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City Council Report May 21, 2007 – May 13, 2008

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City Council Report May 21, 2007 – May 13, 2008 The Independent Caucus: Breaking the Rubber Stamp Mold Chicago City Council Report May 21, 2007 – May 13, 2008 Authored By: Dick Simpson Tom Kelly Pasquale Neri University of Illinois at Chicago Department of Political Science and Developing Government Accountability to the People (DGAP) May 13, 2008 The 2007 election of eleven new aldermen in the Chicago City Council may indicate the beginning of the end of two decades of Daley administration domination. A new council was officially sworn in on May 21, 2007, and a solid bloc of opposition to Mayor Richard M. Daley, the Independent Caucus, has begun to form. They meet before each city council meeting to coordinate strategy and to support each other’s efforts. As a result, more aldermen are voting more consistently against the mayor than in previous councils. The votes on critical issues are more polarized between supporters of the mayor and members of the Independent Caucus. However, the new city council has yet to defeat any of the mayor’s proposals, or to force the mayor to use his mayoral veto as they did over the 2006 “Big Box” ordinance to require large stores to pay living wages. They have been unable to defy the mayor’s wishes as they did when they passed the foie gras ban in the previous council. Still, the Independent Caucus, which is still in the formative stage, may provide the foundation for constructing true democratic debate in the future. There have been only thirteen divided roll call votes in the first eleven months, averaging 1.2 divided votes per month similar to approximately 1.8 per month during the last eleven months before the new council was elected in 2007. Despite the fact that eight incumbent aldermen were toppled in last year’s elections, only eleven council members are new this year.1 Nonetheless, the particular divided votes thus far demonstrate a starkly different pattern than that of the previous council. The opposition is more staunchly entrenched while mayoral supporters are more consistent in their support. In short, the council is more polarized in its voting patterns. It remains to be seen if this new oppositional bloc will undermine the rubber stamp city council that 2 Daley has carefully cultivated since his first election in 1989, or if they will merely be a thorn in the Mayor’s side. Labor Unions and Community Organizations versus the Mayor The 2006 battle over the “Big Box” ordinance fomented the changes in the makeup of the new Council. On July 26, 2006, the Chicago City Council defied Mayor Daley by passing an ordinance requiring living wage compensation levels for all workers at all large retailers within the city, with a seemingly veto-proof majority of 35-14. After the mayor vetoed the ordinance, the council failed to override the veto when Aldermen George Cardenas (12th), Shirley Coleman (16th), and Danny Solis (25th) switched their votes to favor the Mayor’s position. In response to the defeat of the “Big Box” ordinance, city union leaders targeted vulnerable aldermen in the 2007 elections. Pronouncing openly that they were seeking a Council that was more independent of Mayor Daley, they primarily targeted six aldermen for defeat, including the three who had switched their votes on the issue. In addition, they targeted Burt Natarus (42nd), Bernard Stone (50th), and Dorothy Tillman (3rd). Tillman was hardly a cheerleader for the mayor, voting with him only 63% of the time on divided votes, but she had opposed the “Big Box” ordinance. Also targeted, but with less union effort, were Darcel Beavers (7th), Howard Brookins Jr. (21st), Emma Mitts (37th), Vi Daley (43rd), and the open seat vacated by Theodore Thomas (15th).2 The results of union efforts, although dramatic, were ultimately mixed. It was evident on the election night of February 27, 2007 that union muscle in collaboration with community organizations in different wards had claimed the seat of Darcel Beavers (7th), a Daley appointee to the Council. She was defeated by Sandi Jackson, the wife of 3 Congressman Jesse Jackson Jr. Also losing his seat was Burt Natarus (42nd), a long-time supporter of the Mayor, to union-backed Brendan Reilly. Twelve other wards were forced into runoff elections on April 17, 2007. Arenda Troutman (20th), who touted the third lowest level of agreement with Mayor Daley on divided votes, was also defeated handily that evening by Willie Cochran, who was supported by mayoral allies.3 Troutman had been indicted on charges of corruption seven weeks before the election. Thus, her defeat was unrelated to the battle between unions and the Mayor. When the returns from the runoff elections were tallied, seven incumbents had been ejected from office, and the open 15th