-- ~ Ml .. I

CHAPTER"

HISTORIC BACKGROUND

PART 1: THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON wall of ships or combined land and sea operations. The intent ofthis blockade was to handicap the Confederacy's The occupation of was critical to the fighting capability by choking off the importation of Union Anny's siege ofCharleston, (April essential goods.' 1863-February 1865). When GeneralJohn C. Pemberton While the plan was a sound one, the North was, at the ordered Confederate troops to abandon Coles Island and war's outset, ill prepared to enforce it. In the spring of Folly Island, he was warned that the decision would come 1861, the Navy comprised less than one back to haunt the defenders ofCharleston (Figure 2.1). He hundred vessels,only forty-two of which were commis­ made it against the advice ofseveral subordin~te officers sioned. Half the fleet consisted of obsolescent sailing and keen military engineers. In fact, th.e Coles Island ships and antiquated steamers. Indeed, only three stearn­ battery was part of the system ofcoast defense devised in ers of the Home Squadron were ready for immediate April 1861, by General P.G.T. Beauregard, perhaps the blockade duty along the 3,549-mile-long Southern shore­ most talented engineer in the Confederacy. By late March line. Moreover, the coastofthe Atlantic states was marked of the following year, however, Pemberton believed his by a series ofbarrier and , as well as waterways command contained too few troops and armaments to hold cut by numerous bays and inlets. Consequently, the Union all of the outposts protecting the Carolina seaport. I was forced to concentrate its dragnet on the Confederacy's The abandonment ofColes Island, however, opened major seaports, including Charleston, thatpossessed good the way for the Union to control the important Stono harbors and interior lines of communication.6 River, and to occupy both Coles and Folly islands without The blockade's ineffectiveness in the early months of having to fight for them. 2 The Federals took possession of the conflict stimulated a booming business for blockade those sea islands in the spring of1863. From that time until runners. Attracted by the huge profits to be made by February 1865, they put Charleston under siege. And trading through the blockade, Southern and British ship­ while the city held out until the closing days of the war, it pers and merchants set up blockade running companies. underwent the longest and one of the most debilitating Some 1,600 vessels of all classes were employed as sieges in the Civil War. The experience was just as blockade runners to feed the Confederacy during the war. demanding for the besiegers as it was for the besieged.3 As the Union cordon tightened and the risk of capture or The Union troops stationed on Folly Island and the other destruction increased (so did profits), fast, sleek steamers sea islands below Charleston were challenged not only by were designed and constructed specifically for running an enemy hostile to their presence, but also were subjected the blockade. More often than not they were successful.? to a strange and often harsh environment Blockade runners brought into the South rifle mus­ Protecting Charleston was part ofthe overall Confed­ kets, cannon, ammunition, swords, bayonets, blankets, erate coastal defense plan to deny the Union access to shoes, medicine, food, and other necessities, as well as strategic centers and important cities. Southern seaports luxury items. A recent study claims that the Confederacy were the key links to the outside world where the Confed­ imported at least 400,000 rifles, enough to arm approxi­ eracy's ability to wage war rested, and perhaps its best mately forty percent of the Southern troops.s Blockade chance for winning the conflict4 Because of its weak running greatly aided the Confederacy's fighting capabil­ industrial base, the South depended heavily upon Euro­ ity. pean markets to arm and equip its military forces and The United States Navy eventually closed mostofthe supply goods for the home front. Through Charleston and important Southern seaports by blockade or captured other port towns, the Confederacy received asteady influx them in joint operations with the Anny. But while the ofsupplies vital to its war effort. Anny and Navy impeded the Confederacy's sea trade, The United States was aware ofthe South's depend­ they failed to sever the lifeline of supplies until 1865. encyon these imports and set about to disrupt its maritime Indeed, the Carolina seaports remained open to overseas commerce. In April 1861, President trade for almost the duration of the conflict. proclaimed a naval blockade of Southern seaports. Soon Charleston was the -Confederacy's most important afterwards, a Blockade Strategy Board convened and seaport on the South Atlantic coast. Early in the war it drew-up detailed plans to close all Southern ports with a received the greatest volume of trade of any city on the

HISTORIC BACKGROUND 13 seaboard. Anew study finds thatatleast 63 different steam Battery Beauregard and FortMoultrie on Sullivans Island, blockade runners sailed in and out of Charleston. More­ Fort Johnson on James Island, and Batteries Wagner and over, the city served as the center ofoperations for most of Gregg on . These works were placed in such the South's blockade running firms. In fact, Charleston so locations as to produce a converging fire on the harbor and dominated the blockade running trade that its capture to support Fort Sumter. At the same time, Fort Sumter's early in the war would have been disastrous to the Confed­ guns covered the surrounding batteries and the approach eracy, and done much toward discouraging European into the harbor. 13 trade. 9 Preparations to defend against a land attack also were Charleston was significant not only as a favorite port­ made. On James Island, generally regarded as the linchpin of-call for blockade runners, but also as a key distribution to Charleston'sdefenses, soldiers and slaveserected works depot for supplies they imported. The city was linked by to guard the approach from the Stono River. Most Confed­ rail to North Carolina, Virginia, and , as well as the erate engineers believed that if the ever states of the lower South. Charleston also held symbolic secured a foothold on James Island, the fall ofCharleston importance. South Carolina had been the first state to would be only a matter of time. Federal guns could be withdraw from the Union, and the secession ordnance was emplaced beyond the range of Fort Sumter, but within passed in Charleston, giving birth to the Southern Confed­ easy shelling distance of the city. A securely entrenched eracy.IO enemy force supported by reinforcements would require Bec~use ofits strategic and symbolic imIJO.rtance, the a larger army to dislodge it than was available to Confed­ United States Navy targeted Charleston for capture early erate commanders at Charleston. The entrance to the in the war. To Northerners, Charleston was the "cradle of Stono Riverwas defended by an enclosed battery on Coles rebellion." However, the Union's inability to effectively Island. There was talk of putting works on Folly Island, blockade or launch an invasion against Charleston gave until General Pemberton ordered these outer islands to be the Confederates time to assemble troops, construct forti­ left undefended. 14 That was the opening for which the fications, and mount cannon for her protection. These Federals had been waiting. efforts made Charleston's capture more difficult The Federals already had launched a failed attempt to Charleston was located at the tip ofa peninsula at the seal Charleston from overseas trade. On December 20, confluence of the Ashley and Cooper rivers, about six 1861, the frrst anniversary ofSouth Carolina'swithdrawal miles from the Atlantic Ocean (Figures 1.1, 2.1). The city from the Union, the Union Navy scuttled and sank an odd was bounded by the mainland to the north, and James assortment of decrepit whaling ships and merchant ves­ Island to the south. The huge James Island was accessible sels filled with stones in the main channel leading into to the sea through the Stono River. A series of long,low Charleston harbor. A second "stone fleet" was sunk in sandy sea islands, bordered by soft alluvial marshes and another nearby channel the following month. These ef­ shallow creeks, ran parallel to the seaboard. The 2,700­ forts proved to be an ignominious failure. Toredo worms yard-wide mouth to Charleston's deep harbor was formed weakened the hulks causing them to break apart. and the by two ofthese islands: Sullivans Island on the north side strong currents flowing around the stones created deeper of the entrance, and Morris Island below it Between passageways that actually improved navigability.15 Morris Island and Slono Inlet lay Folly Island, a spindly, The second Union move to subdue Charleston was an six-mile-long spit of sand, with undergrowth, palmetto overland assault on James Island. When Pemberton or­ and pine treesY dered the Confederate abandonment of Coles Island, Charleston's pre-war defenses, buill by the United Union gunboats gained access into the Stono River as far States Army, were designed solely to resist a naval altack. up as the southwestern shore of James Island. In June The key to the harbor was Fort Sumler, a two-tiered brick 1862, Union MajorGeneral David D. Hunter, commander casemated fort on an artificial island on the south side of of the Department of the South, headquartered at Hilton the main channel. Castle Pickney, an old brick fort on Head, South Carolina, proposed an expedition against Shutes Island about a mile east of Charleston, and Fort Charleston by way ofthe StonoRiver. On ahotandmuggy Moultrie, another brick fort located on Sullivans Island, June 16, Union General Henry W. Benham led 6,500 comprised the remainder ofthe main fortifications guard­ troops against one-third as many strongly entrenched ing the city.n Confederates near the hamlet ofSecessionville, on James At the outbreak of the Civil War, the Confederates Island. Hunter had sanctioned a reconnaissance in force, under the skillful talents of General P.G .T. Beauregard, but Benham chose to attack instead. Three Union frontal begaIito add to and strengthen Charleston's existing assaults incurred heavy casualties and were repulsed in a defenses. They constructed strong earthwork batteries few hours. Benham was compelled to order a retreat from around the perimeterofthe harbor. By April,I863,acircie James Island. 16 offorts and batteries was fairly complete. These included After the miserable failure al Secessionville and the

14 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED" 'Iji:~ [. I - - ---

:L -~ .1 \

Figure 2.1: Detail of "Map of the Defenses of Charleston City and Harbor, showing also The Works Erected by the U.S. Forces in 1863 and 1864." (Official Records Atlas, Plate IV-1). (Arrow locates project area).

