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i On the Terrace: Ritual Performance of Identity by the Shamrock Rovers Football Club Ultras in Dublin A thesis submitted by Max Jack In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Music (Ethnomusicology) Tufts University 19 May 2012 Advisers: David Locke and Rich Jankowsky ii Abstract This thesis draws upon the author’s fieldwork conducted in Dublin, Ireland, focusing on a particular group of Shamrock Rovers Football Club supporters called ultras. The primary focus of the SRFC Ultras is to create an aural and visual spectacle through mass crowd participation in the hope that such modes of expression will have an advantageous effect on the outcome of the game and create an evocative response from individuals watching it. The Ultras’ desired aesthetic aims to transform spectators into participants who sing throughout the match, wave flags, light off marine flares, and present hand-made displays. Such performative activities actualize a distinct community that revolves around the Shamrock Rovers sporting narrative. Songs, chants, and all other elements of “atmosphere” are a communicative act between opposing teams based upon the unfolding match. Such experiences revolve around conflict, activating an array of emotions and experiences that would not occur in day-to-day life. iii Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….1 1 Narrativization and the Stadium Rules…………………………………………….21 2 Learning and Performing Identity………………………………………………..39 3 Creating Conflict: The SRFC Ultras, The League of Ireland, and England………64 4 Generating Emotion: Chants and Displays as a Collective Dialogue……………..90 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………122 1 INTRODUCTION On May 16, 2012, I arrived in Dublin airport from Boston to see gray skies outside the airplane window. After a substantial wait in line, I stood before a middle- aged customs officer who asked me what I would be doing in the Republic of Ireland. Through the fog of my jet lag, I attempted to explain my interest in researching Irish football supporters in the League of Ireland, the Republic of Ireland’s domestic professional league—that I was interested in Shamrock Rovers Football Club, based in the suburbs of Dublin, and that I was especially interested in football chants… Performative Spectating in Dublin Because of my interest in the musical (and more encompassing interest in the performative and expressive) aspects of sports fandom, I looked to Ireland, which has cultivated a rich and diverse set of ritual fan practices connected to soccer. The Shamrock Rovers Ultras’ (SRFC Ultras) style of support has many similarities to other sporting cultures across Europe and South America, but is unique as well. In Ireland and in Europe, sports are often a site of active fan participation. Watching sports is a form of entertainment for many casual observers, but it also has the potential to develop into “more than a game,” an abstract concept rarely elucidated, perhaps because many of us can’t quite put our fingers on its meaning. As an individual follows a particular sports team, that team becomes a symbol, a constructed entity that represents what the supporter makes it. Spectatorship can lead to a more proactive form of participation—singing and dancing—the creation of a space in which emotions aren’t subdued but amplified, where the reactions of others have the potential to affect others’ inner and outer dispositions. 2 This thesis is about the performance-oriented aspects of fandom of the SRFC Ultras in Dublin. There are of course different ways of supporting one’s team, however, my focus lies with the individuals who have chosen to take a physically proactive approach to “support,” the complex effects of atmosphere on the individual, and the subsequent reactions of what many of them would come to call their “natural” inclination to participate through song and expressive movement. Across Europe and South America, football matches have become a designated location in which the everyday rules of society have the potential to change, allowing for and even shaping various forms of expression. Despite the lack of ethnomusicological work on music in sport, football songs and chants are an integral aspect of supporter atmosphere in the creation of a collective identity and its actualization within the matchday setting. …My conversation with the customs officer continued. “Apparently Shamrock Rovers lost 3-0 in Sligo this past weekend,” he commented. “I saw.” “Well,” he said, passing me back my passport. “Just make sure to stay away from the Ultras.” The SRFC Ultras and the Commercialization of Football Though it is the goal of this thesis to focus on the physical attendance of football supporters and their interaction with the unfolding game and each other, it is essential to recognize that this is occurring amidst the mass globalization and commercialization of football. Across the globe, fans can watch the world’s best players in the