DOCSLIB.ORG

Fox 2002 ACD.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Fox 2002 ACD.Pdf Antecedent-Contained Deletion and the CopyTheory of Movement Danny Fox Antecedent-containeddeletion poses a problemfor theories of ellipsis, aproblemthat, according to much literature, is solved by Quantifier Raising.The solution, however, conflicts with the copy theory of movement.This article resolves this new conflict with the aid of a theoryof extraposition and covert movement proposed by Fox and Nissenbaum(1999), together with certain assumptions about the struc- tureof relativeclauses and the way chains are interpreted. The resolu- tionmakes various new predictions and accounts for a rangeof other- wisepuzzling facts. Keywords: antecedent-containeddeletion,copy theory, extraposition, heavyNP shift,adjunction, late merger, covert movement, Quantifier Raising,Trace Conversion, conservativity Structureswith antecedent-contained deletion (ACD) havefigured prominently in attempts to understandthe mechanisms that account for theinterpretation of quantifiers in natural language. Theinterest in thesestructures stems from thefact that they provide one ofthe strongest arguments thatcovert movement is anecessarypiece of theaccount (Sag 1976, Larson and May 1990, and manyothers). However, the argument turns out to conflict with a fairlywell motivated idea regardingthe nature of movementrules, namely, that movement is acopyingoperation that does noteliminate an element from itsbase position (the copy theory of movement). Inthis article I arguein favorof aspecificresolution for theconflict. I beginby introducing someassumptions about the interpretation of chains and the structure of relative clauses. Once theseassumptions are in place, the conflict is resolvedwith the aid of Lebeaux’s (1988)proposal thatmovement can be followed by ‘ ‘latemerger’ ’ ofan adjunct, extended to covert movement byFox and Nissenbaum (1999, in preparation). In other words, the resolution turns out to have afamiliarlogic: the conflict is very similar to the one that Chomsky (1993) notes between the copytheory of movement and the observation that movement can sometimes obviate Condition C,andthe resolution in bothcases is basically identical. Furthermore, the resolution accounts for Thisarticle was presentedat McGillUniversity, MIT, the Kaken Project in Kyoto, and UCLA. I thankthe audiences at these institutionsfor valuable comments. Iwouldalso like to thank the LI reviewers, MichaelBrody, Kai vonFintel, Irene Heim, PollyJacobson, Chris Kennedy, Jason Merchant, David Pesetsky, Tanya Reinhart, Bernhard Schwartz, and especially JonathanBobaljik, Noam Chomsky,Kyle Johnson, Jon Nissenbaum, and Uli Sauerland. Linguistic Inquiry, Volume 33, Number 1,Winter 2002 63–96 q 2002 bythe Massachusetts Institute ofTechnology 63 64 D A N N Y F O X awiderange of otherwise puzzling facts, thus supporting the assumptions that it utilizesas well asthosethat enter into the formulation of theconflict itself. 1TheProblem It iswell known that VP-deletion is possible only if theelided VP bearssome resemblance to anantecedentVP. Iwillstate this parallelism requirement in the simplest possible way, ignoring interestingquestions that arise from variouscounterexamples. 1 (1) Parallelism Anelided VP mustbe identical to an antecedent VP atLogical Form (LF). 2 Parallelismcan be used to investigate the nature of LF structures.In particular, ACD suggests thatquantificational phrases are sometimes not interpreted in their base position. To see this, considerthe sentence in (2). If theuniversal quantificational phrase were interpretedin its base position,the antecedent VP wouldcontain the elided VP, andconsequently the two VPs would notbe identical.This means that if Parallelism is tobe satisfied, the object in sentencessuch as (2) cannotbe interpreted in its base position. elided VP (2) John [VP likes every boy Mary does k likes tl ]. antecedent VP If, however,the object is interpretedin a VP-externalposition, the structure satisfies Parallelism. (3) [everyboy Mary does k likes tl ] John likes t Thisobservation argues that there is a covertoperation that can move a DP from itsbase position withoutaffecting the phonology of asentence(Quantifier Raising, QR). Theargument has been reinforcedby the corroboration of various intricate predictions regarding the scope of aDPthat hasto move for ACD resolution.(See Sag1976, Larson and May 1990; see also section 5.1.) 