Two Decades of Better Regulation in the EU
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Davor Jancic the Barroso Initiative: Window Dressing Or Democracy Boost?
Davor Jancic The barroso initiative: window dressing or democracy boost? Article (Published version) (Refereed) Original citation: Jancic, Davor (2012) The barroso initiative: window dressing or democracy boost? Utrecht Law Review, 8 (1). pp. 78-91. ISSN 1871-515X © 2012 The Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/51580/ Available in LSE Research Online: August 2013 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This article is published in a peer-reviewed section of the Utrecht Law Review The Barroso Initiative: Window Dressing or Democracy Boost? Davor Jančić* 1. Introduction: refurbishing EU parliamentary democracy Although historically five years is a negligible period of time, in European integration it can spark impor- tant developments. Such is the case with the so-called Barroso Initiative (the Initiative), named after João Manuel Durão Barroso, incumbent second-term President of the European Commission. The purpose of his Initiative is to reinforce the democratic basis of the Union by involving national parliaments of the Member States more closely in the EU policy-making processes beyond the texts of the founding treaties. -
The Principle of Subsidiarity and Its Enforcement in the EU Legal Order
The Principle of Subsidiarity and its Enforcement in the EU Legal Order The Role of National Parliaments in the Early Warning System Katarzyna Granat HART PUBLISHING Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Kemp House , Chawley Park, Cumnor Hill, Oxford , OX2 9PH , UK HART PUBLISHING, the Hart/Stag logo, BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2018 Copyright © Katarzyna Granat , 2018 Katarzyna Granat has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identifi ed as Author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. While every care has been taken to ensure the accuracy of this work, no responsibility for loss or damage occasioned to any person acting or refraining from action as a result of any statement in it can be accepted by the authors, editors or publishers. All UK Government legislation and other public sector information used in the work is Crown Copyright © . All House of Lords and House of Commons information used in the work is Parliamentary Copyright © . This information is reused under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 ( http://www. nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 ) except where otherwise stated. All Eur-lex material used in the work is © European Union, http://eur-lex.europa.eu/ , 1998–2018. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Review of the Juncker Commission
AT A GLANCE Plenary – October II 2019 Review of the Juncker Commission Prior to his election as President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker set out the policy priorities that would serve as the political mandate for the Commission's 2014-2019 term of office. Although the new Commission will not take office on 1 November as scheduled, Juncker is due to make a statement during the October II plenary session on his term as President, and a debate will review the work of his Commission. Background In July 2014, President-elect Juncker published an Agenda for jobs, growth, fairness and democratic change to mark a 'new start for Europe'. The aim of those political guidelines was to make a difference and deliver concrete results for citizens on ten priorities, ranging from the digital single market and energy union, to justice and fundamental rights, migration and security. Changes and challenges Since the Juncker Commission took office in November 2014, every year has brought its share of changes and challenges. For example, 2015 started with a series of terrorist attacks, followed later that year by record-high numbers of migrants and asylum-seekers arriving in the European Union. In 2016, the UK's referendum vote to withdraw from the EU, and the election of a new administration in the United States, required the EU to adapt its priorities in several areas, from security and defence to trade. Furthermore, ensuring energy independence, guaranteeing the respect of the rule of law in Member States and strengthening economic and monetary union were additional challenges influencing the agenda and ultimately forcing the Commission to adapt, through its annual work programmes and State of the Union addresses, its response and initiatives to an ever-changing environment. -
Factsheet: Delivering on the Capital Markets Union
Delivering on the CAPITAL MARKETS UNION #CMU | #InvestEU WHAT IS THE CAPITAL MARKETS UNION? The Capital Markets Union aims to get money - investments and savings - flowing across the EU so that it can benefit consumers, investors and companies. It is part of the Juncker Commission’s ambition to sustain growth in Europe. The Capital Markets Union aims to break down barriers that block cross-border investments in the EU and make it easier for companies and infrastructure projects to get the finance they need, regardless of where they are located. It also sets out to foster sustainable finance by directing investment to environmentally friendly projects. WHY CAPITAL MARKETS UNION MATTERS? More integrated financial markets create a cushion to absorb sudden shocks, and allow risk to be shared by private actors across EU borders, making the Economic and Monetary Union stronger and more resilient. This, in turn, can create an incentive for market participants to use the euro, therefore reinforcing its international role. WHAT ARE THE CURRENT ISSUES? Start-ups and small and High fixed costs EU households Investors European businesses medium-sized enterprises of up to 15% of save heavily, face many highly depend on banks need more funding for the amount raised but do not barriers for their financing (50% innovation and growth makes access make the when inves- of total financing), with (market-based sources of to stockmarkets most of their ting in other few alternative funding finance are currently less especially costly for savings EU countries sources than 15%) small businesses “The Capital Markets Union has a key role to play in strengthening Europe's Economic and Monetary Union and the euro. -
EU Commission Consultation Regime Quittkat, Christine; Finke, Barbara
www.ssoar.info The EU Commission consultation regime Quittkat, Christine; Finke, Barbara Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Sammelwerksbeitrag / collection article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: SSG Sozialwissenschaften, USB Köln Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Quittkat, C., & Finke, B. (2008). The EU Commission consultation regime. In B. Kohler-Koch, D. d. Bièvre, & W. Maloney (Eds.), Opening EU-governance to civil society: gains and challenges (pp. 183-222). Mannheim: Universität Mannheim, Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung (MZES). https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168- ssoar-195380 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: a Progressive Erosion?