HISTORIC BACKGROUND lS Union abandonment ofJames Island, ten months elapsed Du Pont conLinued to argue for another landing on before the Federal forces made a serious attack on Char­ James Island, where the army would have ample coverfife leston. This time the Navy Department cooked up a from gunboats in the Stono River. But the army rejected scheme; Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Gustavus V. this plan. For one thing, it still remembered the disaster at Fox, proposed to run a squadron ofironclad ships into the Secessionville the previous summer. And while James throat of Charleston harbor and past the guns of Fort Island was much larger than Morris Island, a force could Sumter. Charleston apparently was Fox's obsession, the not maneuver well on itbecause ofthe numerous marshes, "hot-bed of secession" whose Rebel fortifications had creeks, and swamps. Moreover, Foster was unsure of turned back his personal effort to rescue Fort Sumter's Confederate troop and fortification strength on the island. garrison of United States troops in April 1861. To the While Lincoln and his supporters wanted Charleston Navy Department in 1863, Charleston was the ultimate and were under considerable political pressure to capture prize in the South AtlanticP it, they were opposed to a siege, as was implied in Foster's Admiral SamuelF. DuPont, commander ofthe South plan. A siege would require too much time, energy, and Atlantic Blockading Squadron, reluctantly agreed to lead resources, and dampen public enthusiasm, if not politi­ the attack. Du Pont opposed using monitors in such an cally embarrass the administration. For now, Lincoln was assault They were a new class of ship relatively untested more interested in an operation that would produce quick in battle. The Admiral believed that the best hope for success with the army playing only a minor role. Fox, for capturing Charleston was still by a land and sea operation his part, agreed. He desired to win the laurels ofvictory for up the Stono River. Fox, however, insisted upon an the navy. Amid the wrangling among politicians and unsupported navy attack using ironclads in the harbor. indifference from even his superiors, Foster withdrew When Du Pontcomplainedand delayed theattempt to from his assignment at Charleston. That was fine by capture Charleston with the fleet alone, Fox consented to General I-!unter, who had decided that Foster was assum­ ajoint operation, but with the army playing only a limited ing too prominent a role in the operation anyway.w role. He got the War Department to commit ten thousand The plan ofattack essentially reverted back to Fox's infantrymen to support the navy. General Hunter chose original proposal: a naval squadron of mostly ironclad General John G. Foster to head the army's part in the ships was to run past the guns of Fort Sumter, the chief assault Foster was thoroughly familiar with Charleston, obstacle to the navy's passage into the harbor. Surely, Fox having helped in the pre-war construction ofits defenses. believed, the Confederates must evacuate the area once Moreover, Hunter approved ofFoster's plan for the army Sumter was lost The army would land a support force on to playa major part in the attack. Hunter never liked Fox's Folly Island and make ready to invade Morris Island if intention that the soldiers would be merely support to the circumstances dictated. Foolhardy as it all seemed to Du fleet. Pont, Fox seriously considered this the most practicable Foster suggested that, while Hunter's X Army method of attack. remained in reserve, his own XVIII Army Corps would By early April, the army had assumed its position to storm the south end ofMorris Island under cover fire from support the navy. General Hunterreported on the third that gunboats. Meanwhile, the ironclad flotilla would shell approximately halfofthe troops assigned to the operation Fort Sumter in preparation for an infantry assault against were safely in the Charleston vicinity, either on Coles Battery Wagner, a strong sand fortification toward the Island or North Edisto Island. On the night of April 6, north end ofMorris Island. With BatteryWagner in Union Colonel Joshua B. Howell's XVIII Army Corps was hands, siege artillery could be emplaced within range to transported across from Coles Island to Folly Island.21 Part reduce Sumter, after which the fleet could sail virtually of General Alfred H. Terry's detachment of the X Army unopposed into Charleston harbor. 18 Corps also was put ashore that evening on Folly Island, The navy officers were dubious of this plan. They while the balance was held atthe ready on board transports doubted that the warships could provide the necessary in Stono Inlet. These soldiers landed the following mom­ cover fire for the army landing, much less proLect a base ing.22 Thus the entire force, probably numbering 10,000 on hostile Morris Island. Foster agreed with them after he men under the immediate command of General Truman examined the position from the north end ofFolly Island Seymor, Hunter'schief-of-staffand artillery, were massed on February 7, 1863.19 on the north end of Folly Island on April 7. Foster revised his original proposal, calling instead From there preparations were made for crossing frn; beavy rifled-cannon to be emplaced on the north end Lighthouse InieL on the night of April 8. 23 Du Pont and of Folly Island, just south of Morris Island across the Hunter delayed a possible invasion of Morris Island until narrow Lighthouse Inlet(Figure 2.1). These would enable the navy had silenced FortSumter. With'Sumter outofthe the army to soften Morris Island for an assault, withouL picture, the Union troops would not face enftlading fire having to rely on naval fire support. from its huge guns. Moreover, the commanders hoped that

16 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED" 1 1 .1" I -- --- Ilil ! I - -' \ I, ~. \ III __

the fall of that key fortification would demoralize the port. Apparently Lincoln believed otherwise. He still defendersofMorrisIsland, ifnotcausetheirabandonment considered Charleston's capture as a prime objective, at ofit. In the meantime, the Union soldiers were kept in the least for political, ifnot military, reasons.27 The president oods on Folly Island, supposedly out of sight of the quickly sent word to Du Pont to resume naval action enemy on the opposite shore. against Charleston. He also instructed Hunter to secure ButConfederatepickets hadbeenkeeping a sharpeye possession of Folly Island.28 on Folly Island since Foster's reconnoitering party had But Du Pont declined to maintain his position inside appeared back in February. Consequently, they were fully the Charleston bar, or to offer assistance to the army. He aware of the Federal landing on the island in early April. still claimed that the monitors were unseaworthy, and They informed General Beauregard, who had been reas­ subjecllocapture ifleftinside the harbororclose to Morris signed in August 1862 to command Charleston's defense, Island. If the ironclads fell into enemy hands, they could that a sizeable Union force was assembling on the north be used to break the already sieve-like blockade ofChar­ endofFolly Island. This news concerned Beauregard.Just leston. Hunter, for his part, was very disappointed that his exactly what the Federal presence meant was, as yet, army was not allowed to assault Morris Island even after unclear. Were they to cooperate with the navy by remain­ Du Pont's squadron failed to reduce Fort Sumter. On the ing on the sea-line islands, orwould they strike for the city day ofthe naval attack his troops held Folly Island, and by by operating again on James Island, the weak link to the following morning were "in complete readiness" to Charleston's defenses? These questions were answered cross Lighthouse Inlet. Du Pont's withdrawal ended the only with a victory over the Union navy.24 bestchance for the army to make a lodgementon the more The defenders of Fort Sumter were thoroughly pre­ strategic Morris Island at that time. 29 Nevertheless, Hunter pared for the Union attack that came on April 7. The vowed to hold Folly Island. channels had been carefully buoyed, so that thegunnersof On April 11, 1863, Brigadier General Israel Vogdes the harborfortifications would know the exactrangeofthe (pronounced"vog-days")oftheX ArmyCorps was placed enemy ships. Du Pont's assaultreflected his cautiousness, in command of all Union army forces in the vicinity of the vagueness of his orders, and his lack ofconfidence in Stono Inlet, including Folly Island.30 Vogdes was charged ironclads. He obviously did not intend to press the attack simply with reinforcing and holding Folly Island, "with­ at the risk of losing any of his ships. In the end, the outattracting too much attention," until operations against engagement was brief (it lasted barely two hours), and Charleston could be started-up again. Of particular sig­ terribly one-sided. Five of the seven monitors in the nificance was securing the north end of Folly Island?! squadron received extensive damage from the Confeder­ At times the north end of Folly Island was an island ates' "wall offire." Only one monitor, the U.S.S. Nahant, unto itself. The ground there was barren and so low that and the U.S.S. Keokuk, an iron-hulled, lightly armored spring tides occasionally swept completely over the low­ ship, even got within half a mile of Fort Sumter. For that est section, separating the north end from Folly Island the Keokuk paid the ultimate price. She was perforated by proper. At the northern-most tip, however, the winds and some ninety shot and shells, and sank the next day. Du tides formed a ridge of sand dunes covered with scrub Pont's flagship, the New Ironsides, barely got into the brush. Because it commanded the way to Morris Island, action at all. the northern point of Folly Island was its most strategic The disparityofftre was as one-sidedas the battle. Du point. There Vogdes stationed five companies ofsoldiers, Pont's flotilla expendedonly 139 shots, whileFortSumter who dug rifle pits overlooking Lighthouse Inlet.32 alone unleashed 2,000 rounds. The guns from Fort Moul­ In its entirety Folly Island measured approximately trie, batteries Beeand Beauregard on Sullivans Island, and six miles long and three-quarters ofa mile in breadth at its batteries Wagner and Gregg on Morris Island ftred an­ widest point (Figure 2.1). A blanket of white sand and other 200 rounds. All told, the Confederates registered groves of palmetto and pine trees covered the island. A 520 hits against the Union ships, and forced them to wide expanse ofbeach bordered the sea on the east side of withdraw.25 Perhaps Admiral Du Pont best reflected the the island. Just beyond the barren beach dunes lay a series humiliating defeat when he said: "I haveattempted to take of alternating linear ravines and dunes, densely forested the bull by the horns, but he was too much for us.''26 with scrub oaks, vines, pines and palmetto trees. A sea of Although Du Pont failed to silence Fort Sumter, he did marsh grass marked the west side ofthe island bordering succeed inconvincing his superiorsofwhat he had argued on the Folly River.33 from the beginning. Charleston could only be taken by a Just where Folly Island got its name is a matter of large scale combined operation. debate. A popular and romantic presumption is that the After three unsuccessful attempts to capture Char­ dreams of some unfortunate soul were dashed in a folly leston, some Union military leaders considered it bad upon its weathered shores. Some local residents claim the strategy to resume operations against the Carolina sea- island was named for clumps of trees, called follies, that

