DAY LABORERS, FRIEND OR FOE: a SURVEY of COMMUNITY RESPONSES Mauricio A
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Fordham Urban Law Journal Volume 30 | Number 6 Article 5 2003 DAY LABORERS, FRIEND OR FOE: A SURVEY OF COMMUNITY RESPONSES Mauricio A. Espana Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Mauricio A. Espana, DAY LABORERS, FRIEND OR FOE: A SURVEY OF COMMUNITY RESPONSES, 30 Fordham Urb. L.J. 1979 (2003). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol30/iss6/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Urban Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DAY LABORERS, FRIEND OR FOE: A SURVEY OF COMMUNITY RESPONSES Cover Page Footnote J.D. 2003, Fordham University School of Law; Associate, Mayer, Brown, Rowe & Maw (as of September 2003). I would like to thank everyone who supported and encouraged me as I strived to carry on my endeavors. I would like to express special gratitude to my mother, father, family, and friends for their unending support, tolerance, and understanding. This article is available in Fordham Urban Law Journal: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol30/iss6/5 DAY LABORERS, FRIEND OR FOE: A SURVEY OF COMMUNITY RESPONSES Mauricio A. Espafia* INTRODUCTION A landscaper named Ausencio is hanging seventy-five feet in the air suspended by only a two-inch rope as he attempts to trim a tree.' In one hand, he holds a chainsaw while with the other he tries to keep himself stable.2 As he works diligently to cut down this tree, the rope becomes untied and he plummets to his death.' Under normal circumstances, Ausencio's co-workers and employer would run to his aid and summon an ambulance to help him. For Ausencio, however, none of this is a reality because of one reason; he is a day laborer.4 Communities throughout New York State, such as Farmingdale and Freeport, Long Island, Bensonhurst and Williamsburg, Brook- lyn, and Woodside, Queens, have for some time grappled with how to integrate a day labor force into their communities.5 Day labor- * J.D. 2003, Fordham University School of Law; Associate, Mayer, Brown, Rowe & Maw (as of September 2003). I would like to thank everyone who supported and encouraged me as I strived to carry on my endeavors. I would like to express special gratitude to my mother, father, family, and friends for their unending support, tolerance, and understanding. 1. Valeria Godines, Fatal Fall Illustrates Risks Taken by Desperate Immigrants, ORANGE COUNTY REG., July 19, 2002, at State & Regional News. 2. Id. 3. Id. 4. I use the word reality because in this situation the day laborer was abandoned by his employer. 5. Wil Cruz, Roosevelt Avenue Day Laborers, Officials Meet Over Concerns, NEWSDAY, Sept. 8, 2002, at A17 (discussing the day laborer population and contro- versy in Woodside Queens); Ron Howell, Gathering Spot for Day Laborers; Official site for hiring opens in Bensonhurst, NEWSDAY, Mar. 5, 2002, at A15 [hereinafter Howell, Bensonhurst Center] (discussing the opening of a day labor site in Ben- sonhurst Brooklyn); Ron Howell, Laborers Pressured To Move, NEWSDAY, Aug. 29, 2002, at A16 [hereinafter Howell, Williamsburg Removal] (discussing the removal of Latina and Polish women day laborers from the streets of Williamsburg, Brooklyn); Bart Jones, Laborer Site's Slow Start, NEWSDAY, Sept. 19, 2002, at A26 [hereinafter Jones, Freeport Center] (discussing the permanent center created in Freeport, Long Island); Bart Jones, Residents In Support Of Laborers; Amid adversity, hope, NEWS- DAY, Aug. 26, 2002, at A04 [hereinafter Jones, Farmingdale Center] (discussing the opening of a day labor site in Farmingdale, Long Island); Marta E. Kane, Day Labor- ers Site Closed by Village, FARMINGDALE OBSERVER, June 15, 2001, at 1 (discussing the removal of day laborers from a public street in Farmingdale, Long Island). 1979 1980 FORDHAM URBAN LAW JOURNAL [Vol. XXX ers are typically at-will employees that are hired on public streets.6 Although these communities rely on day laborers as a source of cheap labor, they also find the presence of these workers troub- ling. 7 Their major contentions are that they create unsanitary con- ditions, they are aesthetically detrimental to their neighborhoods, and they take away jobs from American citizens. 8 Some communi- ties respond with overt hostility to day laborers.9 Other communi- ties implement solutions that not only move the hiring process of day laborers-and thus the workers themselves-off public streets, but also create permanent centers where private organizations can monitor employers and empower laborers by teaching them their rights.' 