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Fix Mariana D.Pdf i [pagina para inserção da ficha catalográfica] ii [pagina para inserção da Folha de aprovação da banca] iii Agradecimentos Ao professor Wilson Cano, com admiração, pela rigorosa e constante orientação. Aos professores Carlos Antonio Brandão e Simone Deos, pelos comentários valiosos na qualificação; Ana Lucia Gonçalves da Silva, José Carlos Braga e Plínio de Arruda Sampaio Jr. pelas conversas, comentários e sugestões; Eugênia Leone, Maria Alejandra Madi, Fernando Cézar de Macedo Mota, Rui Affonso, Cláudio Maciel, Bastiaan Reydon, Célio Hiratuka, Fernando Sarti, e novamente Simone, Braga e Brandão pelos excelentes cursos no Instituto de Economia. Ao José Antonio e a toda equipe do Massa Crítica, imprescindíveis. Aos colegas do IE pelas discussões nos seminários de pesquisa. A Cida, Fátima, Alex, Alberto, Marinete e Mirian, e outros funcionários do IE, pelo apoio sempre tranquilo e generoso. Aos professores Ermínia Maricato, Flávio Villaça, Francisco de Oliveira, Leda Paulani e Odette Seabra, fundamentais, como sempre. Ao professor David Harvey, pela breve, porém importante estadia na CUNY University, pelos comentários e sugestões; ao professor Peter Marcuse pela oportunidade de pesquisar nas bibliotecas da Columbia University e por compartilhar suas reflexões sobre o tema. A Gavin Adams, Daniela Sandler e Karina Leitão pelo apoio e grande ajuda no inglês, e a Maria Eugênia pela revisão do português. A Márcio Valença pelos textos e conversas, e Mariana Bonates pela gentileza de ceder imagens do seu arquivo. A Evaniza, Dito, Gegê e Kohara, aos defensores públicos e aos alunos-professores dos cursos de formação pelas questões que motivaram muito do que apresento aqui. A Ethel e Sérgio pela generosidade em compartilhar seus escritórios comigo e pelo apoio constante. A Raquel Rolnik, Brittany Scott, Suzana Pasternak e todos os professores e amigos que contribuíram com observações ou sugestões. A todos os entrevistados, pela contribuição. Aos amigos Ana Carolina Maciel, Ângela Amaral, Beatriz Tone, Carlos Alberto, Chico Barros, Kazuo Nakano, Karina Calife, Jade Percassi, Lincoln Secco, Mozart Costa, Patryck Carvalho, Roberta Asse, Tiaraju D‘Andrea e Thomas Jensen, e muitos outros. Às amigas Beatriz Kara-José e Luciana Royer e Roberta Menezes pela presença constante, comentários e pelo alento nas piores horas. Aos assistentes de pesquisa Higor Rafael e Carolina Laiate pela persistência e seriedade com a qual enfrentaram as dificuldades encontradas no caminho. A Dalva e Débora, pelo apoio. Ao João Mota pela paciência na hora da impressão. E, especialmente, a todos os amigos do grupo de estudos v da FAU Maranhão, do LabHab e da Nossa América. Não menos importante é minha gratidão a todos os amigos que não citei, mas que com certeza sabem da importância do seu apoio. À família, mais uma vez fundamental, em especial a Dora, por compartilhar os saberes acadêmicos e pela torcida; Paulo e Otília e meus irmãos e cunhada, por sempre contar com eles; e, sobretudo, aos meus pais, pelo apoio incondicional de toda hora, inclusive nos minutos finais da tese. Ao Pedro, pelo diálogo, leituras e comentários, sempre generosamente críticos. E aos pequenos, que aprenderam cedo a palavra tese – em dose dupla – e souberam conviver bem com ela em seus primeiros anos. Agradeço imensamente à banca examinadora pelos comentários e sugestões que, embora já considerados na breve revisão realizada para esta versão, por sua dimensão e importância permanecem como desafios. ―Conocer es resolver‖, resumiu o professor Plínio, tomando de empréstimo a expressão de José Martí, em Nuestra América. vi Resumo A onda de despejos que marcou a crise financeira mundial, iniciada em 2007, atingiu mais de 4,5 milhões de famílias e deixou bairros inteiros praticamente abandonados nas cidades norte-americanas. A crise evidenciou a extensão dos vínculos entre o imobiliário e o financeiro, intensificados nos anos 1980 em diversos países. O crescimento dos empréstimos de tipo subprime (de segunda linha) fez parte do salto ocorrido na massa de capital fictício nesse período, o que, combinado a formas antigas de espoliação, caracteriza a globalização. As famílias recorreram ao endividamento em um contexto de estagnação de salários, de liquidez propiciada, parcial e paradoxalmente, pelo financiamento da China ao enorme déficit comercial dos EUA, de falta de política pública ampla de educação e saúde e de uma história repleta de esforços para manter a habitação como frente de acumulação capitalista e não direito social: a homeownership society. A mundialização financeira incide, no Brasil, sobre um circuito imobiliário que se configurou de modo muito diferenciado em relação ao norte-americano. O circuito imobiliário não segue necessariamente o movimento geral das transformações econômicas e sociais