HISTORIC BACKGROUND 17 dot the area marshes. That its name derived from some­ a couple ofhours and with butlittle sacrifice six weeks ago thing having to do with trees seems reasonable. Some will now involve, whenever attempted," Hunter main­ islanders point to the old English usage of"folly," which tained, "protracted operations and a very serious loss of meant heavily wooded. Whatever its origins, Union sol­ life." Hunter begged President Lincoln to "liberate" him diers stationed on Folly Island during the war believed it from "those orders to 'cooperate with the Navy' which was appropriately named. "A man in civil life must indeed tied him down at Charleston. He asked for a force of be a fool," a soldier wrote sarcastically, "to think he could 10,000 soldiers to invade the heart of Georgia where he live on such a baron place." 34 A soldier, on the other hand, planned to destroy railroads and resources, as well as to was expected to survive anywhere the Army sent him. free slaves.39 This far-fetched scheme was the excuse Frommid-April until the middleofJune 1863, Vogdes' Lincoln had been looking for to replace General Hunter. occupation force on Folly Island numbered between 3,800 For some time Lincoln had been uneasy with Hunter, a and 4,700 men.35 The soldiers labored incessantly to self-righteous volunteer officer. Now Hunter's fanatical secure the island and prepare it as a base of operations plan confmned the President's suspicion that the general against Charleston. Several heavy cannon were emplaced was also a bit crazy. on the south end to maintain control of Stono Inlet and Hunter's relief paved the way for a more stable and guard the water approaches from James Island. Pickets experienced engineer officer familiar with both capturing watched for any possible Confederate efforts to recapture forts and the South Carolina coastal area. That soldierwas the island, while their comrades cleared trees and under­ General Quincy A. Gillmore, former chiefengineer in the growth for a camping ground. The Federals also con­ Department of the South, and conqueror of Ft. Pulaski, structed a road along the island's western side for the Georgia. In late May 1863, Gillmore submitted a plan to movement of troops, supplies, and artillery from Stono the administration for reducing Fort Sumter in lieu of a Inlet to the north end.36 strong concentrated effort between the Navy and Army. While the Federals worked as secretly as possible, Specifically, Gillmore suggested an invasion of Morris there was no way they could keep their activity on Folly Island to capture its fortifications. With Morris Island Island hidden from the nearby Confederates for long. In secured, heavy rifled artillery would be employed to fact, the Southerners soon infIltrated the Union position to destroy Fort Sumter, and afterward to support a naval determine its strength. On the night of April 10, a small movement into the harbor.40 This was basically the same force of grayclad troops slipped undetected onto the proposal General Foster earlier had advocated to capture island. By the time the alarm was sounded, they had Charleston. This time, however, the Army would take the mortally wounded one Yankee and captured at least one lead role. Lincoln consented, and on June 3, 1863, he more. This episode frightened Union pickets, making assigned Gillmore to the temporary command of the them jittery, and led to a tragedy a few nights later. Department ofthe South. Gillmore assumed command on Startled, trigger-happy guards mistakenly shot and killed June 12, setting up his headquarters on the beach (Figure a comrade, Captain Bazel Rodgers of the 62nd Ohio 2.2). Later, he moved his headquarters to the Campbell 3 Regiment. ? house, the only residence on the island. Union soldiers The presence of Union troops on Folly Island like­ dubbed it the "White House" (today a modem residence wise concerned Confederate forces on adjacent islands. there is known as the Seabrook house).41 The Southerners escalated their efforts to prevent a suc­ Shortly after taking command, Gillmore reconnoi­ cessful invasion ofMorris Island by bolstering theirearth­ tered Morris Island and its surroundings. Up to this time, works on the southern tip. Moreover, vedettes (sentinel General Vogdes' work on Folly Island had been purely stations) were placed on Long Island, between the Folly defensive. All that changed under Gillmore. The new River and James Island. The Confederates also harassed commander instructed Vogdes to erect masked batteries the Federals by occasionally lobbing artillery shells onto behind the sand dunes on the northern tip ofFolly Island. Folly Island. The Union gunboats retaliated by firing The guns of these batteries would be used to silence projectiles at Confederate batteries.J8 Confederate works and cover the proposed landing on the By late May 1863, General Hunter was bored by the south end of Morris Island.42 relative inactivity and the failure of the administration to Between mid-June and early July, Federal soldiers push Admiral Du Pont into resuming active operations worked hard to erect the masked batteries. They were against Charleston. In Hunter's view, Union troops were constructed ofsand and sod, with ordnance magazines or lodged fruitlessly on Folly Island, while the North's bomb proofs underneath. The work progressed as rapidly . continued presence there encouraged the Confederates to and secretly as possible. The soldiers toiled mostly at night strengthen their own defenses, particularly on Morris and in almost total silence, hoping to ensure a surprise Island. Thatmade theFederal task ofcapturingCharleston troops, the Union attack force numbered about 11,000 all the more difficult. "[What] could have been effected in effectives.48 To cooperate more fully with the army, Lin-

18 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED" '---

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HiSTORIC BACKGROUND 19 iillj J ',. I M~.Lr·~_~_~~_ ~ _

- k on Morris Island. If trees needed felling, the men day of the month. Together with Vogdes' occupation ed tfuem from the tops and lowered the pieces gently coin assigned Admiral John A. Dahlgren to replace the th ropes to the ground. All of the cannon were hauled timid Du Pont as chief of the South Atlantic Blockading 'ously up the island through the woods and mounted in Squadron. Dahlgren assumed his new command on July 6, darkness. By bright moonlightor heavy thunder show- 1863.49 •the exhausting work continued. "Our... duty was quite Gillmore set the attack for July 8. That afternoon uous," observed a Connecticut soldier, "as we were General Terry landed with his division for the sbow-of­ 'ged to work nights, and had to maintain the utmost force on James Island. Under cover fire from the U.S.S. nce, speaking only in whispers.''43 Pawnee and two lightly armed transports in the Stono So intentwere Gillmoreand Vogdes to keep the work River, Terry clashed with Confederates on the same ncealed that they declined to destroy the blockade ground where General Benham had met defeat the previ­ ner Ruby thatran aground within point-blank-rangeof ous summer. ir newly constructed batteries. Confederates salvaged Inclement weather delayed the invasion of Morris from the derelict ship, while the Union army held Island for about thirty-six hours. At dawn on July 10, ir fire rather than risk exposing their position.44 Vogdes' guns on Folly Island signaled the beginning of Despite their efforts, the Federals failed to mask their the assault. The ensuing two hour bombardment from signs. Indeed, Confederate commanders on Morris Is­ Vogdes' cannon and incessant shelling by Admiral d and at headquarters in Charleston knew perfectly Dahlgren's gunboats enabled General Strong's brigade to ell that Folly Island was occupied by an increasingly establish a beachhead without difficulty. The Federals ge Union force busily at work erecting batteries and soon overran the Confederate works on the south end of eparing for an offensive. In fact, it seemed that every Morris Island, and by mid-morning had advanced to Confederate in the area knew what the Yankees were up within musket range of Battery Wagner. Here the attack <0. The intelligence became the source ofjokes between bogged down. 50 Confederate and Union pickets, who frequently commu­ Two unsuccessful attempts were made to capture the nicated with each other. Confederate pickets informed defiant Battery Wagner by direct infantry assault. In the eir Federal counterparts that "General Beauregard had first on July 11, the Federals reached the parapet but were ch an exalted opinion of the Yankees on Folly Island turned back by heavy fire. They were repulsed again one that he was coming over to [pay them] a visit and give week later in a night attack. Black soldiers of the 54th [them] all a 'farm six feet by twO.'4S Massachusetts led the charge in which they suffered Beauregard's soldiers may have found humor in the terrible casualties, including the regiment's white com­ Federals' presence, but the general himself took a more mander, Colonel Roben Shaw. Several white regiments serious view. While confident a Union attack was immi­ also were mauled badly when a portion of the assault nent, Beauregard still did not know with certainty where column penetrated the fort, but was then pushed back by it would be directed. He strengthened the works on the the Confederates. Some wounded were removed to hospi­ south end of Morris Island, yet he continued to think that tals on Folly Island for treatment5l James Island was the Federals' real target46 Sobered by the loss ofmore than 1,500 men in frontal That was precisely what Gillmore wanted Beaure­ assaults against Battery Wagner, Gillmore turned to siege gard to believe. He suspected that the Confederates were tactics. He set up eight batteries ofheavy rifled cannon on without the necessary reinforcements and resources to Morris Island and adjacent marshes to shell nearby enemy adequatelyprotectbothJames andMorris Islands. Gillmore posts. One gun was the fabled "Swamp Angel," an eight­ surmised correctly that Beauregard was compelled to inch Parrott rifle which could reach Charleston, four and detach troops from Morris Island to defend James Island. a half miles away, with a 200 pound shell. io further mislead Beauregard, Gillmore planned a Thus began the nineteen-month-long Union siege of demonstration in force on James Island to coincide with Charleston. At first Gillmore focused his attention on Fort the main Union attack against Morris Island. Sumter. It became the target ofrelentless bombardments. Within about twenty days of taking command, During the latter part of August 1863, some 5.643 shots Gillmore was ready to move againstCharleston. Thenorth were fired at it in seven days. according to General end ofFolly Island concealed ten masked batteries mount­ Beauregard. Meanwhile, Gillmore's infantrymen dug ing fony-seven field rifles and siege monars. Each cannon zigzag trenches toward Battery Wagner. By early Septem­ was provided with 200 rounds of ammunition.47 During ber, the approaches were close enough to almost guaran­ the first week of July, additional troops of the X Army tee a successful assault, but the Confederates denied the Corps arrived on Folly Island. General Alfred H. Terry's Federals the opponunity for victory. Late on September6, division, about 3,800 strong, and General George C. the Southern troops abandoned Morris Island. Beauregard Strong's brigade of 2,500 soldiers landed by the eighth willingly sacrificed Morris Island to save James Island.52

