The Civil War Revisited

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No. 34 THE CLEMENTS LIBRARY ASSOCIATES Fall–Winter 2010

THE CIVIL WAR REVISITED

pril 12, 2011, marks the 150th Alexander Gardner, and hundreds of from the battlefields. Each of these anniversary of the firing on Fort their lesser-known contemporaries. In essays shines light on our collections Sumter that started the American “Reading the Civil War,” Emi Hastings in a “tip of the iceberg” way, since Civil War. If the centennial events describes our 1,500 regimental histories each discusses only a tiny fraction Aof 1961-65 are any indication, 2011–15 and the many personal narratives that of our holdings in its subject area will produce a tremendous outpouring of provide first-hand recollections of the or type of material. interest in the war. When that happens, experiences of soldiers on both sides Last November the Library the Clements Library published “The will attract an American Historian’s impressive level of Raw Materials”: attention, since the Books Based on the Civil War collections Clements Library here are wide, deep, Holdings. This and magnificent. If 42-page pamphlet, we are not yet the generously printed research library for for us by Inland Press scholars of the con- in Detroit, lists some flict, as we surely 500 scholarly books are for the American published since 1923 Revolution, we’ve that have made signif- certainly attained icant use of our col- the level of “an lections. The order important Civil is chronological, so War library that Confederate-held Fort Gaines and Fort Morgan guarded the entrance to Mobile readers can see that researchers overlook Bay. Fort Gaines was besieged by Federal troops on August 4, 1864, as Admiral in our early decades at their own risk.” David Farragut’s warships steamed past the guns of Fort Morgan during the Battle nearly all researchers Thousands of sol- of Mobile Bay. Fort Gaines surrendered on August 8, and Captain John Cordon came here for our executed this oil on canvas of its interior soon after. In November he presented the diers’ letters, shelves Revolutionary War painting to a Major Howell, in whose family it remained until donated to the that groan under the and other pre-1860 Clements Library in 1953. weight of regimental treasures. That histories, photographs and other images of the conflict. Culinary curator Jan began to change in the 1960s, reflecting of the war and its participants, maps Longone illuminates the subject of food the chronological growth of our collec- of engagements from First Bull Run by examining the Crimean War work of tions into the nineteenth century, and the to the fall of Richmond, manuscript Alexis Soyer and Florence Nightingale trend has accelerated since. In the last collections on the social and political and its impact in America. Barbara two decades, scholars have published issues that led to the secession of the DeWolfe, whose exhibit on the first dozens of books on the era of the Civil Southern states, and a rich array of year of the conflict will open on War that have relied on our holdings. material on Reconstruction are already February 28, writes about the Library’s As we continue to build the Schoff Civil here. Complementary additions arrive resources that document the prelude to War Collection, adding materials in all every month, and the Clements is indeed war in the months before Confederate our divisions, visitation of students and a destination for anyone interested in guns opened fire on Fort Sumter. scholars alike on Civil War topics will the war and its era in America. Terese Austin looks at two of our best increase. We’ll welcome that, and we’ll This issue of The Quarto reflects collections on nurses, the letters of look forward to the important research the strength of our Civil War holdings. Helen M. Noye Hoyt and Cornelia and scholarship on 1840–1877 America Clayton Lewis writes about photography Hancock, excellent examples of the that will result. of the period and the myriad images resources here for the study of the — J. Kevin Graffagnino from the cameras of Mathew Brady, American wartime experience away Director POINT OF NO RETURN

f, in the months preceding fire.” Buchanan holds up both arms, as that were reflected in the more than the attack on Fort Sumter, if to surrender, and replies, “Oh don’t! two hundred Civil War prints they pub- one could identify the point of Governor Pickens, don’t fire! Till I get lished. However, in South Carolina’s no return when the bombardment out of office.” The print is undated, but Ultimatum they seem to be ridiculing of April 12 became inevitable, it it was probably published during the both Pickens and Buchanan. Buchanan, Iwould be President James Buchanan’s three weeks between the arrival of though he is the chief executive of the Pickens’s emissary in Washington on United States, wants nothing to do with January 12 and Buchanan’s response the issue of federal-owned property in to the ultimatum on February 6. the seceding southern states—Sumter On January 11, Pickens had was not the only fort in question—and ordered Major Robert Anderson to Pickens, acting as a representative of surrender Fort Sumter, seen in the back- southern honor, presents an ultimatum ground of the cartoon, but Anderson that would cast dishonor on South would not submit. Instead, he suggested Carolina if this act ignited a war prema- that Pickens go directly to the President turely. The printmakers implied the with his demands. The following day impending explosion by placing the the governor sent South Carolina’s Peace Maker atop a carriage labeled Attorney General Isaac W. Hayne to “U.S.,” in reference to a disaster that Washington with a written ultimatum. had occurred seventeen years earlier. Hayne arrived on the evening of January In February 1844, the U.S. Navy’s 13 and met briefly with the President on new “Peacemaker” cannon, weighing the 14th; they discussed the nature of his 27,000 pounds, blew up aboard U.S.S. visit, but Hayne did not deliver the let- Princeton killing two members of ter. Buchanan informed Hayne that he President John Tyler’s cabinet and four wanted to see Pickens’s appeals in writ- other passengers, one of whom was ing, and thus began several weeks of Tyler’s valet, a slave by the name of procrastination as both parties consulted Armistead. Others, including Senator with senators and other advisors on Thomas Hart Benton were severely how to proceed with this volatile issue. injured. The scene was horrifying: Buchanan wanted peace so that he did ruptured eardrums, spilled bowels, dis- not have to deal with a crisis during the membered legs and arms, and blood and Secretary of War Joseph Holt’s February 6, 1861, letter to Isaac Hayne made civil war last days of his term. Pickens wanted brains everywhere. The scene would be unavoidable. The Clements Library is for- peace because South Carolina, without repeated many times between 1861 and tunate to have this very significant piece of the formal support of other southern 1865, but in this case, according to the Americana in the James S. Schoff Civil states, did not have War Collection. the strength to fight the United States response to South Carolina’s ultimatum alone. As the print of January 12, 1861. By that time, suggests, Pickens is Buchanan and Francis Pickens, governor essentially shooting of South Carolina, were faced with himself because he is choices that were not negotiable. under pressure from Months of conciliations on Buchanan’s his state’s ardent part, communications, and diplomatic secessionists but fears missions to Washington came to a head the ultimatum will during the last weeks of January and the backfire and start a beginning of February. war for which South The Clements Library owns a Carolina was not Currier & Ives lithograph entitled South prepared. He is Carolina’s “Ultimatum” that presents damned if he does, the issue in graphic form. In the car- and damned if he toon, Pickens holds a lit fuse over a doesn’t. cannon labeled “Peace Maker” that is Currier & pointed directly at him, while saying, Ives were New York “Mr. President, if you don’t surrender printmakers with that fort at once, I’ll be blowed if I don’t pro-Union sympathies

