UNIONS and the MAKING of the MODERATE REPUBLICAN PARTY in NASSAU COUNTY, NEW YORK by LILLIAN DUDKIEWICZ-CLAYM
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LIFE OF THE PARTY: UNIONS AND THE MAKING OF THE MODERATE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN NASSAU COUNTY, NEW YORK By LILLIAN DUDKIEWICZ-CLAYMAN A dissertation submitted to the School of Graduate Studies Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in History Written under the direction of Dorothy Sue Cobble And approved by _____________________________________ _____________________________________ _____________________________________ _____________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey JANUARY, 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Life of the Party: Unions and the Making of the Moderate Republican Party in Nassau County, New York By LILLIAN DUDKIEWICZ-CLAYMAN Dissertation Director: Dorothy Sue Cobble Since county incorporation in 1899, the Nassau County Republican Party has identified with the moderate wing of the party. A key component of its moderate views lies in its support of workers and organized labor. This dissertation describes the evolution of the partnership between organized labor and the Nassau Republican Party and shows how organized labor contributed to the emergence of a strong political Republican machine. Support for organized labor became necessary to the survival and success of the Nassau County Republicans. At the same time, I argue, organized labor thrived in Nassau County in part because of its partnership with moderate Republicans. This mutually beneficial interaction continued into the twenty-first century, maintaining the Nassau County Republican Party as moderates even as the national GOP has moved to the extreme right. Historians and scholars have studied the history of the Nassau County Republican Party and its rise as a powerful political machine. Little has been written, however, about the Long Island labor movement or its role in shaping the character of local or national politics. This dissertation places organized labor at the center of the story of moderate Republicanism in Nassau County. It relies primarily on local newspaper coverage, union records and two dozen oral history interviews with Nassau County politicians, union leaders and activists. ii Acknowledgements I would like to express my thanks and deepest gratitude to my dissertation advisor, Dorothy Sue Cobble. Dorothy understood my passion and the need to tell this story about the working men and women of Long Island. Without her insight, understanding and patience, this project would not have been possible. Thank you, Dorothy. I would also like to thank the members of my committee Joshua Freeman, David Greenberg and Jennifer Mittelstadt for their comments and feedback. They saved me from committing grievous gaffes and provided valuable and helpful advice. My children and their spouses served as a wonderful cheering section. Thank you David Clayman, Dr. Erin Poor, Rebecca Clayman and Michael Lingenfelter. They had faith in me even during the times when I felt little to none. A special thank you to kind friends who over the years patiently listened as I described my research and never once complained. There is no better way to understand past events than to hear those who were there describe them. I want to thank all of the people, the politicians, union leaders and activists for freely sharing their thoughts, memories and ideas with me. I hope that this history fills in some of the blanks. I want to dedicate this dissertation, with love, to my husband, Roger Clayman. It took a long time, with some interesting stops along the way. Thank you, Roger, for surrounding me with love, support, and encouragement for which I shall be forever grateful iii Table of Contents Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Introduction…………………………………………………………………….………….1–17 Chapter One Barons, and Baymen: The Roots of Moderate Republicanism in Nassau County………...1−22 Chapter Two Labor and the GOP Get a New Deal…………………………………….………………...23−52 Chapter Three Nassau Goes National Power: 1938 to 1945….………………………..………………....53−79 Chapter Four The Alliance Survives Amidst Strife and Corruption……………………………….…....80−117 Chapter Five The New Men of Labor and Shifting Party Politics: 1955 to 1961……………...………118−147 Chapter Six Turning Victory To Defeat………………....…………………………………………....148−191 Chapter Seven Back to the Future: 1968 and Beyond…………………....……………………………...192−226 Conclusion………………………………………………...………………………….….227−231 Bibliography………..……………………………………..