The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: A Progressive Erosion? Paolo PONZANO, Costanza HERMANIN and Daniela CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Studies & 89 Research Study & The Power of Initiative 89 of the European Commission: Research A Progressive Erosion? PAOLO PONZANO, COSTANZA HERMANIN AND DANIELA CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Paolo PONZANO is a senior fellow at the European University Institute and a special adviser of the European Commission. Former collaborator of Altiero Spinelli at the Institute for International Affairs in Rome, he has worked for the European Commission from 1971 to 2009. He was formerly Director for Relations with the Council of ministers, subsequently for Institutional Matters and Better Regulation. He was also Alternate Member of the European Convention in 2002/2003. He published several articles and chapters on the EU institutions. He teaches European Governance and Decision-Making at the University of Florence and at the European College of Parma as well as European Law at the University of Rome. Costanza HERMANIN is a researcher in the department of social and political science of the European University Institute, where she is about to complete her PhD. Her research interests comprise EU social and immigration policy, EU institutional affairs, and human rights and immigration policy in Italy. She has been visiting fellow at several places (WZB, CERI, Columbia, Berkeley). She is the co-editor of a forthcoming book on “Fighting Race Discrimination in Europe” (Routledge, 2012). She has been publishing on Italian and English speaking journals. Daniela CORONA is currently research collaborator at the Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute in Florence where she completed her PhD. -
José Manuel Barroso's Leadership of the European Commission
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kassim, Hussein Working Paper A new model presidency: José Manuel Barroso's leadership of the European Commission WZB Discussion Paper, No. SP IV 2013-502 Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Kassim, Hussein (2013) : A new model presidency: José Manuel Barroso's leadership of the European Commission, WZB Discussion Paper, No. SP IV 2013-502, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/103427 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence -
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: an Early Assessment
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: An Early Assessment John Peterson University of Edinburgh Paper prepared for the 14th Biennial Conference of the EU Studies Association, Boston, 5-7th February 2015 DRAFT: Not for citation without permission Comments welcome [email protected] Abstract This paper offers an early evaluation of the European Commission under the Presidency of Jean-Claude Juncker, following his contested appointment as the so-called Spitzencandidat of the centre-right after the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. It confronts questions including: What will effect will the manner of Juncker’s appointment have on the perceived legitimacy of the Commission? Will Juncker claim that the strength his mandate gives him license to run a highly Presidential, centralised Commission along the lines of his predecessor, José Manuel Barroso? Will Juncker continue to seek a modest and supportive role for the Commission (as Barroso did), or will his Commission embrace more ambitious new projects or seek to re-energise old ones? What effect will British opposition to Juncker’s appointment have on the United Kingdom’s efforts to renegotiate its status in the EU? The paper draws on a round of interviews with senior Commission officials conducted in early 2015 to try to identify patterns of both continuity and change in the Commission. Its central aim is to assess the meaning of answers to the questions posed above both for the Commission and EU as a whole in the remainder of the decade. What follows is the proverbial ‘thought piece’: an analysis that seeks to provoke debate and pose the right questions about its subject, as opposed to one that offers many answers. -
Building on the Spitzenkandidaten Model Bolstering Europe’S Democratic Dimension
Road to Sibiu #EURoad2Sibiu Building on the Spitzenkandidaten Model Bolstering Europe’s Democratic Dimension February 2017 What started out as an experiment in 2014, has the potential to be reproduced and What is now widely referred innovation. Critics have questioned its impact on the strengthened, with clear to as the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ institutional balance of the EU, expressing concerns democratic benefits for process was over a politicisation of the European Commission, the Union. born in unique circumstances. After six years and challenging the extent to which the process of financial and economic crisis that transformed the truly addresses contemporary challenges in the EU’s European landscape and left many Europeans deeply democratic dimension. concerned about their future and that of their children, faith in the European project and in its ability to foster In the run-up to the May 2019 elections, the debate a long-term return to growth and upwards convergence over the Spitzenkandidaten innovation has been among all Member States was severely dented. The reignited, garnering support across the European percentage of citizens with a positive view of the institutions and the Member States. Most recently the EU was on a downward slope, falling from 48% in Irish Prime Minister Leo Varadkar and Croatian Prime September 2006 to 35% in September 2014. Minister Andrej Plenković endorsed the innovation in separate speeches delivered to the European Parliament The need for reinvention was clear. Faced with on 17 January and 6 February 2018 respectively. unprecedented criticism, European leaders recognised that extracting the EU from the crisis would not be What started out as an experiment in 2014, has the enough to win back the hearts and minds of European potential to be reproduced and strengthened, with clear citizens, and that a renewed effort was needed to democratic benefits for the Union, confirming it asthe strengthen the democratic legitimacy of the European right choice for a Europe which is not afraid of House. -
