Euromed Rights Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 Euromed Rights, November 2018

EuroMed Rights Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 EuroMed Rights, November 2018

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Bibliographic information Title: Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 Author: EuroMed Rights Date of initial publication: Dec 2018 ISBN: Pages: 19 Original Language: French EuroMed Rights Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018

"Strengthening civil society to cope with repressive trends: what role for EuroMed Rights?"

Table of Content

1. Report overview 6

2. The “shrinking space for civil society” in the Euro-Mediterranean region 7 3. The monitoring, delegitimisation or criminalisation of NGOs. Why discuss this now? 9 4. How going beyond the concept of “shrinking space for civil society”? 12

5. What interaction(s) between human rights organisations and other forms of protest and activism? 15

6. Prospects 17 Report

This report is based on the exchanges and contents of the seminar “Strengthening civil society to cope with repressive trends: what role for EuroMed Rights?” which took place on 22 June 2018 in Brussels bringing together more than 70 participants from member organisations from 25 countries.

Readers will find in this report a wealth of different points of view of a rich discussion in a context in which issues of repression of individual and collective freedoms and of political spaces of action and expression are worryingly topical in both the south and the north of the Mediterranean.

Although the report does not claim to capture all the exchanges in their entirety and multiplicity, this report retraces the main lines of the participants’ questions as well as the testimonies gathered in the plenary session, or in individual interviews and finally by means of an online questionnaire. The questionnaire, which does not claim to be statistically representative, aggregates responses from a sample of 25 participants from organisations in 10 European and 8 Southern Mediterranean countries.

1. The “shrinking space for civil society” in environment for civil society stakeholders vis-à-vis the European institutions2 . It is also a concern for its member organisations in North Africa, the Middle East, and the Euro-Mediterranean region increasingly in Europe. Several reports from international organizations such as such as the Council of Europe3, European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights4 Associations, NGOs, social and civic movements in the Euro-Mediterranean region and the European Parliament5 have recently focused on this issue. face varying forms of restrictions on their space of action and expression. This is concretised by the promulgation of restrictive laws on associations and demon- Today, political and socio-economic contexts, state policies but also the weight strations, the instrumentalization of anti-terrorist policies to criminalise peaceful of movements close to the far right or other groups threatening society cause a dissent, the reduction, blockage or even demonization of foreign funding to asso- need to promote forms of solidarity and to develop strategies for counteracting ciations, but also by defamation campaigns that try to equate aid to migrants with the shrinking and closing of spaces. delinquency and criticism of government policies with terrorism. However, the very expression “shrinking space for civil society” can in turn be ques- In most southern Mediterranean countries, judicial systems are only tools in the tioned. What criticisms can we level at this concept and its use which appears to be hands of authoritarian regimes rather than guarantees of fundamental rights and increasingly used among donors, institutions and NGOs? How can we go beyond the rule of law. In European countries, the space for political action and expression this paradigm and integrate other forms of action? Is the “shrinking space” still an is undermined by the convergence of real or perceived threats, such as terrorism accurate description, or should we instead take into account the different forms and refugee flows, and the all-security response that the governments of Member of repression experienced by individuals or tied to methods of action, political States and the European Union put forward. contexts and the causes defended?

These different paradigms were framed through the expression “shrinking space for civil society”. This expression, which has been used by several NGOs, is most often defined as the failure to observe three fundamental rights: freedom of association, freedom of assembly and freedom of expression - but also access to financing, free movement, access to information and dialogue with decision makers. Several reports describe an overall trend towards a shrinking of the space for civil society in authoritarian countries but also within democratic systems1. 2 In April 2016, EuroMed Rights published the report entitled “Shackled Freedoms: What Space for Civil Society in the EuroMed?” which studied the forms of repression or restriction which limit the freedom of association and assembly and Understanding and countering the “shrinking space for civil society” is also a top the freedom of expression. The report analysed, with cases studies to support its findings, the governmental and non-governmental mechanisms and strategies at work, proposing a spectrum of strategies and practices: 1) the legal measures priority for EuroMed Rights and its actions through the monitoring of the situation taken against those rights by the States; 2) the extra-judicial measures taken by the States; 3) the ambivalent roles played by stakeholders outside the State; 4) the use of “anti-terrorist” policies to restrict spaces. The report was a follow-up of the of civil society organisations in the region, supporting organisations defending hu- seminar organised by EuroMed Rights in Brussels on the topic of “Combatting the shrinking space for civil society”. man rights through solidarity actions, defending and promoting a more favourable 3 resolution 2226 (2018) "New restrictions on NGO activities in Council of Europe member States" adopted on June 27,2019 4 Report " challenges facing civil society organisations working on human rights in the EU”, January 1 See, for instance, the report of Kvinna till Kvinna, “Suffocating the Movement – Shrinking space for women’s rights”, 5 See, for instance, the report of the European Parliament, Directorate-General for external policies, “Shrinking space for 2018. civil society: the EU response”, April 2017.

Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 PAGE 7 What is civil society? What is legtimacy?

The spectrum of stakeholders claiming to be part of civil society is broad, extending from churches, to associations of anglers, to humane societies, and many more examples. All of these interme- diary bodies must indeed be taken into account when speaking of civil society.

It is therefore necessary to defend an inclusive approach to all the fractions of the associative world, not to fall into the traps laid by opponents who seek to divide by excluding a given stakeholder who they consider to be “illegitimate”. The issue of legitimacy is mainly linked to the inalienable freedom of assembly, the freedom to reflect and propose solutions.

Admittedly, this notion of civil society gives it legitimacy to express itself on behalf of those it brings together, but not a legitimacy that is representative of a popular will or expertise that would compete with the democratic legitimacy of elected representatives. In short, an action in the service of democracy and not the affirmation of an expert or popular legitimacy that can bypass democratic decision-making.

Extracts from the speech by Michel Tubiana, President of EuroMed Rights

We are still active; we soldier on regardless and we need the support of 2. Monitoring, delegitimisation or the human rights movement in Europe and the international mechanisms for the protection of human rights. We are still here! We are at your side! “ criminalisation of NGOs.Why discuss this Osman İşçi, Human Rights Association of Turkey now?

The members of EuroMed Rights, being a network of civil society organisations, are primarily concerned by the limits placed on the freedom of association, the access to funds and the possibility of accessing decision-makers as well as various forms of harassment, criminalisation, delegitimisation or repression, including obstacles to the freedom of movement. Many of them are directly affected by authoritarian trends in certain countries in the region.

Osman İşçi, a representative of the Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD), spoke remotely about his commitment, having been banned from traveling and dismissed from his position as associate professor and doctoral researcher at the University of Ağri in 2017 for the reason of having signed, in January 2016, alongside more than a thousand other academics, the petition for peace entitled “We will not be complicit in this crime”, which criticised the security policy pursued by the government in the Kurdish regions as well as the imposition of permanent curfews on entire cities.6

“It was inevitable that I would be forbidden from travelling because I work towards ensuring the freedom of association and expression in a context of shrinking space. For two years now, our fundamental rights have been violated, public meetings of trade unionists and human rights defenders have been banned, there is no freedom of expression for journalists and no rule of law with an independent judiciary to judge these cases. However, I do not want to be pessimistic about What does the "shrinking space" cover? this situation: in spite of everything, we have a dynamic human rights movement. The forms of restrictions, repression or obstacles experienced by members are on a wide spectrum covering self-censorship, withdrawal of funding, forms of physical or verbal violence or the criminalisation of individual or collective activities (see the table below showing the wealth of actions covered by the expression and experienced by 6 See the EuroMed Rights press release: Turkey: Persecution against Osman İşçi, member of EuroMed Rights’ Executive participants, some of whom have not experienced any form of restriction or repression). Committee, May 2017, https://euromedrights.org/publication/turkey-persecutions-osman-isci-member-euromed-rights-executive-committee/

Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 PAGE 9 (Non-exhaustive) list of the forms of restrictions or repression that may be encountered by The breaking news of a discussion on legitimacy and the strategies to be developed individuals or organisations: to cope with the delegitimisation of NGOs is linked to two contradictory forms of Restrictions or forms of Restrictions or forms of repression criticism or repression: repression suffered by personally suffered: organisations: • On the one hand, in the southern Mediterranean countries and the European Union, - None - None some NGOs have to contend with an increased trend towards criminalisation, - Delegitimisation campaigns delegitimisation or forms of intimidation against their action by the public - Exclusion from spaces for political authorities. These trends are highly dependent on political contexts and political participation or public consultations - Threats or acts of violence by groups or regimes, as evidenced by the testimonies of human rights defenders in Egypt stakeholders not belonging to the State (see Nur’s testimony below) or in Turkey (see the testimony of Osman İşçi, above). - Delegitimisation campaigns - Restrictions on the freedom of expression online and/or offline They go beyond simplifying categories such as a binary division between north - Administrative blockages (example: - Criminalisation (judicial harassment, arrest, and south or between authoritarian regimes and democratic regimes. The crim- prohibition from registering an house arrest, detention, etc.) inalisation of NGOs working on migration issues, for example by conducting association, prohibition from organising Acts of violence by the authorities (police or sea rescues, shows that these trends are also at work in the countries of a demonstration, etc.) other) the European Union. On the part of the state authorities, this involves a set of practices and speeches that limit the action of certain NGOs or that - Travel bans - Threats or physical violence by groups/ seek to define “good practices” by excluding more advanced forms of action individuals not belonging to the State - Threats or acts of violence based on gender or challenge, by sorting the acceptable NGOs from the incriminated ones. (sexual harassment, defamation, etc.) - Legislation limiting international funding The forms of delegitimisation, intimidation or threats are not only carried out for associations/NGOs/trade unions by states but also by other stakeholders seeking, in a more or less violent - Self-censorship way, to discredit or prevent the functioning of NGOs. Several participants - Criminalisation (lawsuits against have testified to having been subjected to forms of threats by groups, or- members or the organisation, house ganisations, individuals outside the state, including far right groups, or arrest or detention of members, etc.) - Discrimination in access to finance or withdrawal of funding threats via social networks, or delegitimisation campaigns on the Internet

- Infiltration within the organisation - Monitoring On the other hand, a contradictory form of delegitimisation and criticism sees NGOs not as a threat or a counter-power to the government but as organi- - Acts of violence against members by the sations within the “establishment”.Co-operation with international organisa- authorities Were you involved in that case? tions or public authorities certainly provides access to decision-makers for the purpose of influencing decision-making or of gaining access to funding - Travel bans imposed on members (to produce expertise or implement projects)7 , but requires a growing professionalization of NGOs, a kind of compliance to meet the admin- - Seizure/closure of premises 7 STEFFEK, J. (2013). Explaining cooperation between IGOs and NGOs – push factors, pull factors, and the policy cycle. Review of International Studies, 39(4), 993-1013. Testimony of Nour, 27, a lawyer in a human rights defense organisation in Egypt

After 2011, did you experience any change in your work as a human rights lawyer?

The authorities after Mubarak were more aware of human rights organisations’ influence. Previously, we had spaces to hold discussions, to organise ourselves and work collectively towards developing solutions. Many organisations were active and had thematic specializations such as economic and social rights, or gender-based rights. Afterwards, there was the famous case of the “foreign funding”, case 173/2011 in the context of which several people were questions. After that, we continued our work, no-one was detained. However, several foreign organisations and their employees subsequently left the country and no-one knew what was going to happen.

Were you involved in that case?

Yes, I was involved and was recently questioned. I was accused of tax evasion as a member of my organisation, and I was subsequently released on bail. I am also being prosecuted on a second charge which is that of receiving foreign funding in order to undermine national security. The case is still open.

And are you facing other types of harassment or repression outside of the prosecution?

Yes, we have been harassed in a number of ways. For instance, the authorities responsible for social security or taxes investigate us despite the fact that we have already paid those charges. We are also prohibited from carrying out other types of activities such as organising training sessions, public discussions, interviews, etc. In fact, we cannot do anything that involves gathering people together! Here are a few examples: there was recently a demonstration to protest the increase in the price of metro tickets, and special forces were sent to silence the protest. People are afraid of demonstrating and expressing themselves. It is all linked to gatherings, for which Facebook and social media are particularly useful. Many activists were recently imprisoned despite not having been active for a long time. They were accused of provoking, inciting people to take to the streets to protest against the price increase, and among them were lawyers and famous bloggers. The authorities have made it clear that they will not allow people to take to the streets like they did in 2011. Even during the iftar during Ramadan, the regime sent thugs to attack civilians who stopped fasting. They are trying to smother any form of gathering.

