Evaluating Historically White Fraternities Through Critical Race Theory

The Vermont Connection Volume 41 Embracing the Whole: Sentience and Interconnectedness in Higher Education Article 15 April 2020 The Space They Take: Evaluating Historically White Fraternities through Critical Race Theory Fonda M. Heenehan The University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/tvc Part of the Higher Education Commons Recommended Citation Heenehan, Fonda M. (2020) "The Space They Take: Evaluating Historically White Fraternities through Critical Race Theory," The Vermont Connection: Vol. 41 , Article 15. Available at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/tvc/vol41/iss1/15 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Education and Social Services at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Vermont Connection by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Heenehan • 115 The Space They Take: Evaluating Historically White Fraternities through Critical Race Theory Fonda Marguerite Heenehan Fraternities and sororities are not often thought of as the starting points for social justice education, especially not historically White fraternities and sororities. In this paper, I outline the missions and values of a select group of historically White fraternities to better understand the foundation from which they are starting their organization. I give an overview of Critical Race Theory (CRT) that gives context for how critical race theory can work in higher education. I conclude with recommendations for reworking historically White fraternities with a CRT lens; recommendations are written for national organizations and students, and then for professional staff working with fraternities and sororities, especially historically White fraternities. Keywords: fraternity and sorority life, greek life, white fraternity, critical race theory, history I was not affiliated with a Greek letter organization during college; I was partially attracted to my undergraduate institution for its lack of Greek life or fraternity and sorority life (FSL). I believe that some of my lack of appeal was due to my frustra- tion with heteronormative patriarchy that I saw within FSL groups introduced to me. Though I decided not to attend an institution with FSL, I found myself in proximity to FSL communities through family, friendships, and extracurriculars with people who were FSL-affiliated at institutions other than my own. However, most of these folks were affiliated with historically Black or multicultural organizations, different from my perception of FSL communities. Through developing relationships with folks affiliated with these organizations, I gained different perspectives into what FSL communities do. Within Black and multicultural chapters, I saw emphases on community and culture. Heteronor- mative patriarchy still existed within the chapters, but I had not realized in high school was that my prior experience with FSL communities had been very White. Reflecting more, I realized that Whiteness and White supremacy culture were also informants in my understanding of fraternities and sororities (Jones & Okun, Fonda (she/her) will graduate with a M.Ed. from the University of Vermont in May 2020. She is excited to search for jobs in the areas of civic engagement, leadership development, and student involvement generally. 116 • The Vermont Connection • 2020 • Volume 41 2001). Additionally, my perception of fraternities’ and sororities’ purposes has changed. In understanding how systemic oppression shapes society and higher education institutions supporting FSL existence, one can see how historically Black and multicultural organizations formed. Higher education institutions were not built to fulfill educational needs of any Students of Color and White women: they were meant to educate future clergymen (Riley, 2018; “History of the Kappa Alpha Society,” n.d.). Social communities that centered these marginalized identi- ties developed as a way of creating space for existence within these institutions (Gillon et al., 2019). The fact that higher education institutions were built to serve White men led me to question why historically White fraternities need to exist. I would not dedicate an article on this topic if I felt that historically White fraternities should cease to exist altogether. However, I believe that the current form they exist in could be improved. To dismiss the number of students and student engagement that is done via FSL feels ignorant. Second, FSL offers students multiple ways to engage with their community both on and off campus via social events, service, and philanthropy. FSL students’ engagement is important for those students as well as the community around them. Third, I believe that the model of intentional community in FSL is important for the development of students engaged with it. Focusing on White fraternities specifically orients this paper around students that likely have some of the most privilege; primarily White, cisgender men, with stable financial backgrounds participate in these organizations. The purpose of focusing on these privileged groups is to deconstruct ways in which historically White fraternities perpetuate systemic oppression as it specifically relates to race and how they could shift to be justice-oriented. The hope of shifting these organizations toward a justice orientation is rooted in the belief that justice and liberation work should be everyone’s work, not just of those who are oppressed. This paper is aimed toward student affairs professionals that work closely with or advise fraternities and sororities in higher education. There are points in this piece when I refer to a collective “we” and in these moments I am referring to professionals who work with fraternities and sororities. This content is also relevant to staff working at national organization headquarters and students who are a part of fraternities. I provide some historical context for fraternities as they have come to exist and an overview of relevant missions and values documents of a select group of historically White fraternities. Following this analysis I overview Critical Race Theory (CRT) as it is relevant in higher education context, which I then use to inform future recommendations. I conclude this piece with recommendations for student affairs professionals and those within national organizations. This structure aims to show why there is a need to approach historically White fraternities from a critical race theory lens to promote justice within these organizations. Heenehan • 117 Fraternities, Then & Now Special interest groups and secret societies have existed in higher education institutions long before the first fraternities (as we understand fraternities to be) entered onto campuses. However, it was not until the 19th century that the modern-day fraternity emerged. The start of these organizations is important to understand how they have evolved over time. As this piece will discuss, tradition can play an integral role in differences between fraternal organizations and can help define how an organization exists. Again, while there are needed improve- ments for how fraternities operate, their significance in students’ lives should not be ignored. After reviewing the history of the development of the modern-day fraternity this piece will present current research on benefits of involvement in historically White fraternities. History There is uncertainty on which organization is the true “first” of the modern FSL organizations. The first known Greek letter society was Phi Beta Kappa, a literary society that emerged at the College of William and Mary in 1776 (Gillon et al., 2019). However, this organization is noted as more of an honor society rather than a more socially-focused modern day fraternities (Syrett, 2009). The first fraternity most like modern-day fraternities was Kappa Alpha Society, founded at Union College in 1825 (Syrett, 2009). Kappa Alpha Society also formed as a literary society, as did most fraternities until the U.S. Civil War. “Literary” societies were home to discussion about various texts and debates and grew to house libraries that rivaled the colleges they were based at because of their inclusion of fiction works (Syrett, 2009). Fraternity chapters continued to form at New Eng- land schools in the years following Kappa Alpha Society’s emergence; chapters were often founded in a similar vein to ones that already exist but with the want to distinguish themselves from the others (Syrett, 2009). When the first fraternities formed, slavery was still constitutionally legal. Due to this, it makes sense that all of these new fraternities consisted of White men, almost exclusively wealthy White men (Syrett, 2009). As fraternities grew in popularity through the 19th century, affiliated men continued to define what it meant to be a gentleman and what manliness is and was. After the U.S. Civil War, members began referring to unaffiliated men as “barbs,” a shortened insult of barbarian inferring that unaffiliated men were deemed less “civilized” (Syrett, 2009). The behavior of distinguishing between civilized and uncivilized was con- gruent with larger society where White men were claiming themselves civilized in comparison to People of Color, specifically after the freeing of previously enslaved people (Syrett, 2009). 118 • The Vermont Connection • 2020 • Volume 41 Historically White fraternities and sororities codified their exclusion of Black

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