1 One (potential)counterexample, which bears onthe issues discussedhere, has todo with the fact thatsome propertiesof DPs thatare relevantfor binding theory do not seem tohave effects inthe elided VP (vehiclechange, VC). Brody(1995) and Vanden Wyngaerd and Zwart (1991)argue that VC resolvesthe conflict between thestructure in (2) andParallelism. However,this is notobvious. There are manyways tothink of VC underwhich the conflict is not eliminated.It is possible,for example, that VC shouldbe dealt with not by relaxing Parallelism, butby revisingcertain assumptionsabout the way bindingtheory should apply to elided material. (See Fox1993 and Williams 1995for proposals alongthis line.) One problemwith the idea thatVC resolvesthe conflict is that(in and of itself) itdoes not account for Sag’ s (1976) correlationbetween ACD andscope (section 5; butsee Brody’s proposal,which deals withthis problem), or foradditional evidencethat ACD resolutionrequires QR (Pesetsky2000). My hope is thatthe results of this article willprovide further evidencefor a definitionof Parallelism thatrules out LF structuressuch as (2). 2 Throughoutthis article Iwillpretend that variable names donot matter forParallelism. Thetruth is, however, thatthey do matter: variablesthat bear differentnames mustbe boundfrom parallel positions(see Rooth1992 for an accountof this generalization). Nevertheless, ignoringvariable names willnot have harmful effects since thevariables willalways beboundfrom parallel positions(but see footnotes33 and 34). ACDANDTHECOPYTHEORYOFMOVEMENT 65 Inmy view the argument is quite impressive. A syntacticoperation, which is neededunder whatis arguably the simplest theory of semantics(of thetype developed, for example,in Heim andKratzer 1998),seems to provide a simpleaccount of ACD thatgenerates nontrivial yet correctpredictions. However, the account of ACD (andconsequently the argument) relies on the assumptionthat traces are fairlyimpoverished in theirrepresentations, and as aresultit conflicts withthe copy theory of movement. 3 Underthe copy theory of movement traces are copies of theirantecedents, as in (4), andit istherefore far from obviousthat (covert) movement can account for thefact that ACD constructionssatisfy Parallelism. (4) [everyboy Mary does k likes tl ] John likes[every boy Mary likes t] 4 Tofurther appreciate the conflict, let us consideran argument for thecopy theory of move- mentthat relies on ConditionC ofbindingtheory. The argument is based on theobservation that certaintypes of movementdo notaffect Condition C, anobservationthat is mysteriousif traces areinformationally impoverished but is expectedunder the copy theory of movement. In(5a), for example, wh-movementremoves the name John from thec-command domain ofthe pronoun he. Nevertheless,coreference between the two elements is impossible (but see footnote10). Similarly, in (5b) QR canmove the universal DP outsidethe c-command domain ofthepronoun him. (Noticethe availability of inversescope in Someoneintroduced John i to every friendof his i.)Onthe simplest assumption that binding theory applies to interpretedstructures, QR shouldallow coreference between the pronoun and a namecontained within the DP, butit does not. (5) a.??Guess [which friend of John’s i ] hei visited t. b.??/ *Someoneintroduced him i toeveryfriend of John’s i . [everyfriend of John’s i ] ! someoneintroduced him i to t Neither wh-movementnor QR canreverse the verdict of Condition C. This observation is mysteriousif tracesare informationally impoverished as in (6) butis expected under the copy theoryof movement,which postulates the structures in (7). (6) a.[which friend of John’ s i ] hei visited t b.[every friend of John’s i ]someoneintroduced him i to t (7) a.[which friend of John’ s i ] hei visited[which friend of John’s i ] b.[every friend of John’s i ]someoneintroduced him i to[every friend of John’s i ] 3 Thisconflict was notedin Fox 1995. There theresolution was basedon an economy condition that allowed the copyat thetail of the chain to be eliminatedwhen needed for ACD resolution.(See alsoFox 1999b, 2000, Sauerland 1998,and Merchant 2000.) Here Idemonstratethat the approach to extraposition developed in Fox and Nissenbaum 1999 allowsus toeliminate theeconomy condition with some empirical advantages(see footnotes9 and42). 