……………………………..232−243 iv 1 Introduction In 2008, Barack Obama was running as the Democratic nominee for president of the United States. In Nassau County, in New York, excited members of the Service Employees Union 1199 SEIU, a health•care workers union, boarded buses to campaign on his behalf.1 In their easily identifiable bright purple shirts with “1199” emblazoned on the back, they fanned out to Ohio and Pennsylvania visiting union households and trying to convince their union brothers and sisters to vote for the Democrat. Back at home, 1199 SEIU took a decidedly different position. When it came to endorsing state senate candidates, they generally endorsed Republicans. They were not alone in their support of the GOP. Unions such as the large and powerful Civil Service Employees Association, the police union and the building trades joined them in supporting the Republicans. Obama won Nassau County in 2008, handily trouncing his Republican opponent John McCain. Republican state senate candidates, however, fared better. While two Democrats rode to victory on Obama’s coattails, the rest of the state senate delegation from Nassau County remained Republican.2 Prior to 2008, Nassau County voters supported the Democratic candidate for president only twice. In 1912, the county went Democratic and voted for Woodrow Wilson, following a split in the Republican Party between conservative William Howard Taft and progressive Theodore Roosevelt. In 1964, Nassau County supported Lyndon B. Johnson.3 The county’s support of Republicans at the local level is even more striking. From 1916 until 1961, the Democrats won only one county office, and that was in 1929.4 1 Nassau County lies on the western edge of Long island. There are two counties on Long Island. Suffolk County which lies to the to the east of Nassau was established in 1683. Nassau County was incorporated in 1899. Areas of Brooklyn and Queens are on Long Island, but as boroughs of New York City, they are not considered “Long Islanders.” Edward J. Smits, “Government in Nassau: Its Formative Years 1900•1930,” The Nassau County Historical Society Journal, Vol. 29, No. 1, (1969):25; William S. Pelletreau. Long Island: From Its Earliest Settlement to the Present Time, Vol. II. New York: Lewis Publishing, 1905, 74. The Long Island labor movement originated in Nassau County, and Nassau County remains heavily unionized. It serves as the center of organized labor in Long Island, the fourth largest labor movement in the United States. 2 Retrieved from: http://www.elections.ny.gov/2008electionresults.html. 3 Howard A. Scarrow, “Presidential Elections in the Twentieth Century: Voting Patterns on Long Island,” Long Island Historical Journal Vol. 10, No.1. (Fall, 1997): 71•78. 4 Dennis S. Ippolito, “Political Perspectives and Party Leadership: A Case Study of Nassau County, New York” (PhD diss. University of Virginia, 1967), 24. See also Herbert David Rosenbaum, “The Political Consequences of Suburban Growth: A Case Study of Nassau County, New York” (PhD diss. Columbia University, 1967), 51. From 1920 to 1964, Nassau Republicans consistently delivered Republican pluralities in all state and federal candidates. For gubernatorial candidates, the county delivered a mean of 63.4%. 2 When I asked union members how they explained why their unions supported the Democratic nominee for president while endorsing local Republicans for state assembly and state senate as well as several congressional candidates, they responded by saying that they were “Rockefeller Republicans.” Many said that in Nassau County, union support for local Republicans was the way things always had been. Others explained that as far back as they could remember, Long Island Republicans were generally supportive of labor, particularly public sector unions and the building trades. Local union leaders agreed. One leader said that Long Island Republicans supported legislation important to his members. As long as they continued to vote for legislation benefitting his members, his union would continue to endorse them. Besides, he said, the Democrats in the state legislature were often too “city-oriented” and ignored the concerns of Long Islanders. Another union leader observed that Republican support for unions was pragmatic, a recognition that without the votes of working people and their unions, Republicans would lose elections.5 Republican elected officials who received labor’s endorsement readily acknowledged their support for organized labor. The Republican Supervisor of the Town of Hempstead at the time, Kate Murray, told me, “I take pride in union support.” Congressman Peter King, who often identified himself as a blue-collar conservative Republican, expressed a similar view.6 This dissertation examines the historical interaction between organized labor and the Nassau Republican Party over the course of the twentieth century. I argue that the Nassau Republican Party’s relationship with labor helped build it into a powerful political machine and that it was the Republican Party’s alliance with organized labor that kept it moderate. I begin