Corruption Perception and Government Consumption Expenditure in Sub- Saharan Africa
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Corruption-In-Angola.Pdf
Corruption in Angola: An Impediment to Democracy Rafael Marques de Morais * * The author is currently writing a book on corruption in Angola. He has recently published a book on human rights abuses and corruption in the country’s diamond industry ( Diamantes de Sangue: Tortura e Corrupção em Angola . Tinta da China: Lisboa, 2011 ), and is developing the anti-corruption watchdog Maka Ang ola www.makaangola.org . He holds a BA in Anthropology and Media from Goldsmiths College, University of London, and an MSc in African Studies from the University of Oxford. © 2011 by Rafael Marques de Morais. All rights reserved. ii | Corruption in Angola Table of Contents Acknowledgements ................................ ................................................................ ......................... 1 Introduction ................................ ................................................................ ................................ .... 2 I. Consolidation of Presidential Powers: Constitutional and Legal Measures ........................... 4 The Concept of Democracy ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 4 The Consolidation Process ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 4 The Consequences ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 9 II. Tightening the Net: Available Space for Angolan Civil Society ............................... -
Foreignpolicyleopold
Foreign Policy VOICE The 750 Million Dollar Man How a Swiss commodities giant used shell companies to make an Angolan general three-quarters of a billion dollars richer. BY Michael Weiss FEBRUARY 13, 2014 Revolutionary communist regimes have a strange habit of transforming themselves into corrupt crony capitalist ones and Angola -- with its massive oil reserves and budding crop of billionaires -- has proved no exception. In 2010, Trafigura, the world’s third-largest private oil and metals trader based in Switzerland, sold an 18.75-percent stake in one of its major energy subsidiaries to a high-ranking and influential Angolan general, Foreign Policy has discovered. The sale, which amounted to $213 million, appears on the 2012 audit of the annual financial statements of a Singapore-registered company, which is wholly owned by Gen. Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento. Details of the sale and purchaser are also buried within a prospectus document of the sold company which was uploaded to the Luxembourg Stock Exchange within the last week. “General Dino,” as he’s more commonly called in Angola, purchased the 18.75 percent stake not in any minor bauble, but in a $5 billion multinational oil company called Puma Energy International. By 2011, his shares were diluted to 15 percent; but that’s still quite a hefty prize: his stake in the company is today valued at around $750 million. The sale illuminates not only a growing and little-scrutinized relationship between Trafigura, which earned nearly $1 billion in profits in 2012, and the autocratic regime of 71-year-old Angolan President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who has been in power since 1979 -- but also the role that Western enterprise continues to play in the Third World. -
Workshop on Corruption and Human Rights in Third Countries
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION DIRECTORATE B POLICY DEPARTMENT WORKSHOP CORRUPTION AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN THIRD COUNTRIES Abstract Defined as abuse of public trust for personal gain, corruption is present in all countries. The participants of this workshop discussed various ways that corruption is linked to human rights violations and examined specific challenges in individual countries such as South Africa, Angola and Russia. The recommendations for the EU included supporting civil society activists more effectively, developing international standards for the independence of anti-corruption bodies, establishing a UN Special Rapporteur, setting anti-corruption benchmarks for bilateral cooperation and monitoring the links of corrupt countries with EU Member States. EXPO/B/DROI/2013/03-04-07 March 2013 PE 433.728 EN Policy Department DG External Policies This workshop on 'Corruption and human rights in third countries' was requested by the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights. BASED ON PRESENTATIONS OF: Gareth SWEENEY, Transparency International ‘Linking acts of corruption with specific human rights’ Rafael MARQUES DE MORAIS, Journalist and Angolan anti-corruption campaigner 'Corruption in Africa and the Impact on Human Rights: Angola: A Case Study' Julia PETTENGILL, Research Fellow, Henry Jackson Society, London, Founder and Chair, Russia Studies Centre 'Impact of corruption on human rights in Russia' The exchange of views / hearing / public hearing can be followed online: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/homeCom.do?language=EN&body=DROI -
Cameroon – Researched and Compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 4 March 2011