HISTORIC BACKGROUND 21 The heavy shelling ofFort Sumter resumed in Octo­ Some Federals claimed that their stint on Folly Island ber 1863, but the Union objective shifted from trying to constituted perhaps the gloomiest period of their service capture the fort to simply neutralizing its effectiveness. under theStarsand Stripes."Folly Island was probably the The Union shens turned the walls of Fort Sumter into worst place in the army," complained a soldier. "If there rubble, butfailed to silence its guns, oropen a wedge in the is a worse place than these sea islands I don't want to see harbor defences so the navy could anempt an auack.l.'he iL.."55 The Northerners found it difficult to acclimate ultimate fmancial cost to the city was great, but it did not themselves to the Carolina weather and the sea island fall. Even an occasional blockade runner slipped through environment while performing the demanding duties the Union naval dragnet to bring desperately needed required of them to safeguard the beachhead. supplies to the besieged city. The soldiers' first summer on Folly Island was par­ Although the siege dragged on, the Federals started ticularly enervating to their well being. By mid-summer drawing off troops and vessels from Charleston by the much of the island's vegetation had been cleared to make winter of 1864. They were needed in more important way for encampments, and many men were living on the theaters of operation. Lincoln's administration and mili­ open sand. The sun beating down on the sandy beaches tary leaders no longer considered Charleston so critical made the temperatures stifling hot. "Our exposure to the once the had virtually sealed Charleston excessive heat ofthe day..," a soldierpointed out,"rapidly to outside trade, and Union forces had gained control of reduced the physical tone of the organization."s6 Relief the strategic Mississippi River in the West. From that time from the heat came only with darkness ornortherly winds the siege of Charleston degenerated into a holding ac­ off the ocean. tion.S3 The winds may have cooled the temperatures some­ Until February 1865, the Union force was usually what, but they alsoruffled the blanketofsand that covered only large enough to man the siege artillery and protectthe Folly Island. Sand was everywhere and filled everything barrier island enclavefrom recapture by the Confederates. "Ifyou fell asleep," explained a bluecoat,"on waking your A standoff ensued between the two armies, along a front face would be covered, your clothes were full [ofsand]."57 running roughly from Coles Island, across Long Island, to The troops also battled insects that bred in the sandy waste Payne's Wharf on Charleston Harbor (Figure 2.1). Sev­ ofFolly Island, or in marshes that bordered it. Sand fleas eral incursions were made into Confederate territory, and ticks were bothersome, but mosquitos threatened the particularly onto James Island, butessentially the Federal soldiers' sanity. Mosquitos made sleeping difficult and force on Folly and Morris Islands was a machine that "even overcoats [were] no protection from the ravenous ... functioned solely to hurl artillery projectilesatCharleston hoard of blood suckers ... stinging, buzzing ... screaming and its fortifications. This desultory "siege" finally ended ... dashing into your ears, wearing a fellows life out with on February 17, 1865, when General William T. Sher­ coughing, slapping, pinching,and scratching,"maintained man's unstoppable western army had penetrated deeply a New York soldier.58 into the interior ofSouth Carolina, threatening Charleston The Commissary and Quartermaster Departments from the rear. The Confederate forces abandoned the only added to the misery of the Union troops on Folly South Carolina coast, and Federal forces from the sea Island. During July and most of August 1863, the staple islands occupied Charleston.54 diet of the men was comprised of molded hardtack, So the Union ordeal atCharleston ended. TheFeder­ spoiled meat, and coffee. Complaints increased over the als' efforts to capture Charleston by repeated land and sea vast shortages of good food - beef, pork, sugar, potatoes, operations, and then by siege, failed. The prize Confeder­ bread, butter, milk, fruit, and other "Yankee Notions." ate seaport finally fell, butUnion military strategy to take Moreover, the drinking waterto be found on the island was it by joint Navy and Army cooperation came to nothing. brackish and sulfuric. The soldiers constantly dug new Meanwhileblueclad soldiersstationed on the South Caro­ wells searching for decent water (see Chapter IV). To lina sea islands suffered greatly from the excessive duty make health matters worse, the Quartermaster Depart­ and the harsh environment. ment failed to forward the tents of some regiments from their previous stations. The absence ofstandard camping PART TWO: LIFE ON FOllY ISLAND equipment forced many men to sleep in the open, exposed The main base of Union operations against Char­ to all kinds of weather conditions.s9 leston shifted from Folly Island to Morris Island in July Even with the deprivations the men were expected to 1863. Yet General Vogdes maintained a sizable occupa­ fulfill rigorous soldierly duties. Guard duty, fatigue work, tion force on Folly Island for the remainderofthe year, and and daily drills of companies, battalions, brigades, and a lesser one until the end of the war. The soldiers' duty divisions characterized most of the daily schedule. Many there was demanding, even for veterans used to hardships soldiers drilled on artillery in the morning, and shouldered and privations. rifles for infantry maneuvers in the afternoon. One New

22 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED"

;rr ..... i",- l'r~

J I •. soldier recalled that he nearly marched his legs off despondency and depression. Isolation and the infre­ ~olly Island, while "fatty Vogdes" looked on.6O quency ofletters from family and loved ones caused many Guarding Folly Island against Confederate intruders men to suffer from home-sickness, or"nostalgia," as Civil up much of the soldiers' time. According to some War physicians termed it. One Federal soldier observed a ts, each man stood guard for one day, and was prevailing depression among his regiment and a stillness ed the next. No picket could sleep, lay, or even sit rarely broken by the sounds of laughter and joy. "[An] while on duty. The penalty for a soldier caught indescribable shadow... overhung and pervaded our,~r­ r.:c:!in·ing was hanging by the thumbs. A soldier faced a ganization," he recalled. "The men [were in] a negative ble execution by fIring squad if he fell asleep at his mood, never seen in the regiment before.. .''66 A young t post. When not on picket duty, soldiers generally soldier dealing with a life-threatening illness and nostal­ re kept on reserve, in anticipation of a Confederate gia had a reduced chance of recovery. k. When conditions failed to improve, the soldiers' On days off from guard detail, the soldiers con­ anger grew, and they vented their frustrations at their ted buildings, tent foundations, signal stations, and commanders. General Vogdes came under heavy criti­ , prepared parade grounds, and cleared and cleaned cism. "It is the general opinion that [Vogdes] is the pment areas. A New York soldier claimed that the meanest man alive," insisted a trooper. "He is the greatest generallyspentthirty-six offorty-eight hours straight coward in the Army; keeps a whole company to guard his e hardestkind ofwork with little orno rest. Men in his headquarters, and dares not go out after dark."67 __ ment, he lamented, once labored for sixty hours, Vogdes attempted to thwart health problems in his . out rations. "Gillmore will have ... a great reputation command as the summer dragged on. He recognized that killing [his own] men if he stays in service long more soldiers were casualties of disease than battle in ugh," maintained the bluecoat.61 warm weather climates. He strictly followed the sanitary A Union soldier's life on Folly Island was dull and rules of the Department (see Appendix D). Areas favor­ . g. The regime of duty repeated itself over and over, able for camp grounds were selected as carefully as was ;rile the island offered few breaks from the monotony. possible on the low and marshy Folly Island. Soldiers 'e looked every hour upon the same naked beaches of policed and moved the camps often. Tents were raised at , the samedrooping palmettos," observeda disgusted least two feet off the ground, and screened or covered to .er.62 The troops sought escape from their boredom by keep out insects. At the same time, soldiers struck and . g up a number of recreations. Collecting sea shells ventilated their tents at least three times a week, Latrines popular. Day after day soldiers of all ranks, from were sunk at a safe distance from each camp.68 _ erals to drummer boys, combed the beach gathering Despite these measures, however, conditions really "ocean's playthings."63 Oystering and fIshing pro­ only got better with an increase and improvement in the ed the men with some fun and supplemented their food supply, an acceptance on the partofthe soldiers as to erwise neglected dieL But the tedium was often so their situation, and the onset of cooler weather. By late te that the soldiers amused themselves by taking pot- autumn 1863, soldiers, who earlier had condemned Folly ts with their rifles at their comrades across Lighthouse Island, were proclaiming it "quite a healthy place," with eL 64 mild, pleasant weather.69 By mid-winter, more profound Incessant hard work, irregular and poor rations, con­ changes had taken place. Military duty was less arduous, ~inated drinking water, unfavorable living conditions, and the men resumed participation in camp sports and the pangs of boredom soon took their toll on the recreation. "The health ofthe command was excellent," a Iueclad soldiers. A host of diseases and sickness swept soldier acknowledged gleefully. "Balls, quoits, [a game to Folly Island, debilitating much of the command. similar to horseshoes], and gymnastic exercises were Diarrhea, dysentery, fevers, ague (a malaria-like fever), liberally patronized. The men were cheerfuL.. and viva­ scurvy prevailed. In mid-September 1863, the 112th cious."7o 'ew York had 127 men in hospitals and only two captains The onset of cold weather also brought about a It for duty. A medical circular two weeks later disclosed general change in camping locale among the units that t 106 members of the 142nd New York were hospital­ remained on Folly Island. In warmer weather, most regi­ The 27th Massachusetts lost so many men to sick­ mental camps were situated along the beach, where strong - s and death, that the regiment, or its remnants, was breezes partially alleviated the discomforts caused by transferred to Fernandina, F1orida.6~ Every few weeks a insects and heat (Figures 2.2, 2.3). With the approach of edical ship visited Folly Island to remove ill soldiers winter, camps were relocated to the interior or inland side ho needed a change of environment to survive. The ofthe island, where insects and "swamp miasma" were no essel seldom had room for all of the sick. longer a problem, and what remained of the forest pro­ If soldiers avoided physical illness, few escaped vided some shelter from cold winds. It was this movement