A Fischler Reform of the Common Agricultural Policy? Johan F.M
CENTRE FOR W ORKING D OCUMENT N O . 173 EUROPEAN S EPTEMBER 2001 POLICY STUDIES A FISCHLER REFORM OF THE COMMON AGRICULTURAL POLICY? JOHAN F.M. SWINNEN 1. Introduction 1 2. A (Very) Brief History of the CAP and Agenda 2000 3 2.1 The CAP 3 2.2 Agenda 2000 4 2.3 Did Agenda 2000 go far enough 5 3. The Pressures for Further CAP Reform 6 3.1 WTO 6 3.1.1 Export subsidies 9 3.1.2 Domestic support 10 3.2 Other trade negotiations 13 3.3 Eastern Enlargement 14 3.3.1 Enlargement and WTO 15 3.3.2 Production and Trade Effects 16 3.4 Food Safety 19 4. Reform + Reform = More or Less Reform 20 5. The Future of the Direct Payments 22 6. Direct Payments and Enlargement 23 6.1 Direct Payments for CEEC Farmers 23 6.2 Budgetary Implications 25 7. Budget Pressures and CAP Reform 27 8. Direct Payments and WTO 29 9. Timing 30 10. The Pro- and Anti-Reform Coalitions 33 10.1 Enlargement and Reform Coalitions 36 11. Lessons from the History of CAP Reforms 37 12. A Hint of the 2004 Fischler Reforms ? 39 References 43 Tables and Figures 46 CEPS Working Documents are published to give an early indication of the work in progress within CEPS research programmes and to stimulate reactions from other experts in the field. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated. -
The Commission: Boxed in and Constrained, but Still an Engine of Integration
The Commission: Boxed In and Constrained, but still an Engine of Integration Stefan Becker, Michael Bauer, Sara Connolly and Hussein Kassim In the debate about the impact of the Eurozone crisis on the EU’s institutional balance, an- tagonists have often argued past each other. Supporters of the new intergovernmentalism contend that the European Council has supplanted the European Commission in policy lead- ership, while scholars who hold that the EU executive has been a winner of the crisis high- light the new management functions it has acquired. This article argues, first, that an accu- rate assessment of the institutional balance requires a more global evaluation of the Commis- sion, acknowledging external and internal dynamics. Second, it contends that the Eurozone crisis did not cause a Commission retreat. Rather, the crisis accelerated a process already underway that finds its origins in a different dynamic: the presidentialization of policy control undertaken by Commission President Barroso. The adoption of fewer legislative proposals by the Commission during the crisis was due to the ability and choice of a strong president to focus the attention of the institution on crisis-related areas of policy, not the displacement of the institution by the European Council. The broader lesson is that rather than marking a further step in the decline of the Commission, the crisis reveals how the centralization of power within the institution and its expanded management duties have enhanced its capacity to take strategic action. The Commission’s role as an engine of integration will therefore en- dure, but in a different guise. Keywords: European Commission, Economic Governance, Eurozone Crisis, New Intergov- ernmentalism Introduction At the very moment the Lisbon Treaty entered into force – and thereby brought a decade of constitutional debate in the European Union (EU) to an end – the Eurozone crisis put the new institutional balance to the test. -
Does Subsidiarity Ask the Right Question?
2. The Union shall also have exclusive competence for the conclusion of an internation- al agreement when its conclusion is provided for in a legislative act of the Union or is INSTITUTIONAL INNOVATIONS necessary to enable the Union to exercise its internal competence, or in so far as its con- clusion may affect common rules or alter their scope. Does Subsidiarity Ask the Right Question? But subsidiarity is not the only principle in the EU Treaty that relates to the distribution of Jörgen Hettne Senior Researcher, SIEPS powers between the EU and Member States. Article 5 TEU contains in fact three fundamen- Fredrik Langdal Researcher, SIEPS tal principles, which each impose limitations on the institutions of the Union: the principles of conferral, subsidiarity and proportionality. The meaning of these principles can be summarised as follows. The principle of conferral controls when the EU is able to act, the principle of subsidiarity when the EU should act and the principle of proportionality how the EU should act. In contrast to the principle of conferral, the principles ubsidiarity was formally introduced in the European Union (EU) with the Maastricht of subsidiarity and proportionality are therefore not concerned with the issue if the EU has the Treaty, which entered into force on 1 November 1993. By introducing this principle, power to do something or not, but rather impose certain conditions on how these powers should SMember States wanted to impose a check on how EU institutions used their powers. The be used. While the principle of subsidiarity regulates whether and to what extent the powers are principle of subsidiarity implies a preference for decisions to be taken as close as possible to to be exercised, the principle of proportionality shall ensure that they do not give rise to actions the people affected, but if more efficient outcomes can be reached at the central level, then that are more extensive than is necessary to achieve the objectives of the Union.