Milton in Time: Prosody, Reception, and the Twentieth-Century Abstraction of Form
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Genetic Criticism and the Relevance of Metrics in Editing Pessoa's Poetry
Genetic Criticism and the Relevance of Metrics in Editing Pessoa’s Poetry Patricio Ferrari* Keywords Pessoa, Poetry, Metrics, Genetic Criticism, Archive, Private Library Abstract Ever since the posthumous editorial process of Fernando Pessoa’s writings began in 1942, editors have found themselves confronted with several challenging tasks: one of them, undoubtedly, has been the deciphering of the author’s handwriting. Today, seventy years later, an important number of manuscripts remain unpublished, while numerous other transcriptions need to be revised. The present article concerns a small corpus that falls within the latter group of texts insofar as it reviews the transcriptions of one Portuguese poem, an unfinished French sonnet, three fragmentary English odes and a later English poem. I propose to undertake the revision of the selected corpus essentially with the aid of metrics. Particular attention shall be given to the genesis of each one of these compositions. Palavras-chave Pessoa, Poesia, Métrica, Crítica Genética, Arquivo, Biblioteca Particular Resumo Desde que o processo editorial póstumo dos escritos de Fernando Pessoa começou em 1942, os editores têm-se confrontado com diversos desafios, um deles sendo, indubitavelmente, a decifração da caligrafia do autor. Hoje, setenta anos mais tarde, uma importante quantidade de manuscritos mantém-se inédita, outra parte ainda necessita de ser revista. O presente artigo diz respeito a um pequeno corpus deste segundo conjunto, na medida em que revê as transcrições de um poema em português, um soneto inacabado em francês, três odes fragmentárias em inglês e um poema posterior em língua inglesa. Proponho-me abordar a revisão do corpus seleccionado essencialmente com base na métrica. -
“Of” in Paradise Lost As Evidence for the Metrical Line DOI
Umanistica Digitale - ISSN:2532-8816 - n.6, 2019 N. Fabb - “ !" in Pa$adise L'st as e(i%ence fo$ t)e met$ical line D I: htt*:++%'i.o$g+10.6092/issn.2532-8816+8615 “ !" in #a$a%ise &'st as e(i%ence !'$ t)e met$ical line Nigel Fabb Uni(ersit, '! Strat)cl,%e [email protected] -bst$act. In t)is *a*e$ I %iscuss t)e %istributi'n '! grammatical m'n's,llables in t)e iambic *entamete$ line. I s)'/ t)at in 0ilt'n1s Paradise Lost, t)e /'$% F a**ears /it) g$eate$ t)an e2*ecte% !$e3.ency at t)e beginning '! t)e line4 27% '! all instances '! F a$e in t)e !irst '! t)e ten metrical *'siti'ns, an% 5% '! all t)e lines begin /it) F, ma7ing it t)e secon% m'st !$e3.ent line-initial /'$%. I s.ggest t)at t)is mig)t $e!lect t)e /a, t)at 0ilt'n .ses en8ambement in t)e *'em. It als' means t)at F ma, !.ncti'n as a cl.e t' t)e beginning '! t)e line, in t)e conte2t '! 't)er evi%ence !'r lineati'n, essential i! t)e a.%ience is t' establis) t)e metrical !'rm '! t)e *'em. In contrast, in t)e eig)teent) cent.$, blan7 (erse l'ng *'ems '! 9)'ms'n an% :'/*e$, t)e /'$% -ND is $elati(el, !$e3.ent at t)e beginning '! t)e line. ;.t <'$%s/'$t) .ses bot) F an% -ND as !$e3.ent line-initial /'$%s, merging 0ilt'n1s !'$mal *ractice /it) t)e *ractice '! 't)e$ /riters. -
The Stress-Weight Interface in Meter∗
Kevin M. Ryan Harvard University The stress-weight interface in meter∗ Abstract Meters are typically classified as being accentual (mapping stress, as in English) or quantitative (mapping weight, as in Sanskrit). This article treats the less well-studied typology of hybrid accentual-quantitative meters, which fall into two classes. In the first, stress and weight map independently onto the same meter, as attested in Latin and Old Norse. In the second, stress and weight interact, such that weight is regulated more strictly for stressed than unstressed syllables, as illustrated here by new analyses of Dravidian and Finno-Ugric meters. In both of these