Page 2 The Quarto printmakers, Pickens was going to light the fuse that would cause the explosion. The lithograph represents the dilemma as it appeared during the weeks before Hayne for- mally delivered Pickens’s letter to Buchanan on January 31. Prior to that, he communicated with senators and again with Pickens. On January 15, senators representing the seceding states urged Hayne to delay delivering Pickens’s letter, and, two days later, Hayne agreed. This communication and subse- quent letters between the senators and Hayne were passed on to Buchanan, who responded to the senators on January 22 Fort Sumter under fire. This image is in The Myrioptican; A Historical Panorama: The Rebellion, through his secretary of war, a scrolling series of views of important Civil War events produced by Milton Bradley & Co., ca. Joseph Holt. Holt wrote that 1866–90. the intent of the President was to and the sending of reinforcements would further stated that he had no constitu- preserve peace and prevent bloodshed. be construed as a declaration of war. tional right to surrender the fort under He would not order any hostile action On January 31, Hayne wrote his the limits of his powers as chief execu- against South Carolina unless its forces own letter to Buchanan communicating tive; it could only be given up by an act acted aggressively. As proof of this, he South Carolina’s position and also final- of Congress. He argued that the fort reminded them that Buchanan had not ly submitted Pickens’s ultimatum of was there as a defense against foreign countered with hostility when South January 12. Though Pickens gave lip aggression and only existed to protect Carolina fired on the steamer Star of service to preserving the peace, he South Carolina. the West, sent in early January with pro- warned that the continued occupation The President repeatedly assured visions for the garrison at Fort Sumter. of Fort Sumter would lead to a “colli- Hayne that he wanted peace. “The for- However, the President had to protect sion of arms, and the prevalence of bearing conduct of his administration federal property, and if the safety of civil war.” The affair was ultimately for the last few months should be the men in the fort were in jeopardy, he an emotional rather than a rational one received as conclusive evidence of would be forced to send reinforcements. for South Carolinians, and no amount his sincerity,” Holt wrote. If South Buchanan believed that his refusal of logic on the President’s part would Carolina did not accept this forbearance to accede to Pickens’s demands via change their minds. The presence of a “as a satisfactory pledge of the peaceful Holt’s letter of January 22 would end U.S.-owned fort in their “new country” policy of this administration,” then the matter. On January 23, the senators was an affront. But to Buchanan nothing else would convince them. informed Hayne about the contents of belonged the last diplomatic salvo. The President had proven his desire the letter but again urged him not to do On February 6, 1861, the for peace, and if South Carolina attacked anything rash unless the other southern President again instructed Secretary of Fort Sumter and endangered the lives of states were to support South Carolina. War Holt to write on his behalf to Isaac the “brave and loyal men shut up within Hayne, in turn, reported this to Pickens, Hayne, a document that is part of the its walls,” precipitating “the horrors of a who wrote a long reply on January 26 in Clements Library collection. The nine- civil war,” then the burden of responsi- which he stated that he expected a con- page response begins: “The President of bility was on South Carolina and “those cession from the President. He even the United States has received your let- they represent.” offered to buy the fort. He told Hayne ter of the 31st Ultimo and has charged This response and not Pickens’s to negotiate for Sumter as property and me with the duty of replying thereto.” ultimatum lit the fuse that, over the next to offer compensation for it “and its To the issue of Pickens’s claim of emi- two months, burned slowly toward the appurtenances and contents, to the full nent domain, Holt responded that the explosion that followed. Holt’s letter extent of the money value of the proper- fort was more than property; it also had enraged Hayne; it was the highest insult. ty of the United States.” The January “political relations to it, of a much high- He returned to South Carolina and urged 12 demand to surrender Fort Sumter er and more imposing character than Pickens to take the fort immediately. had turned into an offer to buy it, but those of mere proprietorship.” South But Pickens was not ready; he ordered the ultimatum stood: should the sale be Carolina had peacefully seceded from his troops to organize for attack—in denied, South Carolina would take it by the Union and had no right of eminent fact, South Carolina had been preparing force. Pickens claimed that the fort fell domain in the United States any more for a military encounter since the under eminent domain, and therefore the than “Maryland can assert it over the day Abraham Lincoln was elected state had a right to it one way or another, District of Columbia.” The President President—but he wanted to wait

The Quarto Page 3 until he could get the Confederate gov- cations, made changes in battery from entering Charleston Harbor before ernment to authorize it. South Carolina positions, secured more ordnance, the attack began, the President’s mes- could not fight the United States alone, and planned his strategy. sage was clear: we will not back down. and many of Pickens’s southern col- Meanwhile, Lincoln had assumed But neither would the Confederacy. leagues, including Jefferson Davis, office on March 4 and spent the next At 4:30 a.m. on April 12, Confederate were urging him to wait. few weeks embroiled in discussions batteries opened fire on Fort Sumter. On February 12, the newly regarding Sumter. Some, including The course of events between formed Confederate States of America General Winfield Scott, believed February 6 and April 12 could have agreed to take over the responsibility for surrender to be the only option. been different—Lincoln could have all federal property within its declared Others thought it would demonstrate surrendered the fort. However, by jurisdiction. Pickens finally got his weakness to back down. Lincoln opted doing so, the United States would have support, and all that remained was to to show strength and maneuvered the compromised its authority and recog- decide when to attack. Jefferson Davis decision-making in favor of reinforcing nized the legality of the Confederacy, appointed P.G.T. Beauregard as the first Anderson. Finally, on April 4, Lincoln an unacceptable option for a president brigadier general of the Confederate ordered food, supplies, and troops to charged with the responsibility of States Army and sent him to Charleston be shipped aboard a civilian steamer, preserving the Union. to oversee military operations there. accompanied by three other ships. — Barbara DeWolfe Beauregard surveyed the harbor fortifi- Though bad weather kept the vessels Curator of Manuscripts