e, assim como outros setores, exige um esforço de compreensão específico. A retrospectiva de diversos arranjos que o circuito imobiliário assumiu no Brasil ao longo do tempo, desde a constituição do mercado de terras até o pacote habitacional Minha Casa Minha Vida, passando pelo BNH, contribuiu para identificar como a financeirização atinge essa trajetória. Os fluxos de capitais – alterados pela lógica financeira – impulsionam transformações na concorrência e na estrutura de propriedade das empresas, em suas estratégias territoriais e de mercado, no canteiro de obras e na forma imobiliária. Superam ou contornam barreiras para alargar o campo de ação do circuito imobiliário – historicamente restrito a uma parcela minoritária da população – e voltam a encontrá-las quando os limites e as contradições se manifestam. Amplas parcelas da população continuam sujeitas aos ciclos de despejo, assentamento precário e irregular, e expulsão. As transformações identificadas colocam novos problemas para o pensamento crítico sobre o urbano e para os estudos sobre financeirização. Sugerem, ainda, que a luta pelo direito à cidade enfrenta novos desafios com o aumento da capacidade do capital de impor seus requerimentos e das dificuldades para que a paisagem urbana responda a critérios não mercantis e universais, no campo dos direitos sociais. Palavras-chaves: Globalização, mercado imobiliário, urbanização, hipotecas, bolha imobiliária, política habitacional, direito à cidade. vii viii Abstract The wave of evictions in the wake of the worldwide financial crisis, that began in 2007, hit over 4,5 million American families, and left whole neighborhoods to their own devices in American cities. The crisis has revealed the extent of the links between real estate and finance, which, in several countries, intensified during the 1980s. The growth of subprime loans was part of the increase in the mass of fictitious capital in this period, which, combined with early forms dispossession, characterizes globalization. Families resorted to debt in a context of wage stagnation, of liquidity partially and paradoxically propitiated by China‘s funding of the USA‘s enormous trade deficit, of a lack of a wide-ranging public policy on education and health, and of a history of efforts to keep housing as a site for capital accumulation and not as a social right. In Brazil, the financial globalization has impacted a real estate market that had been configured very distinctively from the American case. Besides, the real estate market does not necessarily follow the general movement of economic and social transformations. Thus, along the lines of other sectors, such a market demands a specific comprehension effort, to which this thesis contributes. The retrospective look at the diverse arrangements that the real estate circuit has taken up in Brazil over time, since the constitution of the land market up to the housing set of policies ―My Home, My Life‖, as well as those of the National Housing Bank, has contributed to identify how financialization has impacted this trajectory. The flows of capital – changed by financial logic – have driven transformations in competition and in the enterprises‘ property structure, in their territorial and market strategies, in the building site, and in the real estate form. They overcome or circumvent barriers in order to widen the field of action of the real estate market, and find them again when the limits and contradictions are manifested. The identified transformations pose fresh problems for critical thinking about urban issues and for studies on financialization. They suggest, further, that the struggle for the right to the city faces new challenges - such as the increase of the capital‘s capacity to impose its requirements, and of the difficulties for the urban landscape to respond not to mercantile criteria, but instead, to universal social rights. Key words: Globalization, real estate market, homeownership society, subprime mortgages, housing bubble, housing policies, homebuilders, right to the city, urbanization ix Lista de ilustrações Figura 1 – Rio Vista, Califórnia (esquerda) e São José do Rio Preto (direita) ....................................................... xxv Figura 2 – Empreendimento interrompido na crise de 2008, em Rio Vista, Califórnia ........................................... 6 Figura 3 – Casa em execução hipotecária ......................................................................................................................... 6 Figura 4 – Campanha ―Make her happier: Build a home first‖ de difusão da casa própria, nos EUA, anos 1920 ................................................................................................................................................................................................
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