latter cases (as well as in Serbo- Croatian), strictness of weight mapping is modulated gradiently by stress level. Among poetic meters regulating the properties of syllables, two types are traditionally distinguished, namely, accentual (regulating stress or pitch accent placement, as in English) and quantitative (regulating weight, as in Sanskrit).1 Meters are here assumed, with perhaps most research in generative metrics, to be abstract trees of strong (S) and weak (W) nodes (see Blumenfeld 2016 for an overview).2 For example, a line of English iambic pentameter is given with its terminal layer of S and W nodes in (1) (cf. Hayes 1988:222, Hayes et al. 2012:697). The concern of this article is not the generation of these structures (see e.g. Han- son and Kiparsky 1996), but the principles of prominence mapping (or correspondence; Blumenfeld 2015) that regulate how S and W nodes are realized by linguistic material. (1) (Sonnet 133) W S W S W S W S W S Be- -shrew that heart that makes my heart to groan ∗I would like to thank Lev Blumenfeld, Dieter Gunkel, Bruce Hayes, and Paul Kiparsky for their input on various stages of this project, as well as Ellen Kaisse, four anonymous referees, and an associate editor for their helpful comments on the manuscript. -
Chapter 4 Quantitative Meter
Chapter 4 Quantitative meter 4.1 Introduction At first glance, the subject of syllable weight for poetic meter may appear trivial. Nearly all of the world’s quantitative meters are described as exhibiting the same arity and criterion, namely, binary weight with the so-called Latin criterion (i.e. light iff C0V). To the extent that languages ostensibly vary in the scansion of weight, it is usually attributed to differences in syllabification rather than to weight per se. For example, VtrV is heavy in Sanskrit but (usually) light in Latin. This difference is conventionally ascribed to syllabification, that is, Vt.rV in Sanskrit vs. V.trV (∼ Vt.rV) in Latin (Steriade 1982; but cf. Steriade 2008). In this sense, Sanskrit and Latin treat weight identically, but diverge in terms of syllable structure. As this chapter argues, even if one puts aside issues related to syllabification, weight is richly complex in quantitative meter. Indeed, some of the most fine-grained weight scales yet documented for any phonological phenomenon derive from meter (Ryan 2011a, 2011b). In perhaps all such cases, the complexity coexists with a binary criterion. Thus, the conven- tional analysis of weight as dichotomous is not incorrect; it is just not a complete description of the meter. To give one example, in the Ancient Greek hexameter, heavy syllables are per- mitted both metron-initially and metron-finally. But metron-final heavies tend significantly to be heavier heavies than metron-initial heavies, all else being equal. From this discrepancy, a continuum of intra-heavy weight is diagnosed, which includes VT < VN < VV < VVC (§4.4.2). -
Metered Verse
Metered Verse Paul Kiparsky Annu. Rev. Linguist. 2020. 6:1–21 https://doi.org/10.1146/((article doi to be added)) Copyright © 2020 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved 1 1. RHYTHM AND STRESS Meter has been called the heartbeat of poetry. But like language itself, and music and dance, it pulsates more intricately than anything in the biological or physical world. While each beat of a healthy heart is identical to the next, meter is based on the regular ALTERNATION of prominent and nonprominent beats (stressed/unstressed, strong/weak, downbeat/upbeat).1 The prominent beats in turn alternate between more prominent and less prominent beats, and so on, up to a unique culmination, generating a PROMI- NENCE HIERARCHY within a domain (Liberman & Prince 1977). In addition, the prominence peaks at each level of such a hierarchy are grouped with preceding or following less prominent units into MEASURES, usually resolvable into binary constituents in language and meter, but often irreducibly