WARTIME PHOTOGRAPHY

he overwhelming the mass-production methods of the social upheavals of 1860s, photographic media could still the Civil War era coincid- be personal when appropriate but ed with a rapid series of also very, very public. Through technical breakthroughs for giant photo publishing houses a Trecording and distributing single photographic image could visual images. Advances in the become familiar to the population printing of illustrated newspapers, at large, and thereby very influential. broadsides, and color lithographs Abraham Lincoln was reported to made pictures of current events have stated, “Brady and the Cooper more attractive and more widely Institute made me President,” refer- available. The American appetite ring to his widely distributed portrait for visual media increased as pic- photograph taken by Mathew Brady tures transformed print culture. and his successful speech in New In terms of social impact, the most York during the election of 1860. significant advances were in pho- As photography shifted from tography, and they were made just the daguerreotype to paper, the medi- prior to the war. New photograph- um gained its narrative and cultural ic processes enabled vivid narra- power. It was never practical to pro- tive retelling of events that were duce and distribute daguerreotype then reproduced and distributed images in series, but it was quick with industrial-age efficiency. and inexpensive to mass-produce Battlefield violence was virtually card-mounted photo prints. These transported into parlors with com- sets could record events over time pelling immediacy. Handsome and allow an examination of the but inexpensive portraits of the ground from multiple points of view, war’s charismatic leaders and recreating the experiences of the participants were easily obtained. actual participants. When war com- Photograph collecting became menced, commercial photographers a national craze. were ready, literally on the scene The carte de visite was a popular and In the daguerreotype era, from inexpensive format for distributing photo- with new tools to record the unfolding 1839 to the late 1850s, photographs had graphic images of prominent individuals. story with graphic detail and emotional been mostly unique, private, personal Mathew Brady took this autographed por- power. Never before had events in objects that influenced visual and liter- trait of General George B. McClellan about human history been so vividly and fre- ary culture without dominating it. With 1862, when he commanded the Army of quently recalled. the rise of paper photography and then the Potomac. Civil War America was entranced

Page 4 The Quarto by the grisly battlefield photos in three- dimensional stereographs and portraits of celebrated heroes in cheap little carte de visite format. These published photographs were available in sets at national mail-order houses and individually from local photographers, stationers, and booksellers. The North was fascinated with the Southern secessionists, whose photographic portraits sold every bit as well as those of Union leaders. Civil War photography was almost exclusively the domain of commercial operators. The conflict created and destroyed careers. Many photographic artists left their local studios to join the military, their absence filled by former assistants or wives. In the block- aded South, photographic supplies quickly disappeared, as most came from Northern sources. Itinerant portrait photographers found lucrative business outside the camps of the armies in the field. Newly paid soldiers often had to run a gauntlet of “camp-follower” photogra- Confederate Dead Near Allsop’s House, Spotsylvania, a May 1864 shot by Timothy H. phers hawking quick tintype portraits. O’Sullivan (1840–82). Such images exposed civilians to the harsh realities of war. Demand was high, but competition kept prices and profits low. Out of the war came stereotypes of the heroic battle- photographic display of “The Dead of somewhat fictionalized text to accompa- field photographer defying bullets whiz- Antietam” coincided with the publica- ny each image in his lush, leather-bound, zing overhead and the itinerant huckster tion of engraved versions of his photos brass-clad, two-volume set. Gardner also portraitist, slick-talking war-weary sol- in Harper’s Weekly. The display and broke from Brady’s practices by crediting diers into spending their last dollars the public reaction to it made national each individual photographer who con- on a photo to be mailed home. Only a news. In spite of, or because of, this tributed. He included the most widely very few photographers secured military high profile, the cost of obtaining and reproduced images from the Gettysburg contracts, but many likely dreamed of promoting his battlefield photographs battlefield. Historian William A. a huge payoff by selling out to the gov- ruined Brady financially. Frassanito’s research has demonstrated ernment. The audience that craved somber that the photographers working for For wartime photographers, the battlefield photographs early in the war Gardner relocated bodies and added greatest cost was in getting bulky equip- would shun them later. By the end of props to enhance these famous photo- ment and talented operators into the the conflict, heroic and brightly colored graphs. Barnard, who was employed as field to capture views of the armies. lithographic prints of the battles were far photographer for the Military Division The most profit, however, was from more likely to be hung on the walls of of the Mississippi, completed his narra- the sale of portraits, both those taken in veterans’ parlors. The popular audience tive of Sherman’s campaign by revisiting the camps of ordinary soldiers and those for Civil War photographs had largely battle sites and enhancing his images by taken of major figures in urban galleries. moved on. However, two massive visu- double-exposing cheerfully sunny skies Of the 3,000 photographers working al narratives of the war appeared in 1866 with puffy clouds over the rubble and during the Civil War, none invested in the form of published, limited-edition ruins of the South. more or were better equipped than albums with spectacular, large-format The willingness of nineteenth-cen- Mathew Brady (ca. 1823-96). The pre- photographic plates. Alexander tury photographers to manipulate their mier portrait photographer of his day, Gardner’s Gardner’s Photographic images can be disturbing in our era of Brady put everything he had into docu- Sketchbook of the War and George journalistic standards. But it is impor- menting the participants and the scenes Barnard’s Photographic Views of tant to consider that the nineteenth-cen- of the conflict. “Brady of Broadway” Sherman’s Campaign were offered for tury audience was not seeking impartial bragged that he had “men in all parts the enormous prices of $150.00 and facts as much as spiritual, sentimental of the army, like a rich newspaper.” $100.00, respectively. All indications meanings and evidence of the moral He and his teams of photographers dis- are that they sold well during the imme- cost and justification of the war. tributed images nationally through the diate post-war years. Photographers were seeking journalistic Edward A. Anthony Company as well Gardner, a former Brady employee truths but not at the expense of what as through his own New York and and official photographer to the Army they saw as greater aesthetic and moral Washington, D.C., galleries. His of the Potomac, added a romanticized, truths. As historian Keith F. Davis has