English Premier 3 League, all captured by multiple camera angles in high definition. This is certainly its own kind of spectacle. Globalization has affected Ireland as well. The vast majority of Irish football supporters follow English clubs—a virtual fact—preferring to watch games on television, itself a powerful example of globalization and the force of the English league. The financial might of the richest football clubs has thus created a global fan base in which fans gather around their televisions watching the likes of Manchester United in places all over the world, such as China, Africa, and of course, Ireland. Carlton Brick unpacks this very process, in which, “the relative affluence of the postwar period and the development of integrated and affordable transport networks facilitated greater geographical mobility and accessibility to ‘non-local’ teams” (1994, 10). Furthermore, “The increase in television ownership and the increasing centrality of sports coverage within broadcast schedules heightened this already manifest tendency away from the ‘local’”(ibid). England’s Manchester United, for example, has marketed itself as a global brand, with an extensive retail network that extends well into Ireland (Brick 1994, 11). In contrast, the League of Ireland is a minnow, capturing only a small minority of the Irish population’s attention. Shamrock Rovers, arguably the richest and historically the most successful club in Ireland, are made up of both professionals and semi- professionals with part time jobs (Mac Guill 2011). In comparison, the London-based Tottenham Hotspur pay one of their star players, Gareth Bale, more than $820,000 for two months of work, equivalent to Shamrock Rovers’ yearly salary for the entire squad (ibid). The English Premier League, as the pinnacle of sporting achievement, attracts fans all across the globe, along with the majority of football enthusiasts in Ireland. 4 The Shamrock Rovers Ultras are to be the focal point of my research, whose goals are centered around the creation of an off-the-field spectacle that rivals the events transpiring on it. Such performative behaviors have garnered mixed opinions amongst the public, who have interpreted (and often misinterpreted) the Ultras’ actions as that of a hooligan element. Eoghan Rice, author of We are Rovers and lifelong Rovers fan, notes the negative perception of the media and Irish society towards the community of Rovers fans. The thing I’ve always said about Rovers fans—it’s a very small snapshot of society. You get the best people in the world in there and you get people who I have no time for at all. They’ve always been there if you go back before my time and into the 70’s. Football violence was a very big problem in Ireland. (Personal Interview, June 21 2012) The connection between hooliganism at Shamrock Rovers matches and the Ultras is a misperception by the Irish public, which is unsurprising considering the Irish public’s lack of first-hand knowledge and the at times aggressive nature of football ritual amongst Rovers supporters, which includes the Ultras. However, the public’s misconceptions of the purposes behind chants and displays may come from a lack of understanding that songs for the Ultras are largely symbolic, rather than reflective of an actual violent element. Rice clarifies the SRFC Ultras’ intentions. The whole notion of Ultras is completely alien to people over here. Suddenly people were looking at these guys and they have flags, they have flares they’re letting off, they’re doing all this kind of wild stuff and it was all about color and festivity and atmosphere. But people are naturally scared of what they don’t understand and so people just assumed this Ultras crowd, they’re doing something totally different—something we’ve never seen, they must be dangerous. So people just assumed Ultras were this group hell bent on destroying Irish society basically, whereas they were just a bunch of lads having a bit of craic at a football game. So the 5 Ultras basically began to pick up all this flack. (Personal Interview, June 21 2012) The Shamrock Rovers Ultras, who consist of around twenty members, are thus united by the commonality of their support for Rovers and the way in which they choose to express it. However, they also see themselves as a part of the greater Shamrock Rovers community, which is not always the case with other football clubs’ ultras groups. The SRFC Ultras are often the spark that ignites the singing section of their home ground, Tallaght Stadium. Because the SRFC Ultras utilize vocal and bodily expression influences and interacts with the broader Rovers community, it will be necessary to view their roles in this context in the following chapters. All followers of Shamrock Rovers Football Club are members of just that—a club—a vast minority who support their local team amongst a sea of Irish football fans who follow the likes of English powerhouses like Manchester United (Rice 2006).

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