How have the pressure and prosecutions affected you? Do they in any way change your work or your commitment?

We believe that our work is our best protection. The prosecutions are fabricated. We are not going to change. We believe that the minute we stop our work is the minute they will come to fetch us. If we close our office, it would be very easy for them to claim that we did something wrong, which is not the case. Even if we are imprisoned, we will continue, or others will continue our work, we cannot be fragile. We cannot let it be said that we closed our office and stopped our work because of simple threats. Human rights defense work is not a crime! If we stop our work, that would equate to betraying the people who we defend in court.

Is being part of an international network important for you?

I believe that it is very important to have regional and international support. That support also provides me with protection in Egypt. The day on which I was questioned, EuroMed Rights published a press release. Many friends contacted me and offered to pay my bail because they thought it was unfair. I felt a great deal of support and protection.

istrative requirements of donors to the detriment of field work and work with volunteers. Management techniques inspired by New Public Management, Testimony of Nour, 27, a lawyer in a human rights defense strongly encouraged or even imposed by donors, may make it difficult for NGOs organisation in Egypt to distinguish themselves convincingly from international or state organisations. A requirement to implement and work with these management techniques can After 2011, did you experience any change in your work as a human rights lawyer? also be seen as a limitation to action because of the need to invest a significant amount of time and human resources in order to be able to comply with them. The authorities after Mubarak were more aware of human rights organisations’ influence. Previously, we had spaces to hold discussions, to organise ourselves and work collectively towards developing solutions. Many organisations were active and had thematic specializations such as economic and social rights, or gender-based rights. Afterwards, there was the famous case of the “foreign funding”, case 173/2011 in the context of which several people were questions. After that, we continued our work, no-one was detained. However, several foreign organisations and their employees subsequently left the country and no-one knew what was going to happen.

Were you involved in that case?

And are you facing other types of harassment or repression outside of the prosecution?

Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 PAGE 11 there was recently a demonstration to protest the increase in the price of metro tickets, and special forces were sent to silence the protest. People are afraid of 3. Going beyond the concept of “shrinking demonstrating and expressing themselves. It is all linked to gatherings, for which Facebook and social media are particularly useful. Many activists were recently space for civil society”? imprisoned despite not having been active for a long time. They were accused of provoking, inciting people to take to the streets to protest against the price increase, Critical perspective and limits of a metaphor and among them were lawyers and famous bloggers. The authorities have made it clear that they will not allow people to take to the streets like they did in 2011. The focus on the issue of “shrinking space for civil society” is sometimes criticised Even during the iftar during Ramadan, the regime sent thugs to attack civilians who even by those who suffer the consequences, as expressed by Raji Sourani, Director stopped fasting. They are trying to smother any form of gathering of the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights:

How have the pressure and prosecutions affected you? Do they in any way change “I will start with the conclusion: we are in a position where we are no longer talking about the your work or your commitment? subject, the victims. They surrounded us to put us in a defensive position. We do not talk about victims anymore. That is what the shrinking space refers to: when defenders begin to speak We believe that our work is our best protection. The prosecutions are fabricated. for themselves. We are facing a serious dilemma. [...] We need to differentiate between our We are not going to change. We believe that the minute we stop our work is the mission and the issues we face as an organisation and not be obsessed with our own issues.” minute they will come to fetch us. If we close our office, it would be very easy for them to claim that we did something wrong, which is not the case. Even if we are This strong stance is situated in a context where focusing on human rights defenders imprisoned, we will continue, or others will continue our work, we cannot be fragile. or the NGOs they represent may be detrimental to the issues in the field, specifically We cannot let it be said that we closed our office and stopped our work because those related to the history of the occupation of Palestine, the siege imposed on Gaza, of simple threats. Human rights defense work is not a crime! If we stop our work, Israeli forces shooting at civilian protesters or ongoing international negotiations. As that would equate to betraying the people who we defend in court. in the TNI report, the question arises as to the limits on using the term “shrinking space for civil society” (see box on the report, On shrinking space, a framing paper). Is being part of an international network important for you?