Cameroon – Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 4 March 2011 What information is there on police corruption, specifically politically motivated corruption, within Cameroon? The 2011 Committee to Protect Journalists annual report on Cameroon states: “Cameroon, which has Central Africa's largest economy, was among the 35 worst nations worldwide on Transparency International's 2010 Corruption Perception Index, which ranks nations on government integrity.” (Committee to Protect Journalists (15 February 2011) Attacks on the Press 2010 – Cameroon) A country profile of Cameroon published on the Business Anti-Corruption Portal website, in a section titled “Political Climate”, states: “Cameroon's President and leader of the ruling Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM), Paul Biya, has been in power since 1982, having been re elected for a new seven-year term in 2004 with more than 70% of the vote. International observers note that the President's many years with a tight grip on power have facilitated high levels of corruption, nepotism and cronyism that have fuelled extensive patronage systems. The President's ethnic group, the Beti-Bulu, is overrepresented in the government, in the military, as civil servants and in the management of state-owned companies. This feeds a system of endemic graft and ethnic clientelism in an administration that includes more than 60 ministries. Ministerial posts are considered part of the patronage system rather than a rational legal system, and the embezzlement of public funds at high levels of the state hierarchy continues. Public aversion with corruption is growing and, according to Transparency International's Global Corruption Barometer 2009, corruption is perceived to be widespread within the judiciary, political parties, customs, the police, and among civil servants in general, with 55% of the citizens claiming to have paid a bribe in the 6 months prior to the study. -
Extractive Sectors and Illicit Financial Flows: What Role for Revenue Governance Initiatives?
U4 ISSUE November 2011 No 13 Extractive sectors and illicit financial flows: What role for revenue governance initiatives? Philippe Le Billon Anti- Corruption Resource Centre www.U4.no U4 is a web-based resource centre for development practitioners who wish to effectively address corruption challenges in their work. U4 is operated by the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) – an independent centre for research on international development and policy – and is funded by AusAID (Australia), BTC (Belgium), CIDA (Canada), DFID (UK), GIZ (Germany), Norad (Norway), Sida (Sweden) and The Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs. All views expressed in this Issue are those of the author(s), and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the U4 Partner Agencies or CMI/ U4. (Copyright 2011 - CMI/U4) Extractive sectors and illicit financial flows: What role for revenue governance initiatives? By Philippe Le Billon Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia U4 Issue October 2011 No 13 Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................................... iv Acronyms ......................................................................................................................................................... v 1. Introduction -
The Metaphor of Salt Voters in the Political Landscape of Mamfe During Elections in Cameroon Since 1990
Social Science Review Volume 2, Issue 1, June 2016 ISSN 2518-6825 Enjoying the Booty and Compromising the Future: The Metaphor of Salt Voters in the Political Landscape of Mamfe during Elections in Cameroon Since 1990 Martin Sango Ndeh1 Abstract The political landscape in Cameroon in the 1990s witnessed a transition to multiparty democracy from a single party system. This new era came with its own positive as well as negative virtues of political participation. The fragile nature of democracy which was characterized by the lack of good will to create institutions that will guarantee fair play and a level playing ground for all the political party contenders paved the way for electoral fraud and other vices that are repugnant to the democratic culture. Parties were not formed based on ideology but on regional, ethnic and other undemocratic principles. The government even played a major role in ensuring that some pro-government opposition parties were created so as to penetrate and weaken the strength of the opposition. This was just one of the awful mechanisms that were put in place by the government to offset the balance, jeopardize the foundation of democracy and to maintain the status quo in favour of the incumbent. Apart from granting sponsorship to some opposition leaders the government and the ruling party in some circumstances out rightly bought the people’s conscience in some areas. The government and the ruling party are used inter-changeably in this paper because it is difficult to separate the government from the ruling party particularly when it comes to distinguishing government funds from party funds. -
Corruption Under Cameroon Law
