Telling the Story of the Hughes Court Richard D
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University of Michigan Law School University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository Articles Faculty Scholarship 1996 Telling the Story of the Hughes Court Richard D. Friedman University of Michigan Law School, [email protected] Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/articles/640 Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/articles Part of the Judges Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation Friedman, Richard D. "Telling the Story of the Hughes Court." Law Quad. Notes 39, no. 1 (1996): 32-9. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PHOTO COURTESY OF HARRIS AND EWING. COLLECTION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES This article is based on a paper delivered u at the annual meeting of the American* Society for Legal History in Houston in October 1995. For a copy of the complete version, with footntws, please contact LQN or Professor Friedrnan at Court (3 13) 747- 1078, [email protected] ,/ or the Court, as for society at large, this was era of enormous turmoil and nsformation. Indeed, I believe it was "The Crucible of the Modem Constitution." When Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, I feel fortunate to be part of the Devise So I have a story to tell and a mysten Jr., died in 1935, he left the bulk of his History not only because it places me in to solve. The story is of how this transfor- estate to the United States Government. a wonderful neighborhood of authors, mation was achieved. And at the heart of This gift, known as the Oliver Wendell but also because it is a tremendously the ston lies this myster).: In the spring Hnlmes Devise, sat in the Treasury for important prosect; its period of gestation of 1937, shortly after Roosevelt's land- about twenty years, until Congress set up has been very long. but so will be its slide re-election victory and during the a Presidential Commission to determine shelf-life. And I feel particularly fortunate height of the Court-packing battle, the what to do with it. The principal use of to have the Hughes Court assignment not Court seemed suddenly to become more the money has been to fund a multi- only because 1 have already spent liberal. To what extent, if any, did these volume History of the United States considerable time studying the Hughes political factors account for this apparent Supreme Court. The history of the Court - In what seems like a prior life. suitch? But implicit in this question, as project itself has not always been a happy I \note a dissertation on Hughes as Chief I have phrased it, is another: To what one, for some of the authors have been Justice - but also because of the extent was there actually a suitch? unable to complete their volumes. importance of the period. For the Court, At the broadest level, of course there Among them was one of my teachers, as for society at large, this was an era of was: Constitutional law was far different the late Paul Freund, who was the first enormous turmoil and transformation. in 1941 from what it was in 1930. general editor of the project and also Indeed, I believe it was "The Crucible of Indeed, the old constitutionalism \\.as planned to write the volume on the the Modem Constitution." That, at any effectively dead as soon as Roo~e\~elt's period in which Charles Evans Hughes rate, will be the subtitle of my ~~olume. appointees began to replace the consera- was Chief Justice, from 1930 to 1941. The period began with what has been tive Four Horsemen in the fall of 1937. 1 have had the good fortune to receive the called the old constitutionalism still Liberal decisions resulting from these succeeding assignment to write this apparently dominant, continued through personnel changes do not represent a volume. the crisis that culminated in the struggle response by the Court to political over Franklin Roosevelt's plan to pack pressure; the new Justices were part of the Court in 1937, and ended as the the victorious side of 1936, not its Justices appointed by Roosevelt consoli- cowered foes. But because these person- dated their hold on the Court and on the dramatically new constitutionalism that still prevails. 7-" . '. -,.; ' ? and then tail&three time .ixgawn<2. I. m c ., . J i .c.- , ., might decide a of:c&&.+C5:2.. , .. nto1on'the other side. - ' X, nel changes occufred so soon after the -- fipheld a fir armore mveepIng zqyiatioa of If there ivai a strategic decision&, Court-packing battle concluded, they labor relations, ahunder the cmmerae therefore, it would have had to be one elf may make it harder to discern what the power. these two Justices*-me hve thought Court's reaction to political pressure was. These developments were draznaic, that this was a role played by.Hughrs. He Certainly, in the spring of 1937, while but we must be mti s in concluding was, after all, Ee Chief Justice, he was a the battle was hot, the Court issued a whether, or to whn &t, the 1937 commanding figure, ahd he itood flurry of significant decisions reaching decisions represented a &den adoption ideologically near the center of the Court. liberal results, far different from the of a new ideology. I belie that.to But there is no basis for concluding that results of an earlier flurry of significant answer these questions quires a great he had strategic control over the Court, decisions in 1936. The most important deal of attention to the grubby details of and there is sound reasdn for concluding cases break down into three sets, which individual Justices and individual cases. that he did not. Indeed, Justice Brandeis we may refer to as the minimum wage, It is tempting to think of the Court - told Felix Frankurter at a crucial moment general welfare, and commerce clause organically, as an institution that moves ' that Hughes was depressed becauqe he cases. In 1936, in Morehead v. New York and makes strategic decisions like an had no control over the Court. Before the ex rel. Tipaldo, the Court held a state army. Perhaps this model is an qppropri- crisis, Hughes was in the dissent in too minimum wage law invalid; but the next ate portrayal of the Court when John many cases of political sigmf&nce to year, in West Coast Hate2 Co. v. Panish, Marshall dominated it. But it does not suppose that he had any real measure of the Court upheld such a law in overturn- come close to reflecting the Court of early control. Hughes.did not solicit his ing the precedent on which Morehead 1937. Obviously, the Court as a whole, colleagues for votes, and he seems to was based. In 1936, in United States v. acting in conference, could not have been have taken an austere view of his role and Butler, the Court held that the Agricul- a strategic decisionmaker; it was too the decisionmaking process of the Court: tural Adjustment Act had exceeded the badly divided; There were blocs on the The Justices each had their say in confer- federal government's ~oweito tax and court, four Justices on the right and three ence, they voted, and they moved on to spend, but in the Social Security Cases of an the left, that held informal caucuses at the next case. 1937 the Court upheld the exercise of which they presumably discussed tactics Then how about Justice Roberts? He those powers in the Social Securiry Act. for conference>.Buteven assurmng each was not in strategic control of the Court; In 1936, in Carter v. Carter coal Co., bloc remained cohesive (which was not he controlled no one's vate but own, the Court held invaw a Congressional always so) neither could prdin any ' and he does not seem to have had attempt under the commerce clause to case without support tram the middle; significant persuasive power over his regulate labor relations in a basic produc- the conservative Four Horsemen needed colleaeues. But certainly Roberts had a tive industry, but in 1937, in NLRB v. the vote of either Chief Justice Hugha ar Jars & hughlin Steel Corp., the Court Owen Roberts, and the liberals needed both their votes. great degree of control over the Court's Hughes and Roberts, rrspmded to certain issues. That is, if we know that A is decisions, kcaw on many significaw pblitical presmm than it would be to more conservative h,Bon issue 1, we issues he was the man in the-middle, the draw such generalizations from the may dbe able to predict how they will Justice most likely to join the conserva- propositian that the Court responded to stand in relation to one another on issue 2. tive fou~to-make a majority. such pressure. TZle trouble is that neither of these The then, should not be In understanding what happened, premises is inevitably true - or any- phrased as whether, or to what extent, phrasing the question in terms of the where close. Each Justice is subject to his 1 the ~iurtwas affected by political CO~rather than of Junice Roberts and own set of influences, and they may pressure. The key question ishvhether Chief Justice Hughes probably would differ, in a multivariate way, from one ' Justice Roberts was affected by political make little difference if we could reliably Justice to another.