I believe it is very important to have regional and international support. That support also provides me with protection in Egypt. The day on which I was questioned, EuroMed Rights published a press release. Many friends contacted me and offered to pay my bail because they thought it was unfair. I felt a great deal of support and protection. Deconstructing the metaphor of the shrinking space for civil society Prospects: rethinking solidarity

Contribution of the Transnational Institute (TNI) by Niamh Ni Bhriain on the report In order to get away from a discourse that in itself may lead to shrinking the “On shrinking space, a framing paper” space for protest to the benefit of professional organisations with better financial resources, the contribution also calls for developing solidarity between causes and “Divide and conquer”: what space(s) are we referring to? movements, in particular in order to support movements or individuals marginalized or excluded from legitimate forms of protest. This involves looking at the relation- The attention given to the phenomenon of the “shrinking space for civil society” can ships between social movements and professionalized organisations, but also indirectly contribute to the delegitimisation of certain forms of legitimate action, those between professionalized organisations in a context in which competition in particular the more radical among them, and lead to the marginalization of the for obtaining funds and access to decision-makers divides organisations and most vulnerable stakeholders. Those who use this discourse often fail to take into promotes competition rather than solidarity. How, then, is it possible to mobilise account the stakeholders from social movements, communities, indigenous peoples, collectively and rethink solidarity? It is necessary to rethink the “shrinking space” undocumented people or people who do not have access to the same resources by starting with those who remain on the margins of such spaces and by widening as professional NGOs. This can lead to side-lining the individuals or groups most the focus of the individuals and groups concerned. affected by repression, as well as depoliticizing the issue of repression by giving more importance to the forms than the underlying political motivations. Rather than focusing on the individual mechanisms of repression alone, it is necessary to take a closer look at the broader motivations and trends: increased security apparatus, the militarization of our societies and the delegitimisation of certain forms of protest.

This shrinking of spaces cannot be imagined as a linear phenomenon or a phenomenon affecting the various political spaces for action and expression in a symmetrical way. Spaces are constantly opened and then closed, and the causes defended are not repressed with the same firmness within a given political context. In Europe, the rights of migrants or refugees or those who support them may be more radically repressed, while another country will make more efforts towards securing LGBT rights. TNI’s contribution aims to take into account both the dynamic nature of the repression and its asymmetrical nature: the nature of repression can vary depending on the individuals or groups , and the causes they fight for

Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 PAGE 13 The forms of repression and closures of the political space cannot be attributed the by activists suffer. This is also valid for minority groups marginalized because of same diagnosis or to the same political forces. They can, however, be interpreted as their gender identity. The “gender” variable may indeed imply specific forms of the result of concerted political strategies, a specific political system or an economic repression or restrictions (hate campaigns, slander, sexual harassment, etc.). and social context. The organisations working in particular on sensitive issues (these subjects, depending on each national context, include migrants’ rights or Migration and Asylum the rights of minorities including LGBTQI people, feminist claims or the defense of economic and social rights, for instance) are most likely to cross the “red lines” Organisations working on migration or asylum but also people taking individual which governments perceive as the utmost limit. initiatives in solidarity with migrants face new obstacles. The criminalisation of migrant people is gradually spreading to the organisations and individuals who support them, On the other hand, the rise of slanderous movements and those sometimes such as NGOs conducting rescue operations at sea. These forms of support can be even advocating violence against human rights defenders in the name of forms of local solidarity and assistance between families, inhabitants and migrant religion or far-right ideologies is an increasingly important factor. Rather people, as was the case, for example, in the Roya Valley in south-eastern France. than questioning isolated mechanisms, we should therefore examine the conditions fostering the emergence of these disparate phenomena and the The prism of security and the fight against terrorism to address migration issues political context in which they occur. These first lines of investigation invite us thus paints individuals who help migrants as accomplices, smugglers, or even human to more systematically question structural processes and underlying policies. traffickers. In most cases, it is not so much the number of legal proceedings but rather the very existence of such a law that has a significant impact contributing to Facing specific restrictions depending on the areas of intervention? the demobilisation or the deterrence of acts of solidarity or political commitment.