The Quarto Page 5 Above: The Stars and Stripes flies above the Confederate capitol and the devastated written, the narrative concept also city of Richmond. Views of the ruins became available in every photographic format extends the meaning of these images after Northern photographers flocked to the city following its fall in April 1865. into a statement on grieving and valor that would not have failed to register Below: George Barnard’s 1864 photograph of captured Confederate fortifications at Atlanta, Georgia. Action scenes of actual battle could not be captured with the with nineteenth-century viewers. carte de visite cameras of the time, so images of the aftermath of fighting were the best alterna- The craze for por- tive. The dramatic cloudscape was added later by double exposure. trait collecting continued through the war and ultimately redefined celebrity status in visual terms. By 1865 it was expected that any public figure—political, theatrical, or criminal—would make photographic portraits available to the public. The photograph album evolved into a fascinating social construct representing the ordering of family and the status of friends. Frequent inclusion of commercial photos of national leaders consciously highlighted political and religious values, literally collated into the family. All this activity was fueled by an intense public interest in visual documentation of the war. Interest con- tinues to be high 150 years later. The Clements’s collection of Civil War photos contains great examples of all the major formats and all the major photographers. Researchers have access to excellent prints of many the most widely published images as well as great rarities. — Clayton Lewis Curator of Graphic Materials

Page 6 The Quarto “LEARNING HOW TO COOK AND KILL AT THE SAME TIME” COOKERY IN THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR THE ALEXIS SOYER AND FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE CONNECTIONS

irtually the meant for individual soldiers learning and dazed young men were unlikely to only cookery how to cook and kill at the same time. treasure and retain after returning from manuals distrib- They were given to the troops by civic, the war. uted on the battlefields and sectarian, and quasi-governmental aid Alexis Soyer was a public figure in the hospitals of the Civil War were societies. It is surprising that Soyer’s in England. He was the renowned chef compilations, in whole or in part, of rec- contributions to army cookery have gone at London’s Reform Club, who helped Vipes authored by Alexis Soyer (1809– unrecognized. This is due less to infre- to design its vast kitchens and inge- 58). Of the dozen or so published in the quent attribution than to the fact that niously introduced all manner of labor- North and in the South, nearly all were such manuals are virtually unknown saving and food-conserving methods. based on Soyer’s Culinary Campaign today. Few appear in culinary bibliogra- Soyer’s genius for organization began (London, 1857), his reminiscences of phies. All are rare, and in several cases with his work during the Irish potato service in the Crimean War (1853–56). only a single copy is known. Absent famine of the 1840s, when he set up a Thus, soldiers on both sides of the from cookery collections, they are bur- soup kitchen in Dublin that served many American Civil War relied on recipes ied in Civil War archives. How many thousands a day. The Crimean War was devised by a Frenchman to save British were actually in circulation and what the first conflict to be covered by photo- lives in an earlier conflict. Sadly, many use they had is impossible to say. They graphic and telegraphic reporting. of these manuals failed to acknowledge were wartime ephemera that maimed When news of the deaths of soldiers Soyer as the source, and some from “Crimean fever” and starva- of the recipes are even errone- tion in filthy hospitals appeared ously attributed to Florence in the British press, the public Nightingale (1820–1910). outcry was deafening. The gov- No central camp mess or ernment responded by sending corps of trained cooks existed Florence Nightingale to reform in the early days of the Civil the care of the wounded. Shortly War. Soldiers were issued thereafter, Soyer volunteered to rations and prepared their own go to the Crimea, at his own food or pooled it for larger- expense, to help improve the scale but not-yet-institutional- food for all soldiers in hospital, ized cookery. Often, several in camp, and on the battlefield. men were arbitrarily assigned Born in France, Alexis to serve as cooks. It was not Soyer was a flamboyant, self- until 1863 that the U.S. Army promoting personality caricatured introduced company messes by Thackery as the French chef, with trained cooks, although Mirobolant, in Pendennis. When cooking by squads and indi- he died of fever contracted in the viduals continued. In addition, Crimea, Florence Nightingale there was no adequate system wrote, “His death is a great to care for the enormous num- disaster. Others have studied ber of casualties caused by the cooking for the purpose of gour- weapons of 1861–65. mandizing, some for show, but The horrors of the none but he for the purpose of Crimean War were a recent cooking large quantities of food memory, and the work of the in the most nutritious manner British Sanitary Commission for great numbers of men. He and of Alexis Soyer and has no successor.” Florence Nightingale was well On Soyer’s return to known in America. American England, with his health camp and hospital manuals undermined by Crimean fever, relied almost entirely on their he wrote Soyer’s Culinary experiences in the Crimea. Campaign. In addition to 512 These manuals were Alexis Soyer’s culinary memoir of the Crimean War pages of first-person narrative, usually small pocket booklets influenced both Union and Confederate military cooking. this book contains substantial

The Quarto Page 7 included in Civil War manuals and in to the Crimean War have been deleted. official governmental and medical docu- Some recipes are abbreviated, others ments. These often had Soyer’s recipes, truncated, and overall the appearance is sometimes credited to him, sometimes of cut-and-paste. Soyer’s text has been to Nightingale, and sometimes printed changed in several places to make the without attribution. The changes made language less intimidating. His corn by the American authors are fascinating. “puree” becomes corn “mush;” “maitre For example, the 1861 Richmond d’hotel butter” becomes “butter;” and edition of Directions for Cooking by “Poor Man’s Potato Pie” becomes, sim- Troops, in Camp and Hospital, ply, “Potato Pie.” Finally, although this Prepared for the Army of Virginia . . . manual is the least physically imposing with Taking Food & What Food? cites of the books examined, it is closest to Nightingale as the author. However, the battlefield, ending with an abrupt the recipes are all from Soyer. When reminder of the real business at hand: Nightingale mentioned groats in discuss- “If a man bleeds badly from a wound ing “What Food?” an editor felt the need in his arm or leg, a handkerchief should to explain that perhaps “groats” was be tied round the limb.” a misspelling; what was meant was Soldier-Health. Army Edition “grits.” Perhaps he was not familiar (New York, 1864) was published by with groats (buckwheat), which would Dr. W.W. Hall, editor of Hall’s Journal Florence Nightingale, seen here in the require much different preparation than of Health. His preface decries the loss frontispiece to her was Notes on Nursing, grits (corn). of life due to poor sanitary conditions often incorrectly credited as the author of Camp Cookery and Hospital Diet, during the Crimean War and concludes: Soyer’s recipes. Her contributions to Civil for the Use of U.S. Volunteers, Now in War nursing are without question. “A sick soldier is not only useless him- Service (New York, 1861) contains the self, but adds to the encumbrances of full text of Soyer’s “Hospital Diets” and the army; hence, a true and wise patrio- addenda on “Hospital Diets,” “Army “Army Receipts.” The publisher, with tism requires that each man for himself Receipts,” and “Receipts for the Needy.” an eye to the home front, also included should study how to preserve his own The last includes recipes little changed recipes from Soyer’s “Receipts for the health in the highest possible condition.” from their original form in Soyer’s Needy,” “for the benefit of the families Hall included Soyer’s “Army Receipts” Charitable Cookery; or, The Poor left at home in distressed circumstanc- and “Hospital Diets,” little changed. Man’s Regenerator (London, 1847), es.” Thus, cheap reci- a compilation of his soup recipes from pes for the Irish the Irish famine. These three groups refugees of 1847 were of receipts represent the reservoir offered to the New from which the Soyer-based recipes York distressed of of American Civil War-era manuals 1861; indeed, some of were derived. the needy could well The contributions of Florence have been present at Nightingale to modern nursing, hospital both times. Deleted administration, sanitation, and public from the New York health education are legendary. Her manual are two “Needy work during the Crimean War was cred- receipts”—conger eels ited with dramatically reducing the mor- and stewed mussels, tality rate of soldiers. What is less both plentiful in known is her influence on the American American waters but Civil War. When fighting broke out, never well appreciated. the U.S. Secretary of War called on her The rare Camp for advice. Nightingale suggested the Cookery, Prepared appointment of sanitary commissions. for Massachusetts English historians proudly boast, “the Volunteers (Boston, colossal labours and unprecedented suc- 1861) is part of a regi- cess of the U.S. Sanitary Commissions mental history collec- grew naturally from the seed which tion. It has a hurried Florence Nightingale sowed in the look to it, perhaps print- death-stricken fields of the Crimea.” ed hastily for the early In 1859 Nightingale published her wave of Massachusetts pioneering Notes on Nursing: What It Is, troops. It is all Soyer and What It Is Not, reprinted in Boston but in a hodge-podge. in 1860. Two chapters on “Taking No attribution is given; Food” and “What Food?” were often even subtle references