Corruption Under Cameroon Law By Justice Mbah Acha Rose Fomundam Vice President, Court of Appeal, South West Region, Cameroon. Corruption is a general phenomenon and the definitions applied to corruption vary from country to country in accordance with cultural, legal or other factors and the nature of the problem as it appears in each country. Black’s Law Dictionary, (7th Edition edited by Bryan A. Garner) defines the word “Corrupt” as, “Spoiled, tainted, vitiated, depraved, debased, morally degenerated. As used as a verb, to change ones morals and principles from good to bad” Corruption is defined as “the act of doing something with an intent to give some advantage inconsistent with official duty, and the rights of others, a fiduciary’s or official’s use of situation or office to procure some benefits either personally or for some one else, contrary to the rights of others”. Generally, corruption may be perpetuated by an individual alone, or is entrenched within a public sector in which case it is described as systematic corruption. In Cameroon, corruption is considered as a specific offence and there exist national as well as international instruments in Cameroon that deal with corruption. As far as national instruments are concerned, there is the Cameroon Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, the National anti-corruption commission, the law on the Declaration of Assets and Property, and the law No. 2003/004 of 21/04/2003 on bank confidentiality; there also exist the National Agency for the investigation of financial matters. As far as the international instruments are concerned, there is the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, the United Nations Convention on the fight against transnational organised crimes, and the African Union Convention on the fight against corruption. -
Corruption in Cameroon
Corruption in Cameroon CORRUPTION IN CAMEROON - 1 - Corruption in Cameroon © Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Cameronn Tél: 22 21 29 96 / 22 21 52 92 - Fax: 22 21 52 74 E-mail : [email protected] Printed by : SAAGRAPH ISBN 2-911208-20-X - 2 - Corruption in Cameroon CO-ORDINATED BY Pierre TITI NWEL Corruption in Cameroon Study Realised by : GERDDES-Cameroon Published by : FRIEDRICH-EBERT -STIFTUNG Translated from French by : M. Diom Richard Senior Translator - MINDIC June 1999 - 3 - Corruption in Cameroon - 4 - Corruption in Cameroon PREFACE The need to talk about corruption in Cameroon was and remains very crucial. But let it be said that the existence of corruption within a society is not specific to Cameroon alone. In principle, corruption is a scourge which has existed since human beings started organising themselves into communities, indicating that corruption exists in countries in the World over. What generally differs from country to country is its dimensions, its intensity and most important, the way the Government and the Society at large deal with the problem so as to reduce or eliminate it. At the time GERDDES-CAMEROON contacted the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung for a support to carry out a study on corruption at the beginning of 1998, nobody could imagine that some months later, a German-based-Non Governmental Organisation (NGO), Transparency International, would render public a Report on 85 corrupt countries, and Cameroon would top the list, followed by Paraguay and Honduras. - 5 - Corruption in Cameroon Already at that time in Cameroon, there was a general outcry as to the intensity of the manifestation of corruption at virtually all levels of the society. -
Corruption in Timber Production and Trade an Analysis Based on Case Studies in the Tarai of Nepal
Corruption in Timber Production and Trade An analysis based on case studies in the Tarai of Nepal by Keshab Raj Goutam Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Australian National University April 2017 ii Declaration This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university. To the best of the author’s knowledge, it includes no material previously published or written by another person or organisation, except where due reference is provided in the text. Keshab Raj Goutam 07 April, 2016 iii iv Acknowledgements I sincerely acknowledge the support and encouragement of many people and institutions in helping me write this thesis. First of all, I would like to extend my appreciation to the Ministry of Forest and Soil Conservation of the Government of Nepal for its support for my scholarship and study leave, and to the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) for providing me the Australia Awards Scholarship to pursue the PhD degree. I sincerely express my special appreciation and thanks to my principal supervisor and chair of the panel, Professor Peter Kanowski. Drawing from his vast reservoir of knowledge, he not only supervised me but also helped in all possible ways to bring this thesis to its present shape. He always encouraged me to improve my research with timely feedback and comments. I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to Dr. Digby Race, a member of my supervisory panel, who also chaired the panel for half of my PhD course, when Professor Peter Kanowski was administratively unavailable to continue as chair of panel. -
A Crude Awakening