HISTORIC BACKGROUND 23 inland that was responsible for the denseoccupation ofthe The 55th Massachusetts mustered at Readville, Massa­ projectarea in the winter of 1863-64.71 It was this area that chusetts late in the spring of 1863, with Colonel N.P. was investigated by SCIAA during during the archaeo­ Hallowell as its white commander. Hallowell spent the logical investigations on Folly Island. summer making soldiers out of the motley array of farm­ ers and laborers from the Midwest and Northeast. The PART 3: THE 55TH MASSACHUSETTS regiment shipped out for the front at the end ofJuly 1863.72 VOLUNTEER REGIMENT The regimentmadea temporary landing atNew Bern, North Carolina, a port town on the Neuse River occupied Among the units which moved into the projectarea in by the Union since 1862. The 55th Massachusetts re­ November 1863 was a small brigade consisting of two mained in New Bern only five days,just long enough to be black units, the 1st Regiment of North Carolina Infantry assigned to General Edward A. Wild's"African Brigade," (or 1st North Carolina Colored Infantry) and the 55th along with the 1stNorth Carolina?3 In contrast to the 55th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. This brigade, fonnerl y Massachusetts, which was comprised of mostly freemen, known as "Wild's African Brigade," had camped since the 1stNorth Carolina was raised from slaves freed in the August 1863 atLighthouse Inlet on the north end ofFolly Federal occupation ofcoastal North Carolina. The organi­ Island. zation soon received orders to embark for Charleston, For several reasons, the 55th Massachusetts has been South Carolina. The brigade was needed to supplement singled out for intensive treatment in the remai~derofthis the forces already in Charleston, including the 54th Mas­ chapter. The regiment is one of only three units specifi­ sachusetts, which had suffered so severely in the assault cally tied to the project area: the other units being the 1st on Battery Wagner, on Morris Island. Military authorities North Carolina and Battery E, of the 3rd U.S. Artillery. It had another reason for stationing "Wild's African Bri­ was one oftwo units thought to have utilized the cemetery, gade" in the Charleston area. They believed blacksoldiers archaeological site 38CH920: the other unit being the 1st could better endure, and were more likely to survive, the North Carolina. Finally, the primary historical sources South Carolina sea islands' humid climate, than their available for the 55th Massachusetts are extensive and white comrades.74 remarkably detailed, thanks to the efforts of Major, and Most of Wild's regiments made landfall on Folly later Lt. Colonel, Charles B. Fox, regimental adjutant. Island on the third of August. The remainder of the The success in raising the black 54th Regiment of brigade, delayed by foul weather and rough seas, arrived Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry encouraged state offi­ about a week later. General Gillmore assigned Wild's cials to fonn a second regiment, the 55th Massachusetts. brigade to Vogdes Division, X Anny Corps, and stationed

Figure 2.3: Photograph of unidentified Federal camp on the beach, Folly Island, S.C. (USAMHI).

24 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED"

\ '" . ' :1 I' ' -,..... I I I , I •. II f .. I " ------,

-'; ,'" I

. on the north end of Folly Island. During August and the smaller growth as may be suitable ptember, the black soldiers joined the white troops in for flrewood should becollected & pre­ arduous labor ofa major siege. Work details were kept served. y cutting timber, constructing wharves, as well as The uniform width of the mens loading supplies, artillery, and ammunition from vari­ streets will be 30 ft. or thereabouts, the s transportvessels. The 55th Massachusetts also erected camp front properabout 500 ft., and the teries, mounted heavy guns, anddug trencheson Moms interval between the camp lines on the , .' sland. The soldiers performed most of this work under inner flank, not less than 60 yards. :ilinostconstantflre from Confederates defending Battery agner. After the evacuation of Morris Island, the 55th Thedetachmentwill march as early

& 1assachusetts spent most of its time performing fatigue as possible on the 5th inst d guard duty on Folly Island.75 James Beecher Despite presumptions at the time that men ofAfrican Com. Brigade escent would be better suited to the Carolina climate, Major Fox commanded the detachment of the 55th sicknessanddeath took a heavy toll on the 55th Massachu­ Massachusetts assigned to prepare the campsite. He left a setts. The unhealthy environmental conditions and over­ detailed narrative of the work, excerpted below, and work affected all men regardless of race. The declining appended a map and drawings (Figure 2.4). health of the 55th Massachusetts was further affected by the absence of equipment and clothing. The soldiers' Wednesday Nov. 4" It is just before hurried departure from NewBerncompelled them to leave noon and Col. Beecher has just ridden behind their tents, blankets, knapsacks, and personal up to say it is proposed to change the luggage. Their tents fmally reached Folly Island in late camp of the brigade to a point further August, but uniform coats and personal property did not south... of course it is in our interest to arrive until the end of September. Even then much of it look outthatthe location is a good one... was missing, stolen or lost due to the neglect ofthe officer left in charge at New Bern. The army declined to compen­ 2 1/20'clock P.M. Have just returned sate the soldiersofthe 55th Massachusetts for their losses, from our new camping ground. For a and the men suffered as a result. Twelve members of the winter location it is much better than regiment died of sickness or disease in their first seven the one where we now are. The camp weeks on Folly Island and 23 more died by the end of will be in the woods, the officerstents 1863.76 on a little ridge... the fronts, as now, to­ In November, with the siege effort much reduced and ward the marsh, but with an old cotton the "African Brigade" widely detached on other duties, field, which will make a fine parade the 55th Massachusetts and the 1st North Carolina Col­ ground, and a ridge of land covered ored Infantry moved their winter camp on Folly Island with brush and dwarf palmetto, be­ (Figures 2.4, 2.5). The orders for preparation ofthe camp tween us and it WeshaJl send onecom­ are revealing: pany down tomorrow, to take chargeof the ground and clear it up... HQ "Wilds Brigade" Folly Island, S.c. Nov. 4, 1863 Thursday Nov. 5" All day I have been Special Order # 52} employed at the new camp, running lines, etc. One Co- each from 1st NCC Vols. and 55th Mass. is hereby detailed to Friday Nov. 6" ...the front ofour camp clear ground, and layout their respec­ is 500 feet, and as the company which is tive regimental camps... full marching doing the work here - K. Co. - is the one order w. camp equipage & 5 days ra­ belonging in the extreme left, while my tions. position is on the right in rear of the fourth company, I am as it werecamped A competentofficerfrom eachregt. out in the woods by myself. The Chap­ will be present to locate the respective lain is a little beyond me, however, and camps, which so far as possible should about fifteen men ofH, the fourth com­ be uniform as to size and general ar­ pany are camped on their street. rangement. SundayNov. 8" The view from my tent The large timber on the camp is quite limited, for though it is pitched ground will be left standing, so much of