Page 8 The Quarto This carefully staged scene shows Army of the Potomac commissariat staff issuing bread and bacon near Fairfax Courthouse, Virginia. Note the stack of loaves at left. Photo by Timothy O’Sullivan.

One useful recipe was for “Boiled Rice Barm,” which requires a “Soyer Stove.” gets cooked first is emptied into mess Semi-Curried,” for the “Premonitory The subject of what and how sol- pans. . . . Then the coffee is put in the Symptoms of Diarrhea.” diers ate during the Civil War cannot be empty kettle and boiled. The bread is Regulations for the Medical told as a single story; circumstances and cut into thick slices, and the breakfast Department of the C.S. Army (Richmond, experiences varied widely. The printed call sounds. We grab our plates and 1863) is a recent addition to the Clements literature tells us one tale, diaries present cups, and wait for no second invitation. Library. This particular copy belonged another view. Lawrence Van Alstyne of We each get a piece of meat and a pota- to Surgeon Thomas H. Fisher, in charge the 128th New York Volunteers kept a to, a chunk of bread and a cup of coffee of General Hospital No. 3, Lynchburg, diary throughout the war, laid it away with a spoonful of brown sugar in it. Virginia. All of its recipes are attributed upon his return, and, 45 years later, Milk and butter we buy, or go without. to Soyer, including “Mutton Stewed and decided to publish it. His Diary of an We settle down, generally in groups, Soup for One Hundred Men” and Enlisted Man (New Haven, 1910) offers and the meal is soon over. Then we “Crimean Lemonade.” This book is a poignant view of Civil War cookery: wash our dishes, and put them back in not a field manual for soldiers but rather “I will say something about our haversacks. We make quick work one of a number of official documents our kitchen, dining room and cooking of washing dishes. We save a piece of issued for use by professional medical arrangements. Some get mad and cuss bread for the last, with which we wipe personnel. the cooks, and the whole war depart- up everything, and then eat the dish The inclusion of Soyer’s recipes— ment, but that is usually when our stom- rag. Dinner and breakfast are alike, attributed or not—and of Nightingale’s achs are full. When we are hungry we only sometimes the meat and potatoes advice continued for many years. swallow anything that comes and are are cut up and cooked together, which Soyer’s influence is apparent as late as thankful for it. The cook house is makes a really delicious stew. Supper the 1896 Manual for Army Cooks pub- simply a portion of the field we are is the same, minus the meat and pota- lished by the U.S. Commissary General in. A couple of crotches hold up a pole toes. The cooks are men detailed from of Subsistence. The book is thoroughly on which the camp kettles are hung the ranks for that purpose. . . . I never Americanized, but there are Soyer reci- and under which a fire is built. Each yet saw the cooks wash their hands, but pes for Turkish Pillau and Crimean company has one, and as far as I know, presume they do when they go to the Kebabs. A 1945 work, Catering and they are all alike. The camp kettles are brook for water.” Cooking for Field Forces, produced large sheet-iron pails. . . . If we have — Janice Bluestein Longone for Allied land forces in Southeast meat and potatoes, meat is put in one, Curator of American Culinary Asia, even includes a recipe for “Date and potatoes in the other. The one that History

