learn from the DOJ Review of “Crossfire Hurricane” Steven Groves and Zack Smith t has been four years since the Obama Admin- KEY TAKEAWAYS istration opened the “Crossfire Hurricane” I investigation into the presidential campaign of The unorthodox and abusive manner in its political rival, Donald Trump, yet many questions which Crossfire Hurricane was conducted relating to the instigation and execution of that inves- must be fully explored and exposed. tigation remain unanswered. On April 10, 2019, Attorney General William Barr confirmed during Senate testimony that he had initi- Those involved used very poor judgment ated a review into “both the genesis and the conduct of at several key points in the investigation, intelligence activities directed at the Trump campaign even if their actions were technically during 2016.”1 Barr appointed U.S. Attorney for Con- within their discretion. necticut John Durham, a widely respected prosecutor, to conduct the review. Separately, in January 2020, Future presidential hopefuls must be the Attorney General directed U.S. Attorney for the assured that incumbent political oppo- Eastern District of Missouri Jeffrey Jensen to review nents will not investigate their campaigns the prosecution of former National Security Adviser for political purposes. Michael Flynn.2 This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/lm270 The Heritage Foundation | 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE | Washington, DC 20002 | (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. -
Afghanistan Prayer Guide
AFGHANISTAN Peace. Reconciliation. Restoration. Hope. PRAYERS FOR THE HEALING OF A COUNTRY Wherever there is water, there is life. Ribbons of green bisect valleys squeezed between towering snow-capped mountain ranges, kept green and alive only by seasonal melting snows that feed small, winding rivers crisscrossing the landscape. In this land of extensive mountain ranges and deserts, life is tenuous. Afghanistan has one of the highest infant mortality rates in the world. Extreme poverty and crumbling infrastructure mean that few have access to clean drinking water or basic medical care. Political instability, corruption and underlying tensions between people groups elicit feelings of anxiety and helplessness. For the 30 million people who call Afghanistan home, the future is uncertain. There is no quality more essential to Afghan culture than hospitality. Afghan hospitality involves a strict code, refined over the centuries, that has developed into a graceful, gracious art form. Afghans of all ethnic stripes routinely invite people into their homes for tea or a meal—then insist that their guests stay for a few days. They are honored when guests grace their home. Even poor families put on a spread for guests. Once one has shared nan o namak, bread and salt, with an Afghan, a deep bond is created. Upon attempting to depart, a guest is met by protests from the host. One emerges from an Afghan home feeling like a king or queen who has been an honored guest of a greater monarch. Hospitality is an integral part of the fabric of life in Afghanistan—a continuous thread woven throughout the traditional cultural tapestry resplendent with beauty. -
Crossfire Hurricane Investigation Prepared for 12/18/19 Hearing with IG Michael Horowitz
Abbreviated Timeline of Key Events Related to Crossfire Hurricane Investigation Prepared for 12/18/19 Hearing with IG Michael Horowitz June 2009: FBI NYFO interviews Carter Page, who “immediately advised [them] that due to his work and overseas experiences, he has been questioned by and provides information to representatives of [another U.S. government agency] on an ongoing basis.”1 Mar. 2, 2015: NY Times reports that Secretary Clinton uses private email account.2 July 10, 2015: FBI opens “Midyear Exam” investigation (MYE).3 Mar. 21, 2016: Carter Page joins the Trump campaign.4 Apr. 1, 2016: FBI HQ advises NYFO to investigate Carter Page (opened Apr. 6).5 May 2016: George Papadopoulos meets with a Friendly Foreign Government (FFG).6 May 4, 2016: o Donald Trump becomes the presumptive GOP nominee.7 o FBI DAD Peter Strzok texts FBI Special Counsel Lisa Page: “Now the pressure really starts to finish MYE.” Page responds: “It sure does.”8 July 5, 2016: o FBI Director Comey statement ending MYE investigation9 o Christopher Steele provides an election report to FBI handling agent in Europe.10 July 22, 2016: WikiLeaks releases DNC emails.11 July 28, 2016: o FBI HQ counterintelligence division (CD) receives FFG information.12 o FBI NYFO receives two Steele election reports.13 July 28-31, 2016:14 o Neither CD AD Priestap nor EAD Steinbach want Strzok to lead the investigation because of his personal relationship with L. Page and instances of Strzok-Page bypassing the chain of command to advise FBI Deputy Dir. Andrew McCabe.15 o McCabe overrules decision to exclude Strzok.16 o Priestap rejects idea of defensively briefing Trump campaign.17 July 31, 2016: o FBI opens the “Crossfire Hurricane” investigation (CFH).18 o Strzok texts Page “And damn this feels momentous.