4 One mightwonder about how t shouldbe representedunder the copy theory of movement.To answer thisquestion, certain assumptionsabout the structure of relative clauses needto be made precise. Specifically,one needs to be precise aboutthe nature of thephrase that undergoes wh-movementin relative clauses. See section3.2. 66 D A N N Y F O X Theargument for thecopy theory of movement is based on theobservation that movement cannot changethe verdict of ConditionC. Thisargument is in conflictwith the argument for movement basedon ACD. Thelatteris based on the ideathat movement can change the verdict of Parallelism andcrucially depends on representingtraces as simple variables (as intherepresentation in (3)). If tracesare copies as in (4),it isnot clear that the output of QRcanyield structures that satisfy Parallelism. Whyare Condition C andParallelism so different? Why is movement incapable
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Gapping: in Defense of Deletion
    Gapping: In Defense of Deletion Elizabeth Coppock Northwestern University 1 Introduction Gapping refers to the following type of construction: (1) [α John likes caviar] and [γ Mary beans]. Typically, Gapping involves two such conjoined clauses, where the second clause contains no pronounced verbal material, as in (1). Following usual terminology, I call the missing material the Gap, the first clause (e.g. α) the antecedent clause, the second clause (e.g. γ) the gapped clause, and the pronounced elements of the gapped clause remnants. Assuming that the Gap is present somehow in the syntax, we have three potential analyses, depending on the nature of the Gap. We may interpret it as (i) a null pro-form, (ii) a deleted element, or (iii) a trace of movement. I immediately rule out possibility (i), following Hankamer and Sag (1976), who argue that Gaps are Surface Anaphors as opposed to Deep Anaphors (i.e. null pro-forms), based on their Island sensitivity and the fact that they require a linguistic antecedent. The second idea (deletion) is as old as the term Gapping. The first detailed investigation of the phenomenon was in Rosss 1967 dissertation, where he coined its name, and gave a deletion analysis. In 1976, Sag suggested that the remnants A'-move out of the gapped clause before deletion, preserving the hypothesis that operations (such as deletion) affect entire constituents. My proposal is essentially Sags, differing significantly only in the assumption that remnants adjoin to VP, rather than at the sentence level, as in (2).1 (2) John likes caviar, and [VP Mary1 [VP beans2 [VP t1 likes t2 ] ] ]].
    [Show full text]
  • Treatment of Multiword Expressions and Compounds in Bulgarian
    Treatment of Multiword Expressions and Compounds in Bulgarian Petya Osenova and Kiril Simov Linguistic Modelling Deparment, IICT-BAS Acad. G. Bonchev 25A, 1113 Sofia, Bulgaria [email protected] and [email protected] Abstract 2012)), we will adopt the Multiword Expressions The paper shows that catena represen- classification, presented in (Sag et al., 2001). They tation together with valence information divide them into two groups: lexicalized phrases can provide a good way of encoding and institutionalized phrases. The former are fur- Multiword Expressions (beyond idioms). ther subdivided into fixed-expressions, semi-fixed It also discusses a strategy for mapping expressions and syntactically-flexible expressions. noun/verb compounds with their counter- Fixed expressions are said to be fully lexicalized part syntactic phrases. The data on Mul- and undergoing neither morphosyntactic variation tiword Expression comes from BulTree- nor internal modification. Semi-fixed expressions Bank, while the data on compounds comes have a fixed word order, but “undergo some degree from a morphological dictionary of Bul- of lexical variation, e.g. in the form of inflection, garian. variation in reflexive form, and determiner selec- tion” (non-decomposable idioms, proper names). 1 Introduction Syntactically-flexible expressions show more vari- Our work is based on the annotation of Multi- ation in their word order (light verb constructions, word Expressions (MWE) in the Bulgarian tree- decomposable idioms). We follow the understand- bank — BulTreeBank (Simov et al., 2004). We ing of (O’Grady, 1998) that MWEs have their in- use this representation for parsing and analysis of ternal syntactic structure which needs to be rep- compounds. BulTreeBank exists in two formats: resented in the lexicon as well as in the sentence HPSG-based (original - constituent-based with analysis.