The Quarto Page 9 READING THE CIVIL WAR

he Civil War has been active collecting area for the Book the subject of more publica- Division, especially in light of the tions than any other event in upcoming sesquicentennial in 2011. American history. Even before Our focus, as with all acquisitions, is the conflict had ended, books on on primary sources written by partici- Tthe war had begun to appear. Tens pants in the events that they recount. of thousands have been written in the Several useful bibliographies years since then, evidence of Americans’ describe, organize, and analyze the enduring fascination with this topic. avalanche of books on the Civil War to The war had touched the lives of com- guide researchers in their reading about mon citizens far more than any previous the conflict. For regimental histories conflict. Participants felt a strong and personal narratives, the essential ref- impulse to share their stories in print. erence guide is Charles E. Dornbusch’s At the same time, rising literacy rates four-volume Military Bibliography of and a publishing boom in the late nine- the Civil War (New York, 1961-87). teenth century provided greater opportu- This provides the most comprehensive nities for common soldiers to publish listing of all known regimental histories, their memoirs and histories. biographies, and memoirs. Clements The distinctive bookplate for the James S. Soldiers’ accounts have been Schoff Civil War Book Collection. Library cataloging practice is to note invaluable primary sources for historians the Dornbusch number in the record and genealogists. Veterans of the war which about 400 were regimental histo- when available; currently, more than penned hundreds of books, including ries. Since that initial donation, the 900 books in the Schoff Collection memoirs, collections of correspondence, Library has continued to add to the col- have Dornbusch citations. and histories. One of the most prevalent lection, which now contains almost Other bibliographers of the Civil genres was the regimental history, usual- 1,500 titles. These include regimental War have offered selective critical ly written by one or more veterans of histories, biographies, memoirs, and appraisals of books, helping readers the unit, which recounted its wartime published letters and diaries representing sift through the massive volume of service. Regimental histories usually 37 states and territories on both the works to find the true gems. The 1970 describe the process of enlistment and Union and Confederate sides. In the publication Civil War Books: A Critical the military engagements and campaigns past year alone the Library has added Bibliography, sponsored by the U.S. in which the unit participated. They nearly one hundred books to the Schoff Centennial Commission, provides brief often include rosters, biographical Collection, through both purchases and evaluations of 6,000 major works of the sketches, and anecdotes about military gifts. The Civil War is a particularly Civil War. For example, the opinion on life. One historian, Stephen Z. Starr, James Bradley’s 1894 The Confederate called the regimental history “the char- Mail Carrier, or, From Missouri to acteristic literary by-product of the Civil Arkansas Through Mississippi, Alabama, War” and “a peculiar literary species Georgia, and Tennessee: An Unwritten with its own canons and, above all, its Leaf of the “Civil War”: Being an own special flavor.” Account of the Battles, Marches, and The Clements Library has signifi- Hardships of the First and Second cant holdings of regimental histories Brigades, Mo., C.S.A.: Together with and personal narratives in the James S. the Thrilling Adventures and Narrow Schoff Civil War Collection. When Escapes of Captain Grimes and his Mr. Schoff made his donation to the Fair Accomplice who Carried the Mail Clements Library in 1973, it included by “Underground Route” from the nearly 700 books and pamphlets, of Brigade to Missouri: “Not as exciting as its lengthy title implies.” Captain James H. Baker of Lansing, Michigan, had a custom slipcase Regimental histories are more constructed to protect his cherished copy prevalent for Union than for Confederate units, perhaps because of higher literacy of C.A. Stevens, Berdan’s United States Sharpshooters in the Army of the Potomac rates in the North and a less prosperous (St. Paul, 1892). Inset on the spine of the economy in the South. One notable case are his post-war membership medals Confederate account is Richard from the Grand Army of the Republic (top) Washington Corbin’s Letters of a and the Military Order of the Loyal Legion Confederate Officer to his Family in of the United States. Europe, During the Last Year of the

Page 10 The Quarto War of Secession (Paris, 1902), featured in the Library’s summer 2010 exhibit, “Fine Tuning a Great Collection.” This book is unusual for having been one of the few Confederate titles published in Europe. The Schoff Collection documents the Civil War from a variety of perspec- tives, including those of soldiers and civilians from all walks of life. A landmark publication among these was the first military history of African Americans, written by William Wells Brown in 1867. A prominent abolitionist and former slave, he wrote The Negro in the American Rebellion: His Heroism and Fidelity (Boston, 1867) to ensure that the contributions of black soldiers would not be forgotten. Subjects represented in the Schoff Collection include campaigns, battles, prisons, hospitals, spies, and many other aspects of the war, providing a wealth of information for the researcher. Former owners personalized a number of books in the collection with signatures, bookplates, annotations, and even photographs. In the Library’s A particularly dramatic and colorful cover design graces Herbert W. Beecher’s 1901 Seven Months a copy of J.V. Hadley’s history of the First Light Battery of Connecticut Volunteers. Prisoner (New York, 1898), an account of the author’s experience as a prisoner The first edition of William A. these works as sources, recognizing of war, a veteran who served with Fletcher’s Rebel Private: Front and both their strengths and weaknesses. To Hadley wrote inside the book: “H.H. Rear (Beaumont, Texas, 1908), has been construct a coherent narrative of combat, Lyman, Oswego N.Y.—I was well regarded by booksellers as “one of the historians must unscramble chaotic bat- acquainted with Lieut Hadley during the most desirable and rarest of all Civil tlefield memories recorded by the sol- Gettysburg Campaign and subsequently War books.” A 1924 fire destroyed diers themselves. The writers may also while he was on Gen. Rice’s staff as most of the unsold inventory of the have omitted controversies or incidents well as while a prisoner from May 5th first edition, and the few copies that sur- unflattering to surviving veterans. As 1863 untill time of his escape. . . . The vived all show traces of smoke damage. one author, Charles Hubert, noted in the book gives a faithful acct. of prisoners Particularly rare are undamaged copies introduction to his book, “the history life as I saw it. H.H.L.” sold before the blaze, and the Clements should contain nothing that would in the George W. McKey pasted his is fortunate to possess one of them. least justly offend the name or memory portrait inside his copy of Charles H. Jehu Franklin Keith purchased his copy of any member of the regiment.” Lothrop’s A History of the First only two weeks after it first became Historian Andrew F. Sperry observed, Regiment Iowa Cavalry Veteran available in Beaumont and inscribed his “To judge from these works, every Volunteers (Lyons, Iowa, 1890). He name and the date inside the front cover. Union regiment was officered by gallant had served as a sergeant in Company Works written by veterans and gentlemen who never made tactical mis- A. A note above the photograph reads, others after the war represented an early takes or issued unjust orders, and the “For his son, Geo. Francis McKey.” effort to gain historical perspective on rank and file consisted of simple, patri- From a biographical sketch in History of this important event in American histo- otic boys who cheerfully did whatever the State of Kansas (1883), we learn that ry. Some regimental histories and per- was asked of them.” Indeed, these “[Mr. McKey] is a genial gentleman and sonal narratives are full of colorful books tell us as much about Americans a self-made man, being a great observer anecdotes and stirring accounts, while in the late nineteenth century as about of men and facts, and takes a lively others are simply dry recitations of the war itself. Through the many words interest in his town and county. He was names, dates, and official reports. These penned by veterans and civilians on both married in January, 1867, to Miss Ruth books are indispensible to historians for sides of the conflict, we can understand A. Kay, of Mt. Vernon, Ohio; they have their detailed information about particu- the powerful place of the Civil War in two children—Mary E. and George F.” lar regiments and individual soldiers, American memory. The photograph and inscription show although their objectivity and accuracy — Emiko Hastings how the book as an artifact held mean- are often questionable. Researchers Curator of Books ing for the McKey family. must carefully and critically evaluate