Dedicated to the inspiration of Jeffrey Reynolds ISBN 0 9527593 9 X Published by Global Witness Ltd P O Box 6042, London N19 5WP,UK Telephone:+ 44 (0)20 7272 6731 Fax: + 44 (0)20 7272 9425 e-mail: [email protected] a crude awakening The Role of the Oil and Banking Industries in Angola’s Civil War and the Plunder of State Assets http://www.oneworld.org/globalwitness/ 1 a crude awakening The Role of the Oil and Banking Industries in Angola’s Civil War and the Plunder of State Assets “Most observers, in and out of Angola, would agree that “There should be full transparency.The oil companies who corruption, and the perception of corruption, has been a work in Angola, like BP—Amoco, Elf,Total and Exxon and the critical impediment to economic development in Angola.The diamond traders like de Beers, should be open with the full extent of corruption is unknown, but the combination of international community and the international financial high military expenditures, economic mismanagement, and institutions so that it is clear these revenues are not syphoned corruption have ensured that spending on social services and A CRUDE AWAKENING A CRUDE development is far less than is required to pull the people of off but are invested in the country. I want the oil companies Angola out of widespread poverty... and the governments of Britain, the USA and France to co- operate together, not seek a competitive advantage: full Our best hope to ensure the efficient and transparent use of oil revenues is for the government to embrace a comprehensive transparency is in our joint interests because it will help to program of economic reform.We have and will continue to create a more peaceful, stable Angola and a more peaceful, encourage the Angolan Government to move in this stable Africa too.” direction....” SPEECH BY FCO MINISTER OF STATE, PETER HAIN,TO THE ACTION FOR SECRETARY OF STATE, MADELEINE ALBRIGHT, SUBCOMMITTEE ON FOREIGN SOUTHERN AFRICA (ACTSA) ANNUAL CONFERENCE, SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL OPERATIONS, SENATE COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS, JUNE 16 1998. -
Bad Governance and Corruption in Africa: Symptoms of Leadership and Institutional Failure
Bad Governance and Corruption in Africa: Symptoms of Leadership and Institutional Failure Oluwole Owoye1 and Nicole Bissessar2 Abstract This study provides the empirical evidence which supports the argument that bad governance and corruption are symptoms of leadership and institutional failure in African countries. We find that leadership changes are either frequent or infrequent, and in both cases, these leaders prefer to govern where institutions are very weak or do not exist, so that they will not be accountable for their corrupt behavior and abuse of office. With the absence of effective checks and balances, corruption continues unabated over the past four or more decades. From visual inspection of corruption data for the continent, we observe that many countries transitioned into highly-corrupt nation-states in recent years. Our empirical results confirm not only the weaknesses of these institutions in controlling corruption but also the lingering effects of institutionalized corruption in many African countries. 1. Introduction Starting from the claim that corruption sands the wheels of development in the African continent, this paper explores corruption within the context of weak or bad governance post- independence. Broadly viewed, bad governance3 in Africa is manifested by its long list of dictatorial leaders, non-free media, and undemocratic elections. According to Jespersen (1992), Africa performed well in the early years of its independence, but failed its performance tests post 1973 as the region is now characterized by low growth rates, declining agricultural production, stagnating manufacturing, rising imports, and rapidly expanding external debts. Additionally, the region has had many coups, civil unrests, ethnic violence; and widespread bureaucratic corruption alongside administrative inefficiency, and institutional ineptitude or outright failure. -
Combating Systemic Corruption in Africa: Altitudinal, Attitudinal, Confrontational Or Constitutional?
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 9 (2016 9) 2092-2123 ~ ~ ~ УДК 328.185(1-926) Combating Systemic Corruption in Africa: Altitudinal, Attitudinal, Confrontational or Constitutional? Emmanuel Oladipo Ojo* Ekiti State University Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria Received 09.06.2016, received in revised form 12.07.2016, accepted 18.08.2016 The fact and reality of systemic corruption in Africa is irrefutable. It is therefore not surprising that the subject has attracted quite a great deal of attention from the academia. Thus, to assert that corruption is the greatest impediment to the socio-political and economic development of Africa is a superfluous understatement and a mere reinstatement of the obvious. Across Africa, incredibly huge sums of money sufficient to conduct free, fair and credible elections, equip the military and the police for optimum performance, revolutionize agriculture, rejuvenate education, resuscitate infrastructures, reinvigorate the economy, revamp the industrial sector and achieve scientific and technological emancipation end up in private vaults and pockets. The consequences of this are impaired economy, immobile technology, fractured infrastructures, ill equipped armed forces, unmitigated poverty and unprecedented brigandage and banditry. This paper does not intend to contribute to the oversubscribed debate on the origins, theories and causes of corruption in Africa; rather, it addresses the question of the option(s) that could best combat systemic corruption in Africa. The paper argues that neither the altitudinal factor nor constitutional provisions could combat corruption in Africa and concludes that only attitudinal change or the confrontation option could liberate the continent from systemic corruption. The descriptive and analytical method of historical research was employed in the analysis of the data obtained for the study.