    [Show full text]
  • An Asymmetry in Voice Mismatches in VP-Ellipsis and Pseudogapping
    An asymmetry in voice mismatches in VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping Jason Merchant University of Chicago [email protected] Final revision for Linguistic Inquiry, March 29, 2007 VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping in English show a previously unnoticed asymmetry in their tolerance for voice mismatch: while VP-ellipsis allows mismatches in voice between the elided VP and its antecedent, pseudogap- ping does not. This difference is unexpected under current analyses of pseu- dogapping, which posit that pseudogapping is a kind of VP-ellipsis. I show that this difference falls out naturally if the target of deletion in the two cases differs slightly: in VP-ellipsis, a node lower than Voice is deleted, while in pseudogapping a node containing Voice is deleted. This analysis further- more accounts for a new observation concerning the distribution of floated quantifiers in these two constructions as well.1 1Thanks to Kirsten Gengel, Kyle Johnson, and the two LI reviewers for very helpful comments. 1 1 Voice mismatches It is well known that VP-ellipsis in English tolerates mismatches between the voice of the elided constituent and that of its antecedent, in both directions. Typical examples are those in (1) and (2) (the (a) examples from Kehler 2002:53; see also Sag 1976:17, 75, Dalrymple et al. 1991, Hardt 1993, Johnson 2001, and Arregui et al. to appear for further examples, discussion, and qualifications). (1) Passive antecedent, active ellipsis a. This problem was to have been looked into, but obviously nobody did. <look into this problem> b. The system can be used by anyone who wants to.
    [Show full text]
  • On Pseudogapping in HPSG*
    On Pseudogapping in HPSG* Dong-woo Park Department of Laguage and Literature, Seoul National University 599 Gwanak-ro, Gwanak-gu, Seoul 151-742, Korea [email protected] Abstract. This study investigates the constraints imposed on the pseudogapping in the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). Based on the existing schema to account for coordination and gapping, a new pseudogapping schema in coordination structures is proposed in this paper. In the process of capturing the constraints, new DOM lists are added and an existing DOM list is divided into two DOM lists depending on the feature of elements in each domain. Furthermore, new features SEP and INC are introduced. SEP is used for distinguishing prepositions which should be located in the same domain with the following NPs from those which can be separated from the following NPs. INC feature determines whether overlapping adverbs are in non-empty lists or not. Pseudogapping occurs not only in coordination structures, but in comparative or subordination structures. Thus, this paper introduces a pseudogapping schema that can be applied to all structures mentioned above. Keywords: DOM lists, SEP feature, INC feature, pseudogapping schema. 1 Introduction English has ellipsis like these examples. (1) a. Sluicing: She read something, but she won’t say what [vP ]. b. Verb Phrase Ellipsis: She read something and he did [vP ] too. c. Pseudogapping: She’ll read something to Sam, but she won’t [vP ] to Billy. d. Gapping: Some read something to Sam and others [vP ] to Billy. e. Right Node Raising: She deliberately [vP ], and he accidentally, read something.
    [Show full text]
  • By Nayoun Kim 2019
    NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY Hold, Release, and Retrieve: The Study of Wh-Filler-Gap Dependencies and Ellipsis A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Field of Linguistics By Nayoun Kim EVANSTON, ILLINOIS September 2019 2 © Copyright by Nayoun Kim 2019 All Rights Reserved 3 Abstract This dissertation is concerned with how components in memory structures and online structure building processes interact by investigating the online processing of Wh-Filler-Gap Dependencies (WhFGD) and ellipsis constructions. Resolving long-distance dependencies involves linking the dependent element to the controlling element. In the case of Wh-gap dependency formation, the wh-element is linked to the gap. In the case of ellipsis resolution, the ellipsis site is linked to the antecedent. In the processing of long-distance dependency resolution, I point out that two component processes are involved: the storage/maintenance component and the retrieval component. A series of studies on WhFGD formation reveal that the sentence processing mechanism involves the maintenance component on top of the retrieval component. Studies on ellipsis constructions further reveal that when the antecedent is retrieved, detailed grammatical structural information should be retrieved, thus grammatical and structural information must be encoded in memory. Based on the results of these studies, I specifically argue for the following points: (i) the filler is released from memory, depending on the grammatical requirement of the filler; (ii) given that information associated with the filler being retrieved reflects the extent to which the filler is maintained, the parser retrieves grammatical information associated with the wh- filler; and (iii) the parser is sensitive to grammatical distinctions at the ellipsis site in contrast to the processing of Anaphoric one and Pronoun it.