The Quarto Page 11 ANGELS OF THE BATTLEFIELD

ivil War soldiers’ letters held icant deterrents for many. The Clements imagine, it is so difficult to approach by the Clements Library pro- has the letters of two remarkable women the boys upon religious subjects, and vide evidence that many women who managed to let slip their domestic the frequent proof we have that profanity were as passionately engaged in bonds to carve out a meaningful role for is withheld only from respect to a lady’s the conflict as were the husbands, themselves in their nation’s struggle, presence and not from fear or love of Cbrothers, or fathers they corresponded broadening their personal experience God, is painful in the extreme,” she with. But women had few avenues of while making a significant social contri- wrote on October 28, 1863. But after participation in the great political and bution—the Cornelia Hancock Papers several months at the hospital, as her social upheavals the war entailed. and the Helen (Nellie) M. Noye Hoyt experience of the soldiers’ lives and suf- Nursing was one of the few paths that Papers. fering deepened, she was less willing to enabled women to make a direct contri- Helen M. Noye was born into a judge their lack of faith: “I do not won- bution to the war effort, and those who well-to-do family in Buffalo, New York. der at the infidelity of soldiers. They pursued this route faced many obstacles, In August 1863, when she was nineteen, have much reason to question. The mor- both personal and societal. Some who she traveled to the Naval Academy tality in our section has been great.” wished to serve found themselves pre- Hospital in Annapolis to assist with Helen’s letters to her family, full vented by their domestic situations— nursing duties. Helen never explained of reassurances regarding her health and managing a household and caring for what motivated her. She had a brother safety, reveal their concerns about her children or other relatives were duties who died early in the war, which might presence in a masculine, military envi- that did not allow extended time away. have inspired her to serve, and she also ronment. She emphasized that although Also, many families were unwilling to professed a duty to instill Christian val- the setting was nontraditional, the work allow their daughters or wives to travel ues in her patients. Religion played a itself was satisfying and comfortingly long distances—certainly not alone—to large part in the “entertainment” provid- familiar: “It is a noble, womanly work.” engage in work that was perceived as ed by the nurses. They read scripture, She relished the opportunity to feel use- morally perilous. Spending time in distributed religious tracts, and orga- ful while living a more active life: “I am close contact with men from such differ- nized prayer meetings and sing alongs. afraid it should be very hard to change ent backgrounds was considered inap- Helen frequently despaired of the lack this striving out-of-door life so full of propriate for the gently bred. Although of Christian virtues in the soldiers she excitement for the sedentary one I led these attitudes loosened over the course encountered. “The work here is often before.” Her perspective was also of the war, they were nonetheless signif- more discouraging than it is possible to broadened by contact with soldiers from

Helen Noye cared for wounded soldiers at the Naval Academy Hospital in Annapolis. This photograph from her papers shows medical tents pitched on the campus.

Page 12 The Quarto tic duties after the war rather than pursue a vocation. Nellie married Birney Hoyt, a man she met in the hospital, and moved with him to Grand Rapids, Michigan, where she fades from the written record. While the Helen M. Noye Hoyt Papers document an intense but brief period of “active duty” in an otherwise domestic life, the letters of Cornelia Hancock reveal the first chapter in a career wholly dedicated to social reform. Hancock was born into a New Jersey Quaker family that had a reputation, as she herself put it, for “independence of character bordering on eccentricity.” Cornelia was as eager to contribute to the Union cause as her only brother, who had joined the army in 1862. She found her opportunity in July 1863, when she was 23 years old. Cornelia’s brother-in- law Henry Childs, a Philadelphia surgeon, was traveling to Gettysburg to offer assistance in the aftermath of battle, and she went with him. The train stopped in Baltimore to change cars and to allow Cornelia to be vetted by Dorothea Dix, head of the Office of Army Nurses. Dix rejected her immediately— Cornelia violated Dix’s famous dictum that nurses must be at least thirty-five years old and preferably plain. However, while the question was being debated, Cornelia boarded the train, and as no one was willing to drag her bodily off, she proceeded, unsanctioned, to Cornelia Hancock’s letter to her mother of July 4, 1864, includes a rough plan of the Gettysburg, where the exigencies of the arrangement of Second Corps hospital tents at City Point, Virginia. She identified her battlefield preempted official approval. own quarters at upper left. This was one of many instances in which Cornelia’s actions testified to her person- various social classes. “It is a real study Helen’s responsibilities included cook- al motto: “What is vigorously set about to take care of these boys,” she wrote. ing, providing entertainment, and writ- can generally be accomplished.” “So many different temperaments and ing letters home. However, as the war Politically informed, ambitious for the dispositions, and all grades of life placed progressed, the number of wounded sol- welfare of her charges, and unafraid of upon an equality. Character and intelli- diers increased. In June 1864 the hospi- confronting the authorities, she was a gence is honored even if possessed by tal began to receive casualties from the ruthlessly efficient, one-woman dynamo. the poorest man. A little world of its nearby battles of Petersburg and the Her arrival at Gettysburg as the first own is the Army. . . . We find ourselves Wilderness. Of necessity, Helen’s woman on the scene, just three days deeply interested in those who at home duties expanded to include care of sol- after the fighting ended, and her effective would scarcely have a passing look.” diers’ injuries. “We do almost every- efforts on behalf of her patients secured The original expectation was that thing, even to dressing wounds. . . . I her reputation as a courageous and dedi- female nurses would serve in non-medi- have only commenced but the first cated nurse. This reputation would fol- cal capacities, with male nurses under- experience was severe.” low and often precede her, smoothing taking the intimate tasks involved in In July 1864, as a Confederate the way wherever she went throughout physical care. This was initially the army under Jubal Early approached the war. case at the Naval Academy Hospital, Washington, the nurses were evacuated After Gettysburg, while awaiting when the number of casualties was rela- for their safety. Family obligations pre- another field position, Cornelia traveled tively low. Many of the early patients vailed upon Helen Noye to return home to Washington and obtained an assign- had been paroled from Southern prison- to care for her ailing mother. In this, ment at the Contraband Hospital (so- er-of-war camps, including Libby Prison she was typical of the vast majority of called for “contrabands of war,” the and Belle Isle. During this period, Civil War nurses, who resumed domes- term for slaves who sought refuge with