HISTORIC BACKGROUND 2S on a little hillock there is one much Fox later recalled that the camp was .....soon made, if higher in front and the woods are quite not the best regimental camp on the island, certainly the dense in the rear. I will enclosea sketch. best ever occupied there by the regiment"79 Two photo­ When I want to look out, I climb the graphs (Figures 2.5,2.6) taken ofunknown interiorcamps bluffin front andlookdown upon camp. on Folly Island resemble the camp described by Fox. I fear it will take some time to bring The health of the regiment was greatly improved in things to level. I doubt if we attempt it November and December. Fox recalled that"...the loss by except on a small scale.... The troops diseaseduring Augustand September had been heavy, but around our camp have seen but little of as severe night fatigue duty was reduced, and especially colored soldiers I expect and they have after the first frosts, deaths became less frequent" In a great deal of curiosity, standing and December. "A great improvement was also made in the looking at our men... condition of the regimental hospital, floors being laid, Monday Nov. 9" Our annoyances we have frames putup for the tents, doors constructed, bunks built, escaped (by change of camp) the blowing and the kitchen, nurses' quarters, and dispensary put in ofthe sand. The soil is light, but the leaves fme order for the comfort of the sick."80 and undergrowth confine it where it is. I The monthly regimental hospital report for Decem­ have been tinkering with my tent at odd ber is reproduced below. times during the day,and it is now sonicely closed in that the cold wind will trouble me 55th Reg. Mass. Vols. If. but Iittle....We finished main part of our camp cleaning today, but hardly expect the Surgeon General Dale Regt. beforeWednesday - so we shall go on Sir, digging wells, building stables and soon.... The following is a Summary of the All the convalescents and slightly sick men Monthly Return of Sick and Wounded for were sentdown tomethisafternoon, sothat Dec., 1863: - with very few men for duty, I really have Number treated 355 more men in number of the regiment than Sent to Gen'l Hospital 6 . are togetheratany otherpoint. My eyes are somewhataffected by the smoke...from the Died 5 fires built to clear up the leaves and rub­ Average in Hospital daily 181Of31 bish.... I boughttoday a nice littlesheet iron .. Sick, Quarters .. 981Of31 stove about a foot square which stands in [?] Officers Sick 8 one comer of my tent and heats it very comfortably. The principal diseases were: - WednesdayNov. 11 "Theregiment is gradu­ Diarrhoea 22 cases ally collecting at this place, a large number Catarrh 42 ofconvalescents having come down today Typhoid fever 8 with much of the baggage... Typho-malarial fever 11 Friday Nov. 13" Yesterday was a day of Rheumatism 23 hard work. The regiment has notyetmoved Bronchitis 26 down, and we are still cutting brush, mov­ Pleurisy 8 inglogs,grubbing up stumps,diggingwells, Pneumonia 2 & e. [sic] To - day we fixed up two hospital Tonsillitis 13 tents quite nicely, and built a stable, or rather a frame to be covered with canvas, Intermittent fever 12 [?] for the horses... In addition to the numberofdeaths in Saturday Nov. 14" As it will give you no our own regiment, two privates of Co. A idea ofour location or the forces near us, I 2nd Reg. U.S. Col'd Infantry died in our think I will make you a little sketch of the hospital. They were on detached service; camp this afternoon, that you may judge of and as the Post Hospital on Folly Island has our canvas city and our various positions been broken up. they had no other place to [Figure 2.4F8 go to.

26 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED" ~ ~ r~-r' II ;r /'ol r-~ ..;s' ~ [1 ~.;r ,dJ -1 ~ TJ J j ,1 'r""" J c0c'?: 10 o Jo ()

( ,'" <<:: <. ( { < (I.. < 0( <:: t. <. < 0( <. (J ( ( -' <. {. ( < < <." t. < • < ~ I <. • <. < <. <. 0( ~~1~ ~ ~ (. ""v .. :::: -.... <- <. < ~ ~ ~ ~. I- ~~ ~,1..u.:--- <. ' < • < < . < <. ( < <. 1\ U " ~ <::: ~ <: .,. (j !( ( ( <. ;:;:<: .~<.I.(i~ i~S~~",~w., ( <. <:: '- < '-l« '-J < <. <:: ~~ ~ <::: < . « < <- -< « - -<( <. « ~ (;/:3 <: < < ~ ~jj 9" LO ,. ~< - ,(» ",-0·" ", r u> t~tJ,~~ r ~.J q /'-/\ /\/\ - 1\1\ AI'- A/\ ~\~orf~ 7~-. ~:J L -9 .A.- A- A­ J I J I 1't:: {t 1l II )~~ r j{~. 0. <> " ~- -r~-. J: en d :xJ ~~. ('5 m o:I> )VyvtV '~h) '"G') 6\\ '. :xJo c: z c Figure 2.4: Map and other details of the interior camp of the 55th Massachusetts established in November 1863; drawn by Major Charles Fox, Nov. 14, 1863. (Massachusetts Historical Socety.) N...., The troops are more comfortably any headway, and the 55th Massachusetts lost seven men situated than at any previous time since killed and 21 wounded.85 landing here. Nearly every tent is provided For the remainder ofits stay on Folly Island, the 55th with a stove or fIreplace Massachusetts saw heavyduty because ofthesmall number of troops retained on the island. Indeed by August 1864, I have the honer [sic] to only three regiments (55th Massachusetts, the 33rdUnited remain Stales Colored Troops, and the 44th New York) occupied Very respectfully the post ofFolly Island, including Folly, Coles, and Long W.S. Brown Islands. All other units had been pulled away for theaters­ Surgeon 55th Mass. of-war elsewhere. Even General Gillmore and General Vol. 81 Vogdes departed, going in May 1864, to Virginia, where the fIghting was growing more intense as the war entered Although the camps served as regimental headquar­ its fmal stages. Only a skeletal Confederate army as well ters, units seldom saw collective duty there. Companies remained in the Charleston area to oppose the Federals. were frequently detached from the 55th Massachusetts for Their strength too had been depleted as regiments were duty elsewhere on Folly Island or adjacent islands. Com­ assigned to more strategic battlefronts.86 panies B and I, for instance, spent December 1863, at The remaining task ofthe 55th Massachusetts was not Pawnee Landing, about two miles north of the winter guard and fatigue duty on FollyIsland, however. Itcontin­ camp on the Folly River. That same month Companies E ued to participate in forays against Charleston, though and K picketed Long Island. Company F served at Fort Union military commanders believed by then that captur­ Green on Lighthouse Inlet, while Company H spent much ing Charleston with a strong army advance was unlikely. of its time at Fort DelafIeld, on Stono Inlet.82 On November 27, 1864, eight companies of the 55th The carefully prepared winter camp was abandoned Massachusetts assisted in an action at Honey Hill, on the onFebruary 13th and 14th 1864, when the 55th Massachu­ Broad River near Hilton Head. The regiment suffered its setts and 1st North Carolina (now redesignated the 35th greatest losses of the warin that battle, 31 soldiers killed, U.S. Colored Infantry) embarked for Jacksonville, flor­ and 138 wounded. 87 ida. The 55thMassachusetts saw active campaigning, but After the Battle of Honey Hill, the 55th Massachu­ littlecombat, during the Florida expedition. Theyreturned setts saw duty near Savannah, Georgia; Beaufort, South to Folly Island by April 20, 1864. They found the island Carolina; and on James Island, but it did not return to camp nearly abandoned, with only two other regiments on duty on Folly Island. The Confederates abandoned Charleston there. The 55th Massachusetts did not re-occupy their on February 17, 1865, and four days later the 55th Massa­ previous camp. Detachments were scattered at various chusetts was among the Federal regiments that took pos­ posts on the island, and the regimental camp was ulti­ session of the city. For the remainder of the war and into mately placed at Stono Inlet.83 the summerof 1865, the regiment served occupation duty The 55th Massachusetts saw more active duty start­ in eastern South Carolina. On August 29, 1865, the 55th ing in the spring of 1864. On May 21, four companies of Massachusetts was mustered out at Charleston, and offi­ the 55th Massachusetts, accompanied by the 103rd New cially discharged in September upon its return to Massa­ York, skinnished with Confederates on James Island. It chusetts. P.C. Headley wrote a fItting tribute to black turned out to be only a minor clash, but it gave the black Massachusetts units stating"...They added to the military soldiers a little fighting experience. Two days later the reputation of the Commonwealth, gave strength to the entire regiment, commanded by A.S. Hartwell who had Union cause, and forever silenced the clamor against them replaced the retiredHallowell, made a demonstration near in advance by the enemies of the colored race. '>88 Legareville on Johns Island. The one-day-skirmish was more notable, however, for the exchange offIre between the two supportingUnion gunboats and Confederateshore batteries.84 In June, the 55th Massachusetts formed part of an army under General in an advance on Charleston. Thecolumn to which the regiment wall attached included the 33rd United States Colored Troops and 103rd New York. It directed its attack on Fort LamaronJamesIsland. By then the Union military leaders recognized that their best chance for capturingCharleston was by taking James Island. The Federals failed to make

28 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED" I I II'I I JI +.... " .. I

J:"IQure 2.5: Photograph of unidentified Federal camp in the interior of Folly Island. This location strongly resembles that described and ictecl by Major Fox (see Figure 2.4). (USAMHI).