Ward was claimed by union-supported Toni Foulkes.4 Union firepower also helped Bob Fioretti (2nd), Pat Dowell (3rd), Joann Thompson (16th), and Scott Waguespack (32nd) replace Madeline Haithcock, Dorothy Tillman, Shirley Coleman, and Ted Matlak.5 Union and community organization support also helped to reelect Joe Moore in the 49th Ward. In the 24th Ward, Sharon Denise Dixon, backed by supporters of Jesse Jackson Jr., defeated incumbent Michael Chandler, despite Chandler’s support from mayoral allies.6 Although Daley supporters and big businesses like Wal-Mart and Target provided hundreds of thousands of dollars to support Mayor-friendly candidates, the unions spent well over two million dollars in opposition, and handed more defeats to the Mayor’s aldermen in the most fiercely contested races.7 In many of these wards community organizations joined the battle to defeat pro-Daley aldermen who had been unresponsive to their communities. Some aldermen like Dorothy Tillman had failed to promote economic development successfully in their wards. Others like Burt Natarus and Ted Matlak had been overly friendly to 4 developers. So community organizations in their wards along with the unions supported their opponents. The New Council The first shots of dissention in the new council were fired on June 13, 2007 over a seemingly innocuous issue, the methods used by the city to choose artwork for public buildings. The Council voted 38-11 to eliminate the formal selection process, and to give discretion to Cultural Affairs Commissioner Lois Weisberg, who would first consult local constituents chosen by their alderman.8 City officials claimed that the public art selection process had become bogged down in bureaucratic paperwork. Local Chicago artist Tony Fitzpatrick voiced the dissent of many artists to the new rules: “It doesn't make sense that they're taking the public out of public art.” Alderman Manny Flores (1st), who opposed the measure in the city council, described the new process as, “We're taking a step backward, rather than taking a step forward.”9 Joining Flores in opposition to the change were Bob Fioretti (2nd), Pat Dowell (3rd), Toni Preckwinkle (4th), Leslie Hairston (5th), Sandy Jackson (7th), Ricardo Munoz (22nd), Scott Waguespack (32nd), Rey Colon (35th), Brandon Reilly (42nd), and Joe Moore (49th). Fioretti, Dowell, Jackson, Waguespack, and Reilly are all union-supported freshmen. Preckwinkle, Munoz, and Moore were among the most independent reform aldermen from the old council. However, this initial bloc of dissention did not remain united over the more pressing issue of administration corruption. A long-running federal investigation has discovered various violations by the Daley administration of the Shakman rulings, which prohibited political hiring and firing. Also within the last four years, various scandals of corruption, bribery, and fraud have 5 surfaced within the Mayor’s circle of influence. Mayor Daley proposed a new city Office of Compliance to monitor activities of city officials after the federal oversight ended. Critics viewed this new office as an attempt to circumvent oversight by the city Inspector General David Hoffman. Nonetheless, the council voted with the mayor to create the new office by a 43-6 vote. Alderman Joe Moore (49th) lamented that the office, “undermines whatever public confidence is left in the ability of this city government to police itself…” while Mayor Daley maintained that the office, “demonstrates the commitment [of the administration] to better manage government.”10 The vote was not encouraging to those unionists and community leaders who had high hopes for dramatic change following the 2007 elections. A Chicago Tribune editorial blasted the new Council by comparing them to sheep: “The 43-6 vote demonstrates the City Council's commitment to (a) giving the mayor what he wants, lest he start punishing aldermen who don't play along, and (b) having someone other than Inspector General David Hoffman police the illicit exercise of clout at City Hall.”11 Of the eleven that had opposed the new art selection process, only Bob Fioretti (2nd), Toni Preckwinkle (4th), Leslie Hairston (5th), Sandi Jackson (7th), Ricardo Munoz (22nd), and Joe Moore (49th) challenged Mayor Daley’s new Office of Compliance. Five of the aldermen who had opposed the art selection process abandoned the reform bloc on this issue. The City Budget Battle Six months after the new council was sworn into office, Mayor Daley on Wednesday, October 10, 2007 proposed massive across the board tax and fee increases for the 2008 budget. These included the largest property tax hike in Chicago history. 6 The mayor’s proposal, among other increases, included $108 million in property taxes, $43.9 million in water fees, $20.8 million in sewer fees, and $13.1 million in liquor taxes. $48 million
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