56 George Maciunas. Chronology of Russian History
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George Maciunas. Chronology of Russian History: Oct. 3, 1914–1934, ca. 1953–54. Ink and graphite on lined paper, 41.8 x 39.5 x 11.8 cm. The Gilbert and Lila Silverman Fluxus Collection, Detroit. Photo: Herman Seidl/Salzburg; in association with Astrit Schmidt-Burkhardt, Maciunas’ “Learning Machines” (Berlin: Vice Versa, 2003). 56 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/grey.2008.1.33.56 by guest on 29 September 2021 Maciunas as Producer: Performative Design in the Art of the 1960s JULIA ROBINSON George Maciunas is best known as the “impresario” of Fluxus. He coined the name for the group of artists, and organized, pro- moted, and documented their activities in the United States and Europe from 1962 until his death in 1978 at age forty-six. The word impresario has been a way for scholars to avoid the difficult territory of how and with what to credit Maciunas. It has also evoked the persona he seemed to need to assume to accomplish his work—idiosyncratic, authoritarian, that of the leftist general—a persona which likewise has proven difficult to explain. By virtue of the unorthodox range of tasks Maciunas took on to organize Fluxus, debate has arisen among Fluxus artists and historians about Maciunas’s proper title and even whether he warrants the description of “founder” or “leader.” For simplicity’s sake, Maciunas is often called an artist, but the role he adopted among artists resists this classification. As a trained graphic designer with broad political ambitions, Maciunas’s Fluxus work—designing posters, flyers, and labels; compiling editions and multiples; drawing up calendars of activities; writing and circulating “news (policy) letters”; and planning and directing concerts—suggests a complex and hybrid “authorial” model that would suspend the term artist or reveal it to be irrelevant. Rather than imposing conventional or anachronistic characterizations onto the figure of Maciunas, as debates about his proper title in Fluxus would do, it would seem more useful to examine the hybrid role he devised for himself, and its fundamental motivations. Maciunas sought to position the art produced under the banner of Fluxus such that it would take on what he saw as an historically urgent role. What, then, would be the significance, in 1962, of intervening in an existing field of artistic production while relinquishing the role of artist? What can be made of the fact that Maciunas saw as his most essential task to remain a graphic designer and to use systematic design principles to organize and frame the means of production of a particular group of artists? Why the zealous performance of propagandist and the exhaustive attempts to shore up an identity for this ephemeral work and its politics? At the height of his powers as Fluxus’s chief organizer, many of the artists vehemently contested the leftist Grey Room 33, Fall 2008, pp. 56–83. © 2008 Grey Room, Inc. and Massachusetts Institute of Technology 57 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/grey.2008.1.33.56 by guest on 29 September 2021 language that Maciunas was using to speak on their behalf. He called for a “United Front,” announced “revolution” and “purg- ing,” unilaterally produced manifestos (which nobody signed), and chose the LEF group of Soviet productivists as his point of reference at a moment when this project was hardly known in the United States.1 Almost all the formats Maciunas selected for Fluxus had an ancestry in leftist propaganda layouts: the poster, the broadsheet, the flyer, the manifesto, and the dia- grammatic chart. In a well-known letter Maciunas wrote in January 1964 to the German artist Tomas Schmit, his deep political commit- ments were clarified unequivocally in relation to the new “col- lective” he was creating: Fluxus objectives are social (not aesthetic). They are con- nected to . the LEF group of 1929 [sic] in Soviet Union (ideologically) and they [are] concern[ed] with: Gradual elimination of fine arts (music, theater, poetry, fiction, painting, sculpt—etc. etc.). This is motivated by the desire to stop the waste of material and human resources (like yourself) and divert it to socially constructive ends. Such as [sic] applied arts would be (industrial design, journalism, architecture, engineering, graphic-typographic arts, printing, etc.) ➡ these are all most closely related fields to fine arts and offer best alternative profession to fine artists. (All clear until now?) Thus Fluxus is definitely against [the] art-object as non-functional commodity. Fluxus therefore, should tend towards [a] collective spirit, anonymity and ANTI-INDIVIDUALISM.2 Retroactively “interpreting” the Fluxus concerts he and Schmit had been organizing over the previous year-and-a-half with the help of Nam June Paik, Joseph Beuys, and others across Europe and, subsequently, in