Figure 2.6: Photograph of Federal officer's tents in an unidentified interior camp on Folly Island. Major Fox (1863) depicts similar arrangements of shrubs planted around the officer's tents in the interior camp of the 55th Massachusetts. (National Archives).

HISTORIC BACKGROUND 29 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER II cited as Johnson, Defense of Charleston); Quincy A. Gillmore, ''The Army Before Charleston in 1863," in 1. Pemberton ordered the Coles Island defenses to be Johnson and Buel, Battles and Leaders, volume 4,52-53 dismantled on March 27, 1862 (E. Milby Burton, The (hereafter cited as Gillmore, "Army Before Charleston, " Siege ofCharleston 1861-1865 [Columbia: University of Battles and Leaders). SouthCarolinaPress, 1970], 152 [hereaftercitedasBurton, The Siege ofCharlestonj). See also: P.G.T. Beauregard, 12. Gillmore, "Army Before Charleston," Battles and "TheDefenseofCharleston," in RobertJohnson and Clar­ Leaders, volume 4,52-53. ence Buel (eds.), Battles and Leaders ofthe Civil War, 4 13. Beauregard, "Defense of Charleston," Battles and volumes (New York: The Century Company, 1884), vol­ Leaders, volume 4, 2; Gillmore, "Army Before ume 4, 1-2 (hereafter cited as Johnson and Buel, Battles Charleston," Battles and Leaders, volume 4, 52-53; andLeaders); Alfred Roman, The Military Operations of Rowena Reed, Combined Operations of the Civil War General Beauregard in the War Between the States, 2 (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1978); 291 volumes (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1884), volume and 296 (hereafter cited as Reed, Combined Operations). 2, 6 (hereafter cited as Roman, Military Operations of 14. Gillmore, "Army Before Charleston," Battles and General Beauregard). Leaders, volume 4, 53; Jones, Siege of Charleston, 93; 2. Burton, Siege ofCharleston, 152. RobertBarnwell,Sr., ''Three Vital Episodes in the Attacks 3. Edward Longacre, "'It Will Be Many Days Before on Charleston," in Confederate Veteran, volume XXXVlII, Charleston Falls': Letters of a Union Sergeant on Folly 21 (December, 1930),466. Island, August 1863-August, 1864, "South Carolina 15. Moore, Lowcountry Engineers, 28; Patricia Faust Historical Magazine 85,2 (April, 1984), 108 (hereafter (ed.), Historical Times Illustrated Encyclopedia of the cited as Longacre, "Letters ofa Union Sergeant," SCHM). Civil War (New York: Harper & Row, 1986),720 (here­ 4. Jamie W. Moore, The Lowcountry Engineers: Mili­ after cited as Faust, Encyclopedia ofthe Civil War); Jones tary Missions and Economic Development in the Char­ Siege ofCharleston, 143-144. leston District. US Army Corps ofEngineers (Charleston 16. Faust, Encyclopedia ofthe Civil War, 664. SC: US Army Corps of Engineers, 1981),25 (hereafter 17. Jones, Siege of Charleston, 144; Reed, Combined cited as Moore, Lowcountry Engineers). Operations, 268. 5. James R. Soley, The Navy in the Civil War: The 18. Reed, Combined Operations, 269-274. Blockade (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1883),27 (hereafter cited as Soley, The Blockade); Richard E. 19. In fact, Foster's reconnaissance alerted the Confeder­ Beringer, Herman Hattaway, Archer Jones, and William ates to the Union plans. Foster and his party indiscreetly N. StiU, Jr., Why the South Lost the Civil War (Athens: aroused suspicion when they appeared on the north end of University of Georgia Press, 1986),54. Folly Island in full view of Confederates on the opposite shore. As a result, the Confederates on Morris Island 6. Soley, The Blockade, 6. began to erect batteries to sweep Lighthouse Inlet and the 7. James McPherson, Ordeal ByFire: The Civil War and northern end ofFolly Island (Bacon to Du Pont, February Reconstruction (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982), 175­ 16, 1863, and Balch to Du Pont, February 16, 1863, in 176; Chris E. FonvieUe, Jr., "ToForge a Thunderbolt The Official Records ofthe Union and Confederate Navies in Wilmington Campaign, February, 1865," (M.A. Thesis, the War ofthe Rebellion, 30 volumes [Washington, OC: East Carolina University, 1987), 14. Government Printing Office, WOO], Series 1, Volume 8. Stephen R. Wise, Lifeline ofthe Confederacy: Block­ XIII, 650; WarDepartment, Official Recordsofthe Union adeRunning During the Civil War (Columbia: University and Confederate Armies in the War ofthe Rebellion, 128 of South Carolina Press, 1988), 226 (hereafter cited as volumes in 70parts [Washington, OC: GovemmentPrint­ Wise, Lifeline ofthe Confederacy). ing Office, 1880-1901), Series 1, Volume XIV, 425 [hereafter cited as ORA, e.g. 1, XIV, 425.]) 9. Wise, Lifeline ofthe Confederacy, 17 and 122. 20. Reed, Combined Operations, 278. 10. Samuel Jones, The Siege ofCharleston andthe Opera­ tions on the South Atlantic Coast in the War Among the 21. David Hunter to Abraham Lincoln, May 22, 1863, States (New York: NealePublishing Co., 1911),91 (here­ ORA, 1, XIV, 455. On March 31, 1863, ColonelJoshua B. after.. cited as Jones, Siege ofCharleston). Howell commandedthe 56th New York and 85thPennsyl­ vania (Second Brigade, Second Division, XVIII Army 11. Jones, Siege ofCharleston, 198-199; John Johnson, Corps). Other regiments may have been assigned to his The Defense of Charleston Harbor (Charleston, SC: brigade for the Charleston operation ofApril, 1863 [ORA, Walker, Evans, & Cogswell Co., 1890), 16-17 (hereafter 1, XIV, 435].

30 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED" I I I I I t ,'"I\ ' . '''' - I ~ ------

_ On March 31, 1863, BrigadierGeneral Alfred H. Terry 48th Regt. New York Volunteers In the Warforthe Union, manded a detachmentofthe X Army Corps, contain­ 1861-1865 (Brooklyn, New York: Veteran Association of -, the 3rd New Hampshire, 115th New York, 76th the Regt, 1885), 78-79 (hereafter cited as Palmer, 48th sylvania, 97th , Company M, 1st Mas­ New York). usetts Calvary, 3rdRhodeIsland Artillery, Battery E, 34. Charles Caldwell, The Old Sixth Regiment. Its War • United States Artillery, and 1st New York Engineers Record, 1861-5 (New Haven, Connecticut Tuttle, More­ ORA, 1, XIV, 435). house, & Taylor 1875), 63 (hereafter cited as Caldwell, . According to the historian ofthe 3rd New Hampshire, Sixth Connecticut). troops had "surf and india-rubber pontoon boats" 35. Abstract from Tri-Monthly Report of the Dept of the .chthey wereto usetocrossLighthouseInlet(Eldredge, South, Folly Island, S.C., April 30, May 10, and June 10, 'rdNew Hampshire, 269). 1863, ORA, I, XIV, 451, 453, 468. :-. Johnson, Defense ofCharleston Harbor, 44-45. 36. Jones, Siege of Charleston, 202-203; Palmer, 48th :-. Reed, Combined Operations, 293-294; Burton, Siege New York, 78; Vogdes to Seymour, April 24, 1863, ORA, .-Charleston, 136-140. 1, XIV, 446; Isaiah Price, History ofthe Ninety-Seventh :6. Du Pont to Hunter, April 8, 1863. ORA, I, XIV, 437. Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry During the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865 (, 1905), •. Abraham Lincoln's determination to capture Char- 159 (hereafter cited as Price, 97th Pennsylvania). ton in the spring of 1863, is suspect. Publicly at least, presidentinsisted thatthe Carolina port must be sealed. 37. Vogdes to Halpine, April 16, 1863, ORA, 1, XIV,444. ccording to correspondence with General Hunter and 38. VogdestoHalpine, April 16, 17,20,ORA, I,XIV,443, dmiral Du Pont, the chief executive hoped that they 445,450. Id gain control of the harbor and its defenses. He See also: Balch to Du Pont, June 15, 1863, ORN, 1, XIV .shed "theattempt to be a real one (though not a desper­ 261. !Ie one)...if it afford[ed] any chance of success." But 'hether they could succeed or not, Lincoln wanted the 39. Hunter to Lincoln, May 22,1863, ORA, 1, XIV, 456. partmentleaders to keep up a demonstration "fora time 40. Gillmore, "Army Before Charleston," Ballies and or a collateral and very important object...But if prose­ Leaders, volwne 4,55. ~ uted as a demonstration," Lincoln maintained, "only this 41. Special Orders No. 249, Hdqrs. of the Army, Adjt. must not become public, or the whole effect will be lost." GenIs. Office, June 3,1863, ORA, 1, XIV, 464; General 'Lincoln to Du Pont and Hunter, April 14, 1863, ORA. 1, Orders, No. 47, Hdqrs. Dept. of the South, Hilton Head, ,441). Port Royal, S.C., June 12, 1863, ORA, 1, XXVIII, 2, 3; 28. Lincoln to Du Pont, April 13, 1863, and Halleck to W.B. Dean ? to Colonel Woodford, 1863, U.S. Army, 1st Hunter, April 13, 1863, ORA, 1, XIV, 440; Hunter to Brigade, 1st Division Letterbook, 1862-1863, South Halleck, April 16, 1863, ORA, 1, XIV, 443. Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Co­ _9. Hunter to Lincoln, May 22,1863, ORA, 1, XIV, 455­ lwnbia (hereafter cited as U.S. Army, 1st Brigade, 1st 56. Division Letterbook, South Carolina). The White House was on the bank ofthe FollyRiver, immediately southwest 30. SpecialOrders, No. 189,VI, Hdqrs. Dept. ofthe South, of the SCIAA project area. Today, the Seabrook house April 11, 1863, ORA, I, XIV, 439. occupies the same location. At other times, Gillmore's 1. Seymour to Vogdes, April 22, 1863, and Vogdes to Headquarters was located near the beach on Folly Island, Seymour, April 24, 1863, ORA, 1, XIV, 446. and on Morris Island. 32. Vogdes to Seymour, April 24, 1863,1, XIV, 446. 42. Gillmore to Halleck, June 15,1863, ORA, 1, XXVIII, 33. Secretary of War, "Beach Erosion at Folly Beach, 2,5. See also: Stephen Walkley, History of the Seventh South Carolina," (Washington D.C.: Govt Printing Of­ Connecticut Volunteer Infantry, 1861-1865 (Southing­ ton, Connecticut, 1905),71 (hereafter cited as Walkley, fice, 1935), v;J.A. Mowris, A History ofthe One Hundred and Seventeenth Regiment, N.Y. Volunteers (Fourth Seventh Connecticut). Oneida) (Hartford, Connecticut Case, Lockwood and 43. Caldwell, Sixth Connecticut, 64. Company, 1866),80 (hereafter cited as Mowris, 117th 44. Caldwell, Sixth Connecticut, 65; Palmer, 48th New New York); William L. Hyde, History ofthe One Hundred York, 79; W.F.G. Peck, "Four Years Under Fire at Char­ andTwelfth RegimentNYVolunteers (Fredonia, N.Y.: W. leston, " Harper' sNewMonthly Magazine (August 1865), McKinstry & Co., 1866),48-49 (hereafter cited as Hyde, 360 (hereafter cited as Peck, "Under Fire at Charleston," 112thNew York); Abraham J. Palmer, The History ofthe