If we assume that the restriction or closure of spaces does not relate to the State or institutional responsibility can be considered in the light of the strategies of same causes or the same individuals, we can question the specific reasons for certain states, as in Hungary where the parliament just passed the “Stop Soros” bill repression or monitoring. Do NGOs, associations or individuals, depending on in June 2018, making it possible to prosecute aid to migrants. In the European Union, their area of intervention, whether they concern gender issues and women’s a directive of 20028 defining aid for entry, transit and illegal stay and reinforcing the rights, migration issues or economic and social rights in the north and south/ penal framework for the repression thereof is interpreted differently depending south-east of the Mediterranean, experience similar or specific obstacles? Do on which Member States may refer to it to criminalize illegal border crossing. testimonies reveal that the restrictions particularly affect politically “sensitive” issues? The denigration of associations or NGOs also involves making accusations of being Gender smugglers or acting for pecuniary reasons. These forms of delegitimisation come not only from state stakeholders but also from other groups that may be close The restriction of the space for civil society has an even greater negative impact for to the far right, but not only: threats and intimidation, both online and offline, women engaged in the defense of human rights. It is generally within civil society that are also made by the “general public”. In social and political contexts as different women are heard because in many countries in the region they are more numerous as Algeria, Lebanon, Finland, Hungary, Poland and Bulgaria, NGO members have in associations and trade unions than in political parties or decision-making circles. testified to a context of hostility towards migrants or refugees and those working As a result, as the space for action shrinks for civil society, the causes advocated 8 Directive 2002/90/EC of the Council Excerpt from the speech by Catherine Teule, Vice-President of the European Association for the Defense of Human Rights 4. What interaction(s) between human and member of the Executive Committee of EuroMed Rights rights organisations and other forms of The difficulties faced by organisations working in the field of migrant rights are also found in interactions with national or EU institutions. For several protest and activism? years, the forms of consultation, forums and financing have tended to favour: In order to move beyond a concept of the repression of rights and freedoms, -on the one hand, large associations over smaller ones; conceived mainly through a certain NGO-centrism, the following question must be asked: what forms of interaction can be imagined between human rights organisa- - on the other hand, associations that have more “cordial” relations with institutions; tions and other forms of protest and activism? Restrictions on forms of collective action or expression do not only affect non-governmental organisations or human - competition between organisations for access to funding at the expense of cooperation. rights defenders. From Tahrir Square, to the “ You Stink” movement in Lebanon, to the Indignados movement, via Tataouine (Tunisia), El-Houceima (Morocco) and This process is evidenced in the selection of organisations that can be part the anti-austerity movements in Greece, various forms of protest and movement of networks and forums, and the creation of platforms that are separate have arisen in the north and south of the Mediterranean. All these examples discussion spaces with institutions. The difficulty in accessing funds is show that reflection around the “shrinking space” cannot be restricted to profes- also induced by the transit of EU funds via the national authorities which sional and legally-recognised organisations. Discussions around what EuroMed can select the organisations that are in line with their own objectives. At Rights can do in relation to different movements and stakeholders are far from several levels, the institutions can be observed creating “their” civil society. gathering a unanimous response. However, it is clear to participants that this is a key issue and that having that discussion is fundamental if we are to prevent the delegitimisation and marginalization of certain forms of action, especially the most radical ones or those led by stakeholders with the least resources and recognition.

"For solidarity in mobilisations". Excerpt from the interview with Isaías Barreñada, professor at the Complutense University of Madrid, member of EuroMed Rights (2015-2018) and the SUDS association

Finally, the work of associations is framed by a growing technocratiza- Recent events have focused on those social movements, understood as actions, tion of the EU administration and national institutions. Technocratiza- either one-off or lasting over time, related to the idea of social change. Such tion is akin to a form of supervision and control through audit firms, not movements shook France with the railway strikes and the mobilisations around necessarily relevant in light of the objectives of the work of associations. Notre-Dames des Landes. In Spain, the March 8 strike for women’s rights paralyzed the country. These collective actions are mainly linked to a set of restrictions on economic and social rights, particularly through adjustment policies and policies on

Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 PAGE 15 the access to healthcare. Full citizenship cannot be imagined without building on Women and men with multiple hats: individuals and groups that blur the economic and social rights of citizens and meeting dignified material conditions. borders and defy categories Criminalisation and the changing legal framework more harshly affect social movements, whose participants are the main victims of the repression. The state It would be misleading to imagine NGOs and social movements as entirely separate thus dissuades citizen participation by demobilizing citizens, muzzling the voices entities. Several members of EuroMed Rights, as an organisation or as individuals, outside the electoral framework. Through this repression, it is the very concept of find themselves at the crossroads of these modes of action and organisation. For citizenship that is called into question. Isaías Barreñada promotes not fall into the example, the Moroccan Association for Human Rights (AMDH) supports social simple dichotomy between associations and social movements. How can human movements such as the February 20 (early 2011) movement and the Rif popular rights organisations not be concerned by these issues? The issues and rights that movement (beginning in 2016). The state repression of these social movements these movements and associations defend are the very basis of citizenship for all: also extends to the AMDH, many of whose activities have been banned. Support for social movements is thus perceived as a red line that should not be crossed “Do associations and social movements share the same interests? In French, we use and the main reason for prosecution. The crossing of this red line is perceived the term solidarity, solidus in Latin, solid, compact, it is not a paternalistic relationship, as a necessity in order to stand by the stakeholders of the social struggle. The it is the common basis, the sharing of a common cause. We must find forms of com- Tunisian Forum of Economic and Social Rights (FTDES) is also an organisation at the plementarity and common spaces that are not only pragmatic between professionals crossroads between advocacy and support for social movements. The FTDES has who know how to build a casefile and those who are not able to do so. It is necessary created an observatory to monitor social movements and create links between them. to develop a new culture of collaboration outside of old practices.” Isaías Barreñada Several members of organisations also have a militant background that combines The defense of economic and social rights faces various challenges: experiences as members of associations or NGOs, trade unionism and/or participation in various social movements. In fact, from these multiple paths foster links • On the one hand, increased repression of social movements and of the associ- between individuals and organisations and the design of multi-stakeholder action. ations that commit to such movements.

• The defense of economic and social rights is facing particular difficulty due to commitments made to international organisations such as the World Bank or the IMF.

• Economic and social rights are not always recognised as a legitimate claim in a framework of human rights while civil and political rights and economic and social rights are intrinsically linked. Excerpt from the interview with Wadih El Asmar, elected President Prospects of EuroMed Rights in 2018, General Secretary of the Lebanese Centre for Human Rights and active member of the You Stink movement in What space (s) are we talking about? A political space for mobilisation? A profes- Lebanon sional space with demands relating to working conditions, access to financing and work regulated by wage contracts? An online or offline space? A space of struggles “I think one of the major challenges facing the human rights movement is that united or compartmentalized by topics facing specific challenges and obstacles? we are experiencing an existential crisis, in much the same way as political movements. People are slowly becoming disenchanted, disillusioned with this According to the experiences, the positions and the characteristics of the type of action. We can always try and bury our heads in the sand and say organisations, this report provides different answers to these questions “no, no, no it is the regimes that oppress us”. But at the same time, there is and suggests intersecting spaces. The “shrinking space”, an expression change in the methods of political activism; I believe that social movements conceived mainly by NGOs, and thus situated both socially and professional- sometimes take on the role that human rights organisations occupied in the ly, is also at the heart of many discussions: how can this concept be extended past. Why? For several reasons, because we have become professionalized, to other stakeholders, to other forms of mobilisation, to other types of claims? sedentary. We are increasingly becoming organisations of experts and no longer organisations of members and activists. [...] It turns out that personally and Although “shrinking”, which would be linear and constant, may not be as through my personal journey over the course of several years, I was one of the appropriate a term as specific forms of repression changing over time, the initiators of one of the main social movements in Lebanon, which continues evidence shows that apart from a binary separation between North and South, to this day, called “You stink”. I lived through this period and lived through the the various civil society organisations feel concerned by the restriction, or vision that people who were demonstrating in the streets had about what even of a closing of spaces, whether those are spaces for protest, socio-pro- we might call NGOs in general. How can we ensure that professionalisation fessional spaces, or an online of offline space for the freedom of expression. does not kill volunteering? How can we ensure that we keep this contact with the field, because in the end we become what might be termed “experts” speaking a language that only we understand and sometimes worry about issues, emphasize or prioritize issues of little interest to ordinary people. [...] It is necessary to rethink mobilisations, create a new approach to mobilisations. “

Shrinking Space Seminar Report 2018 PAGE 17

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