ternary in music and dance. The mind imposes periodicity and constituency even on objectively un- differentiated sequences of beats: we hear the “tick-tick-tick” of a watch as a sequence of “tick-tock” units. These aspects of rhythmic organization shared by meter and language – alternation, hierarchy, and grouping – can be represented by trees in which each nonterminal node has a unique S(trong) immediate constituent, or equivalently by bracketed grids where relative prominence is represented by column height (Prince 1983). (1) (a) R S W S W S W WS WS WS WS WSWS WSWS WSWS WSWS (b) ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ ˆ (((( ˆ ˆ )( ˆ ˆ )) (( ˆ ˆ )( ˆ ˆ ))) ((( ˆ ˆ )( ˆ ˆ )) (( ˆ ˆ )( ˆ ˆ )))) The tree representation (1a) and the bracketed grid representation (1b) convey exactly the same in- formation and are interconvertible. -
Indo-European Origins of the Greek Hexameter
Indo-European Origins of the Greek Hexameter Paul Kiparsky* *The main points of this article were presented at the Munich colloquium Sprache und Metrik. This version has benefited from the discussion on that occasion, and especially from comments on a draft by Dieter Gunkel. 1 Abstract The basic Indo-European line was an iambic octosyllable with variable realizations licensed by a set of metrical correspondence rules. These included SYNCOPATION (called “anaclasis” in Greek metrics), a unique device of inherited Indo-European quantitative meters which licenses the equivalence of – ˘ and ˘ –. In Greek, several syncopated patterns became independent meters in their own right, notably the hexameter, derived by choriambic and ionic syncopa- tion from tetrameters that had arisen from dimeter distichs by a fusion process that began already in Vedic. The mixed iambic-dactylic meters found in early Ionic verse (Nestor’s cup, Archilochus, Hipponax) may continue intermediate stages of this development. Other progeny of the inherited iambic dimeter in Greek are glyconics and their kin, iambo-choriambic meter, and dochmiacs. The proposed iambic derivation of the hexameter explains much of its colometry and its oc- casional exceptional trochaic feet, and has the advantage of deriving it directly from the most likely vehicle of Indo-European epic verse. Although much of my argumentation is indepen- dent of any particular view of meter, some of it presupposes a conception of generative metrics that defines meters by simple uniform rhythmic templates and by correspondence rules that specify their permissible realizations. Therefore I preface my analysis of Indo-European meter with an exposition of the approach and its implications for historical metrics. -
“Of” in Paradise Lost As Evidence for the Metrical Line DOI
Umanistica Digitale - ISSN:2532-8816 - n.6, 2019 N. Fabb - “ !" in Pa$adise L'st as e(i%ence fo$ t)e met$ical line D I: htt*:++%'i.o$g+10.6092/issn.2532-8816+8615 “ !" in #a$a%ise &'st as e(i%ence !'$ t)e met$ical line Nigel Fabb Uni(ersit, '! Strat)cl,%e [email protected] -bst$act. In t)is *a*e$ I %iscuss t)e %istributi'n '! grammatical m'n's,llables in t)e iambic *entamete$ line. I s)'/ t)at in 0ilt'n1s Paradise Lost, t)e /'$% F a**ears /it) g$eate$ t)an e2*ecte% !$e3.ency at t)e beginning '! t)e line4 27% '! all instances '! F a$e in t)e !irst '! t)e ten metrical *'siti'ns, an% 5% '! all t)e lines begin /it) F, ma7ing it t)e secon% m'st !$e3.ent line-initial /'$%. I s.ggest t)at t)is mig)t $e!lect t)e /a, t)at 0ilt'n .ses en8ambement in t)e *'em. It als' means t)at F ma, !.ncti'n as a cl.e t' t)e beginning '! t)e line, in t)e conte2t '! 't)er evi%ence !'r lineati'n, essential i! t)e a.%ience is t' establis) t)e metrical !'rm '! t)e *'em. In contrast, in t)e eig)teent) cent.$, blan7 (erse l'ng *'ems '! 9)'ms'n an% :'/*e$, t)e /'$% -ND is $elati(el, !$e3.ent at t)e beginning '! t)e line. ;.t <'$%s/'$t) .ses bot) F an% -ND as !$e3.ent line-initial /'$%s, merging 0ilt'n1s !'$mal *ractice /it) t)e *ractice '! 't)e$ /riters.