    [Show full text]
  • What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What It Can't, but Not Why*
    What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What it Can’t, * but not Why Kyle Johnson University of Massachusetts Amherst VP Ellipsis is the name given to instances of anaphora in which a missing predicate, like that marked by “)” in (2), is able to find an antecedent in the surrounding discourse, as (2) does in the bracketed material of (1). (1) Holly Golightly won’t [eat rutabagas]. (2) I don’t think Fred will ), either. We can identify three sub-problems which a complete account of this phenomenon must solve. (3) a. In which syntactic environments is VP Ellipsis licensed? b. What structural relation may an elided VP and its antecedent have? c. How is the meaning of the ellipsis recovered from its antecedent? These tasks tend to run together, as we shall see; but there is no immediate harm in treating them separately. 1. LICENSING THE ELLIPSIS The first of the problems presents itself with pairs such as (4). (4) I can’t believe Holly Golightly won’t eat rutabagas. a. I can’t believe Fred won’t ), either. b. *I can’t believe Fred ), either. These contrasts are typically thought to involve licensing conditions that the environment to the left of the ellipsis invoke. The contrast between (4a) and (4b), for instance, indicates that the ellipsis site must be in construction with, or perhaps governed by, a member of “Aux,” where these can be understood to be just those terms that are able occupy the highest of the functional projections which clauses are made up of. The modal, won’t, is an Aux, as is the infinitival to and the auxiliaries have, be and do in (5).
    [Show full text]
  • Antecedent-Contained Deletion and the Syntax of Quantification Author(S): Christopher Kennedy Source: Linguistic Inquiry, Vol
    Antecedent-Contained Deletion and the Syntax of Quantification Author(s): Christopher Kennedy Source: Linguistic Inquiry, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Autumn, 1997), pp. 662-688 Published by: The MIT Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4178999 Accessed: 29/05/2009 10:51 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=mitpress. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Linguistic Inquiry. http://www.jstor.org 662 REMARKS AND REPLIES Antecedent-Contained
    [Show full text]
  • Pseudo-Gapping: Evidence for Overt Quantifier Raising
    University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 40th Annual Penn Article 30 Linguistics Conference 2017 Pseudo-gapping: Evidence for Overt Quantifier Raising Hideharu Tanaka Mie University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Tanaka, Hideharu (2017) "Pseudo-gapping: Evidence for Overt Quantifier Raising," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 23 : Iss. 1 , Article 30. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/30 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/30 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Pseudo-gapping: Evidence for Overt Quantifier Raising Abstract This paper explores the grammatical process of pseudo-gapping. In the literature, pseudo-gapping has been analyzed as a series of two operations: the syntactic movement of a remnant out of a VP (Move-R) and the phonological deletion of the VP (VP-deletion). Given this movement + deletion theory, I address what type of movement Move-R is. This paper makes a new argument against Takahashi’s (2004) approach, and for Johnson’s (2008) approach; the former identifies Move-R with the combination of Heavy NP Shift and Object Shift, while the latter identifies it with Quantifier Raising (QR), whose output is covert in general cases. Specifically, it is shown that the latter, but not the former, can predict two facts: that the object of a preposition in an NP-PP argument construction can be a remnant and that no predicate NP can be a remnant. The QR approach is then extended by adopting the single output model of syntax (e.g., Bobaljik 1995).