New York, Maciunas stated, “These Fluxus concerts, publications etc—are at best transitional (a few years) & temporary until such time when fine art can be totally eliminated (or at least its institutional forms) and artists find other employment. All LEF revolutionaries . were working as journalists or applied artists.”3 This letter has often been cited in the Fluxus literature as an explanation of Maciunas’s motivations and goals. But neither its simple cita- tion nor the detailed extrapolation of its historical sources reveals the importance of the model for Maciunas (and for Fluxus). What the LEF actually was and Maciunas’s use of the LEF reference are two very different historical objects. We know Maciunas was selective in his use of the Soviet example.4 However, the matter of his model’s precise historical referent is less interesting than that of the function of LEF as a signifier 58 Grey Room 33 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/grey.2008.1.33.56 by guest on 29 September 2021 Maciunas put into play. One reason the presence of the Soviet model in Maciunas’s representation of Fluxus has proven difficult to analyze is because it seems so inaccessibly other to the primary contexts for Fluxus activities: New York as well as the major cities of capitalist countries in Europe, at the start of the 1960s. If Maciunas’s reference to a 1920s Soviet avant-garde model of artistic practice is not to be dismissed as mere folly or blind utopianism, it requires complex mediation with acute sensi- tivity both to its radical propositions and the limits of their application. At the heart of this essential critical mediation is the need to recognize and distinguish Maciunas’s work from that of the Fluxus artists themselves, and to see his pro- ject as a contribution in its own right. This requires a focus on the contemporary postwar context, full of its own shocks and transformations, rather than on Maciunas’s self-cited historical precedents. Adapting the Soviet Model: The Author as Producer One of the most important examples of the ideas of the LEF group being transposed to a new context is Walter Benjamin’s 1934 essay “The Author as Producer.”5 Benjamin’s abiding interest was to move the “cultural producer” to be conscious of actual “production” and to create out of that consciousness and those real conditions.6 The author’s responsibility, according to Benjamin, is to acknowledge that from the outset he or she makes a choice whether to side with the proletariat. Benjamin’s focus is the literary author, but the importance for an “artist”- as-producer is easily seen. “The Author as Producer” opens with a penetrating critique of the autonomous work of art. Echoing Plato, Benjamin asks, “What right does the poet have to exist?” and states that he believes that at certain historical moments this profound ques- tion should be posed anew. At issue was not merely the ques- tion of the poet’s existence but of his or her autonomy and that of the work. The challenge Benjamin put to the author was to envisage the relationship of the work within the conditions of production, rather than relating to them, from a safe (critical) distance. Benjamin lambastes the existing (bourgeois) frame- works of literary production, specifically the newspaper and the book, for commodifying—via structure and convention— even the most politically committed content: the bourgeois apparatus of production and publication can assimilate astonishing quantities of revolutionary themes—indeed, can propagate them without calling its own existence, and the existence of the class that owns it, seriously into question. I define the “hack writer” as a Robinson | Maciunas as Producer: Performative Design in the Art of the 1960s 59 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/grey.2008.1.33.56 by guest on 29 September 2021 writer who abstains from alienating the productive appa- ratus from the ruling class . .7 This kind of writing, Benjamin argues, places the author “along- side” the proletariat rather than in its midst. “But what kind of place is this?” he asks. “That of a benefactor, of an ideological patron—an impossible place.”8 The dialectical approach Benjamin proposes as “the heart of the matter” is not to have the work positioned in a place of purist isolation but rather to insert it into “living social contexts.”9 In terms of the historical difficulty of seeing such a distant political project as that of the LEF group transplanted, with credibility, to the 1960s, Benjamin’s conversion of the Soviet productivist model to the realm of subsequent cultural pro- duction is a valuable point of departure.10 And though neither the purposes nor the historical moments can be compared, Benjamin’s reasons for adopting this model for his 1934 lecture in Paris—a strategy we might tentatively call “performative”— can inform our understanding of Maciunas’s moves in New York.