HISTORIC BACKGROUND 31 Harpers). The navy encouraged Vogdes to destroy the 63. Hyde, 112th New York, 60. blockade runner Ruby and deny the Confederates her 64. Robert Carse, Departmefll ofthe SOUlh: Hilton Head goods. But Vogdes "was of the opinion that it would be Island in the Civil War (Columbia, S.C. : The State better to forgo any small advantage that might be gained Printing Company, 1961),97. by offensive operations against the wreck for the infinitely greater advantage to be gained [by keeping the Federals 65. Hyde, 112th New York, 50; Circular, September 29, work a secret]." Vogdes did not, however, object to the 1863, U.S. Army, 1st Brigade, 1st Division Letterbook, blockading vessels attempts to destroy the Ruby. (Du Pont South Caroliniana. to Balch, June 28, and Balch to Du Pont, June 29, 1863, 66. Mowris, 117th New York, 82-83. ORN, 1, XIV, 301-302). 67. Jackson and O'Donnell, Back Home in Oneida, 115. 45. Caldwell, Sixth Connecticut, 65. 68. Hyde, 112th New York, 50; General Orders, No. 40, 46. Jones, Siege ofCharleston, 205. Hdqrs. Dept. of the South, Hilton Head, Port Royal, S.c. 47. Report of Gillmore, November 15, 1863, ORA, 1, ,May 22, 1863, ORA, I, XIV, 457-458; Longacre, Civil XXVIII, 1, 8-9; Eldredge, Third New Hampshire, 299; War Letters ofWightman, 160. Peck "Under Fire at Charleston," Harper's, 360. 69. Longacre, Civil War Letters ofWightman, 158. 48. Report of Gillmore, November 15, 1863, ORA, I, 70. Mowris, 112th New York, 87. XXVIII, 1, 10. Fororder ofbattle see: Temporary organi­ 71. Fox, Charles, Record ofthe Service ofthe 55th Regi­ zation of troops on Folly and adjacent islands, July 6, ment of Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry (Cambridge, 1863, and Special Orders, No. 399, Hdqrs. Dept'-of the Massachusetts: Press ofJohn Wilson and Son, July 1868), South, July 6, 1863, ORA, I, XXVIll, 2, 15-16. 16 (hereafter cited as Fox, Record ofthe 55th Massachu­ 49. Welles to Dahlgren June 24, 1863,ORN, 1, XIV, 295. setts). 50. Report of Gillmore, November 15, 1863, ORA, I, 72. Fox, Record ofthe 55th Massachusetts, 1,3. XXVIII,!,12. 73. "Wild'sAfrican Brigade" originally included the 55th 51. Report of Gillmore, November 15, 1863, ORA, 1, Massachusetts Regiment Volunteer Infantry, 1st Regi­ XXVIII, 1, 12-16. ment of North Carolina Infantry (African Descent), 2nd 52. Faust, Civil War Encyclopedia, 46 and 132. Regiment of North Carolina Infantry (African Descent), 3rd Regiment of North Carolina Infantry (African De­ 53. Moore, Lowcountry Engineers, 29-30. scent). Only small detachments of the 2nd and 3rd North 54. Beauregard, P.G.T., "The Defense of Charleston," Carolina were transferred to Folly Island. Frederick Dyer, Battles and Leaders, volume 4, 1-26. A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, volwne 2, 55. Henry F. Jackson and Thomas F. O'Donnell (eds.) reprint, (Dayton Ohio: Morningside Bookshop, 1979), Back Home in Oneida: Hermon Clarke and His Letters vol. 1, 369, vol. 2, 1472, (hereaftercitedas Dyer, Compen­ (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1%5), 102 dium). (hereafter cited as Jackson and O'Donnell, Back Home in 74. Fox, Record of the 55th Massachusetts, 7, 9-10; Oneida). Gillmore to Terry, August 2, 1863, ORA, I, XXXVIII, 2, 35; Jackson and O'Donnell, Back Home in Oneida, 116. 56. Mowris, 117th New York, 80-81. 75. Fox, Record ofthe 55th Massachusetts, 11-12. 57. Hyde, 112th New York, 50. 76. Fox, Record ofthe 55th Massachusetts, 10, 12, regi­ 58. Edward G. Longacre (ed.), The Civil War Letters of mental roster. Edward King Wightman. 1861-1865 (Rutherford: Far­ liegh Dickinson University Press, 1985), 154-155 (here­ 77. "Special Order No. 52, Headquarters 'Wild's Bri­ after cited as Longacre, Civil War Letters ofWightman). gade,' Folly Island, S.C. NovA, 1863."Regimental Order Book,1stNorth Carolina Coloredlnfantry,RecordsGroup 59. Schimmelfennig to Gordon, September 2,1863, U.S. 94, National Archives. Army, 1st Brigade, 1st Division Letterbook, South Caro­ liniana; Mowris, 117th New York, 84; Jackson and 78. Fox, Charles, MS, "Extracts from Letters Written to O'Donnell, Back Home in Oneida, 102; Longacre, Civil his Wife, July 23,1863 to February 23rd, 1864." Massa­ Wil; Letters ofWightman, 152-153. chusetts Historical Society. Nov. 4- Nov. 14, 1863. 60. Longacre, Civil War Letters o/Wightman, 152-153. 79. Fox, Record o/the 55th Massachusetts, 16-17. 61. Jackson and O'Donnell, Back Home in Oneida, 112. 80. Fox, Record o/the 55th Massachusetts, 19. 62. Hyde,l12th New York, 62. 81. Report of Surgeon William Brown, 55th Massachu-

32 "THE BEST EVER OCCUPIED"

,,"- . 1'Ir\ 1 ',"',L'''oI 'v ' II ," \ ------

tts, January 12, 1864. Military Officers Letters. Massa­ - usetts National Guard Supply Depot. Natick, Massa­ tts. · Fox, Record ofthe 55th Massachusetts, 19-20; Dyer "ompendium, vol. 2,1267. "3. Fox, Record ofthe 55th Massachusetts, 21-26. .1,' · Fox, Record ofthe 55th Massachusetts. 27; General der No. 44, Hdqrs. Dept of the South, Hilton Head, -.C., March 26, 1864. United States Army, Dept. of the uth, South Caroliniana Library, University of South olina, Columbia. •5. Fox, Record ofthe 55th Massachusetts, 29-30. -. Fox, Record of the 55th Massachusetts, 33; P.C. Headley,Massachusettsin theRebellion (Boston: Walker, ?uller,and Co. 1866),457.) (hereinafter cited as Headley, fassachusetts in the Rebellion). · Headley, Massachusetts in the Rebellion. 457. · Headley, Massachusetts in the Rebellion. 458.

HISTORIC BACKGROUND 33