    [Show full text]
  • A Shell Structure Account of Pseudogapping in Standard Arabic and Moroccan Amazigh Construct States1 ﻣﻠﺨﺺ
    A Shell Structure Account of Pseudogapping in Standard Arabic and Moroccan Amazigh Construct States 1 Yahya Dkhissi Amina Boutabia Chouaib Doukkali University [email protected] [email protected] ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻧﻘﺪم ﻓﻲ ھﺬه اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻼ ﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺐ اﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﯿﻦ ﺗﺮد ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﯿﺔ ﻣﺘﻘﻮﻗﻌﺔ ، أي ﺑﻨﯿﺔ داﺧﻞ ﺑﻨﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻨﻮع، ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎرﯾﺔ و ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ھﺬا اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺐ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷﻣﺎزﯾﻐﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﯿﺔ . اﻟﮭﺪف اﻟﺮﺋﯿﺴﻲ ھﻮ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻣﺒﺎدئ اﻷدﻧﻮﯾﺔ إطﺎرا ﻧﻈﺮﯾﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﻠﯿﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺐ اﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﯿﺚ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﯿﺎت اﻟﺪﻣﺞ، اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ و اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ أن ﺗﺮﺧﺺ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﯿﺔ ﺣﺬف داﺧﻞ اﻟﺒﻨﯿﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﻄﻮﻓﺔ وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺈﺳﻘﺎط ﻋﺒﺎرة ﺣﺪﯾﺔ ﺛﻢ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻄﻔﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﺘﺮﺗﯿﺐ . ﻟﮭﺬا، ﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪ ھﺬا اﻟﻤﻘﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺔ أد ﻧﻮﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺘﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎرﯾﺔ و اﻷﻣﺎزﯾﻐﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﯾﺨﺺ اﻟﺒﻨﯿﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻘﻮﻗﻌﺔ و ﻋﻤﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺤﺬف، ﺣﯿﺚ ﻧﻘﺘﺮح ﻓﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﻨﺎ إﺳﻘﺎطﺎ وظﯿﻔﯿﺎ رأﺳﮫ اﻟﺤﺪ اﻟﺬي ﯾﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﺒﺎرا ﻟﺘﺄﺳﯿﺲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ھﺪف ھﻮ اﻟﻤﺘﻤﻢ اﻹﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﮭﺬا اﻟﺤﺪ،وﯾﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ھﺎﺗﮫ اﻛﺘﺴﺎب اﻟﻤﺘﻤﻢ ﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺠﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﮭﺔ، و اﻛﺘﺴﺎب اﻟﺤﺪ ﻟﺴﻤﺎت اﻟﺸﺨﺺ، اﻟﻌﺪد، و اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ ﺟﮭﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﯿﺔ . أﻓﻀﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﺒﺎر واﻟﮭﺪف ﺗﺤﺘﺮم ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ واﻟﺒﻨﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻘﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ أﻧﻮاع ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﺜﻼ اﻟ ﻌﺒﺎرة اﻟ ﻌﻄﻔﯿﺔ، اﻟﻘﯿﺎس اﻟﻜﻤﻲ واﻟ ﺒﻨﺎء ﻟﻠﻤﻔﻌﻮل وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻟﻘﯿﻮد ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﯿ ﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻘﻮﻗﻌﺔ . اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﻔﺎﺗﯿﺢ : اﻟﺒﻨﯿﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻘﻮﻗﻌﺔ، اﻷدﻧﻮﯾﺔ، ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺐ اﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ، اﻟﺤﺬف، اﻟﻌﻄﻒ . Abstract This paper presents a shell structure account of pseudogapping in Standard Arabic (SA) and Moroccan Amazigh (MAmaz) Construct States (CSs). The main objective is to adopt a minimal account to analyse the Arabic CS (ACS) as well as the MAmaz CS DPs involving pseudogapping. The proposed account posits a functional projection DP headed by D which serves as a Probe that attracts genitive nominal Goal complements.