0 This comment discusses the various ways that communities that benefit from day laborers respond to the presence of this "under- ground" employment phenomenon. Part I provides some back- ground into the day laborers' situation, livelihood, and legal rights. Part II discusses the competing issues faced by day laborers, as well as the issues the laborers present to community residents, employ- ers, and the United States Government. Finally, Part III discusses the different solutions that communities confronted with day labor- ers have proposed and implemented, and concludes that it is in the best interests of all parties involved that communities accept day labors and accommodate them in shape up sites. I. BACKGROUND Day laborers are primarily undocumented immigrants from Latin America that seek work on a daily basis.1 A day laborer is "someone who gathers at a street corner, empty parking lot, . or 6. Stephen R. Munzer, Ellickson on "Chronic Misconduct" in Urban Spaces: Of Panhandlers,Bench Squatters, and Day Laborers,32 HARV. C.R.-C.L. L.REv. 1, 33-34 (1997). 7. Howell, Williamsburg Removal, supra note 5, at A16; Kane, supra note 5, at 1. There are also community organizations such as Sachem in Farmingdale, Long Island, whose goals include prohibiting day laborers from seeking work and getting them deported. SACHEM QUALITY OF LIFE ORGANIZATION, at http://sqlife.org/about.htm (last visited Mar. 17, 2003). 8. See infra Part II.B. 9. Howell, Williamsburg Removal, supra note 5, at A16; Kane, supra note 5, at 1. 10. Cruz, supra note 5, at A17; Howell, Bensonhurst Center, supra note 5, at A15; Jones, Farmingdale Center, supra note 5, at A04; Jones, Freeport Center, supra note 5, at A26. 11. ABEL VALENZUELA, JR., CTR. FOR THE STUDY OF URBAN POVERTY, WORK- ING ON THE MARGINS: IMMIGRANT DAY LABOR CHARACTERISTICS AND PROSPECTS FOR EMPLOYMENT 7, 10, 16, 22, 23 (1999), available at http://www.weingart.org/insti- tute/research/colloquia/pdf/DayLaborerStudy.pdf (last visited Mar. 21, 2003); ABEL 2003] DAY-LABORERS, FRIEND OR FOE 1981 an official hiring site, to sell their labor [, as an individual rather than union or company,] for the day, hour, or for a particular job. '1 2 Most of them are undocumented immigrants that enter the United States illegally in search of work. 3 Although the majority of them are Mexican immigrants, many come from throughout Southern and Central America, and most lack proficiency in the English language.' 4 The majority of day laborers are unable to work in the mainstream labor market either because they are un- documented or because they lack the ability to speak English. 5 Additionally, the overwhelming majority of day laborers are men between the age of eighteen and sixty-five. 6 In New York, how- ever, the day laborer phenomenon is not exclusive to Latino men; it also includes women and Eastern Europeans. 7 Day laborers usually emigrate from their countries because of dire economic or political situations and live meager, modest lives in the United States. Some individuals come to the United States in order to support their families back home, where there are no VALENZUELA, JR. & EDWIN MELENDEZ, DAY LABOR IN NEW YORK: FINDINGS FROM THE NYDL SURVEY 1, 5 (2003); Munzer, supra note 6, at 33-34. 12. VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 1; Munzer, supra note 6, at 33- 34. 13. VALENZUELA, supra note 11, at 7; VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 5. In New York, Professor Valenzuela's survey report found that less than sixteen percent of day laborers had legal status in the United States when they first arrived. VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 5. 14. VALENZUELA, supra note 11, at 10, 22; VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 5. Day laborers are primarily Latinos from Mexico, Guatemala, Ecuador, Honduras, El Salvador, and Peru. VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 5. This list, however, is not exclusive. Id. In New York, there are day labors from coun- tries as widespread as Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Haiti, Jamaica, Poland, Ukraine, Canada, and many others. Id. at 5 n.2. 15. VALENZUELA, supra note 11, at 16; VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 9-10. According to Professor Valenzuela, the majority of day laborers inter- viewed in Los Angeles, 40.3%, provided lack of work authorization as their reason for being day laborers; the second greatest number, 21.3%, claimed lack of English profi- ciency. VALENZUELA, supra note 11, at 16. Similarly, Professor Valenzuela found that in New York, 31.3% of day laborers cited lack of work authorization as the pri- mary reason and 34.7% claimed lack of English proficiency. VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 9-10. 16. VALENZUELA, supra note 11, at 11, 23; VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 5. 17. VALENZUELA & MELENDEZ, supra note 11, at 5; Howell, Williamsburg Re- moval, supra note 5. In New York, five percent of day labors surveyed were women.