    [Show full text]
  • Transformational Grammarians and Other Paradoxes Abstract Keywords
    Barcelona, 8-9 September 2011 Transformational Grammarians and other Paradoxes Thomas Groß Aichi University 1 Machihata-cho 1-1, Toyohashi-shi, Aichi-ken, Japan [email protected] Abstract This paper argues that morphs can/should be granted node status in tree structures. Most theories of morphology do not do this. For instance, word-based morphologies (Anderson 1992 and others) see inflectional affixes appearing post-syntactically, producing a specific word form based on paradigmatic rules. On the other hand, derivational affixes attach prior to syntax. So-called “bracketing paradoxes” (Williams 1981, Pesetsky 1985, Spencer 1988, Sproat 1988, Beard 1991, Stump 1991) such as transformational grammarian concern primarily derivational affixes (here: -ian). If a theory can avoid bracketing (or structural) paradoxes by maintaining an entirely surface-based account, then this theory should be preferred over competing theories that posit different levels or strata in order to explain the same phenomenon. This contribution demonstrates that such a surface-based account is possible if the catena is acknowledged. The catena is a novel unit of syntax and morphosyntax that exists solely in the vertical dominance dimension. Keywords Bracketing paradox, catena, morph catena 1 Introduction (Williams 1981:219f) is credited with introducing “bracketing paradoxes” to theoretical linguistics. He puts forth examples such as the following: (1) a. hydroelectricity (2) a. Gödel numbering (3) a. atomic scientist For example (1a) Williams posits the next structure: (1) b. [hydro-[electric-ity]] The problem with (1b), Williams realizes, is that the structure cannot provide the adjective hydroelectric because the prefix and the root do not appear within a bracket that excludes the suffix.
    [Show full text]
  • Gapping Is VP-Ellipsis: a Reply to Johnson∗
    Gapping is VP-ellipsis: A reply to Johnson∗ Maziar Toosarvandani Massachusetts Institute of Technology October 8, 2012 Abstract Johnson (2009) argues that the gapping — e.g. Some had ordered mussels, and others swordfish— does not arise through VP-ellipsis because gapping has properties that VP-ellipsis does not. He proposes instead that the gap in gapping arises through ‘low coordination’ and across-the-board movement. I first show that Johnson’s across-the-board movement ac- count fails to generate gapping in coordination structures with corrective but (Vicente 2010, Toosarvandani, to appear-b). I then revive a version of the ellipsis account in which VP-ellipsis applies to low-coordination structures. This correctly generates gapping in corrective but sen- tences. Once the information-structural properties of low coordinations are taken into con- sideration— low coordinates must have parallel focus structures— it also derives the unique properties of gapping. 1 Introduction Gapping is the elliptical construction where the locus of finiteness in the clause (T and its host)goes missing—possibly, along with more—in the second and subsequent coordinates of a coordination. This leaves behind one or more remnants:1 (1) Some had ordered mussels, and others swordfish. In (1), T is realized on the perfect aspect auxiliary, which disappears in the second coordinate, along with everything else but the two DP remnants others and swordfish. Gapping bears a striking resemblance to pseudogapping, the elliptical construction in (2), which also strands one or more remnants, though it does not remove T. (2) Some had ordered mussels, and others had swordfish.
    [Show full text]
  • Pseudogapping Does Not Involve Heavy Shift
    PseudogappingDoesNotInvolveHeavyShift MichaelFettersandAaronStevenWhite 1. Introduction Pseudogapping is a form of predicate ellipsis that shares surface similarity to verb phrase ellipsis (VPE), including missing VP-internal elements and the presence of a finite auxiliary (Sag, 1976). (1) a. John could pull you out of a plane like he did pull his brother out of a plane. b. Mary hasn’t dated Bill, but she has dated Harry. Importantly, these sentences contrast with standard VPE due to the presence of a right side remnant— compare (1a) to (2a) and (1b) to (2b). (2) a. John could pull you out of a plane like his brother did pull you out of a plane. b. Mary hasn’t dated Bill, but Susan has dated Bill. Levin (1978, 1986), who gives one of the first extensive collections of pseudogapping data, notes that, though a number of potential pseudogapping sentences are marked as being flatly ungrammatical as an illustration of the constraints on such constructions, even the most acceptable pseudogapping sentences are only marginally so. One example of this comes from Lasnik 1995, 1999. Lasnik relies on data from the double object construction as evidence for his proposal (discussed in the next section), but he himself notes that the pseudogapping sentences that his proposal predicts to be good—sentences with first object remnants (3a)—are still only marginally acceptable. He reports, however, that in his judgment, first object remnants (3a) are better than second object remnants (3b), which are furthermore flatly ungrammatical, and thus that his predictions are upheld. (3) a. ?John gave Bill a lot of money, and Mary will Susan.
    [Show full text]