The Quarto Page 13 prising individuals. “Those who are interest in contrabands revived after industrious and do labor we find much the war, and she established the Laing neglect on the part of employers in pay- School for Negroes in Pleasantville, ing them consequently there is much South Carolina. After ten years, she less inducement for them to labor than moved back to Philadelphia and continued there otherwise would be.” The army her work as an agent of social reform in was one of these employers, using con- the Society for Organizing Charity and trabands as a source of cheap or free the Children’s Aid society. She remained labor—as servants, cooks, launderers— active in charitable and social reform and whose treatment of the contrabands work until her death in 1926 at the age prompted Cornelia to object to a form of 87. of “second-hand slavery.” Civil War nursing provided a small Although she was an ardent sup- but significant number of women expo- porter of the contrabands, Cornelia’s sure to the social and political crosscur- first priority was aiding Union soldiers. rents of the day and an escape from the She accepted an invitation to join circumscribed world of domestic cares. the Second Corps hospital at Brandy Whether this participation was temporary Station, Virginia, in February 1864. or a step toward a life of social activism, From there, she traveled with the sol- it gave these women a venue to demon- Cornelia Hancock (third from right) photo- diers, overseeing the set-up of hospitals strate commitment and competence, both graphed with troops of the Second Corps, at White House Landing and City Point to themselves and to the larger society, at Army of the Potomac. and organizing the care and feeding of a time when the public sphere was largely the wounded. In gratitude, the soldiers closed to them. the Union Army or who lived in territo- built her a log house to live in for the — Terese M. Austin ry under Federal control). Cornelia’s winter, an unusual luxury in Library Assistant letters illuminate a little-known corner the field. She joined them on and consequence of the war, the plight the march from Fredericksburg of these desperate migrants living in to Washington, and her wagon squalid conditions, vulnerable to exploi- was shelled in the action around tation and abuse. Petersburg in June 1864. At the Washington was a mecca for freed end of the war, the army escorted and fugitive slaves, who flooded into the her into Richmond—one of the city expecting government assistance in first Northern women to enter the starting their new lives. They arrived fallen rebel capital. destitute, injured, and often ill from their Like Helen Noye, Cornelia long journeys and were taken for treat- was not entirely free of the burden ment to the Contraband Hospital, where of social anxiety about her physical staff and medical supplies were grossly and moral well being in a mascu- inadequate. Cornelia wrote of a woman line, military environment. She who arrived with two small boys, one responded firmly to the concern with a broken leg and the other with leg of family and friends: “Sarah injuries so severe as to require amputa- [Sinnockson?] wrote me a letter tion. Both children had been injured expressive of great concern for my when the exhausted mother became way of living. I wrote her a letter dizzy and dropped them on the road. that she will not forget soon. They The soldiers and other inhabitants cannot expect everyone to be satis- of Washington resented this influx of fied to live in as small a circle as “colored people,” and contrabands were themselves in these days of great often considered to be outside the pro- events.” She maintained that she tection of the law. “It is not uncommon was treated with respect by the sol- for a colored driver to be pounded near- diers, and perceived only emotion- ly to death by some of the white sol- al—not physical—peril. “There diers,” Cornelia wrote on November 5, is no danger from anything in the 1863. The hopeless conditions prompt- army except an unsophisticated ed her to wonder what had happened to individual might possibly have “Lizzie,” a female contraband sketched at the abolitionists with their talk of free- their affections trifled. But as I City Point in 1864, was among the thou- dom, now that the freed slaves were in have long since found I had no affec- sands of fugitive slaves who made their need of material assistance. She had no tions to be trifled with I am the very way to the Union army. Cornelia Hancock sympathy for contrabands who did noth- one to be here.” tended to the needs of some of them at the ing to help themselves, but she was Although the collection focuses Contraband Hospital in Washington, D.C. aware of the obstacles faced by enter- on her Civil War service, Cornelia’s This drawing is from the Jayne Papers.

Page 14 The Quarto DEVELOPMENTS

he acquisition of the users better navigate our collections more information about renewing your Henry Strachey Collection and learn about our services. The site membership, please contact me at was one of the Library’s most should be up and running by the spring [email protected] or (743) 358-9770. important accomplishments of of 2011, and it will greatly enhance our For 87 years, the Library has Tthe past year, and it was made possible ability to reach our members and enriched the lives of historians around by the support and generosity of the patrons. the world. Since 1947, the Clements Clements Library Associates. From The Library also has a new publi- Library Associates has been the back- all of us at the Library, and from the cation, “The American Historian’s bone of our acquisitions program and researchers who will scour these docu- Raw Materials”: Books Based on the the core of our most loyal support. ments in the future, our heartfelt grati- Clements Library Holdings, that dramat- And our success is increasing. In the tude. It all began with a $150,000 ically highlights how our collections last year, our membership has grown challenge match from an anonymous have shaped four generations of early by more than 100 as people learn about donor with a deep and abiding interest American historiography. Please con- all that the Library has to offer. The in American history. In just five months tact me if you would like to have a Clements is a special place, and the sup- we exceeded that challenge, illustrating copy of this important volume. port of our Associates ensures that each the dedication of our members. In In December, we sent an appeal year will bring further success to our October, with these funds and the sup- to our Associates to renew their mem- efforts. port of the University, we were able to berships. To all who have responded, — Ann Rock purchase this remarkable collection. thank you for continuing to support this Director of Development The papers of Henry Strachey wonderful institution. If you would like represented a once-in-a-decade opportunity to enhance the Library’s collection. It is rare today to see a large cache of American Revolution-era manuscripts come on the market, and adding the Strachey material to the voluminous primary sources already at the Clements makes the Library even more attractive as a destination for Revolutionary War researchers. We have also reinvigorated our membership programs. We initiated a new series, “Collecting Americana,” with Wes Cowan of “Antiques Roadshow” and “History Detectives” as our first speaker. We also instituted “An Afternoon with the Curators,” a series of discussions that complement the exhibits in the Great Room. Watch for the next one, which will focus on the Civil War exhibit opening February 28, 2011. Upcoming programs will include Curator of Books Emi Hastings speak- ing about women book collectors and Kelly Sisson Lessens, University of Michigan Ph.D. candidate, giving a talk titled “King Corn in the Kitchen, 1877– 1918.” Our Founder’s Day lecture on March 31 will feature Peter Wood, Professor Emeritus of History, Duke University, discussing his new book, Near Andersonville: Winslow Homer’s Civil War. A gift from the Frederick S. Upton Foundation has allowed the Library staff to design a new website, which will help A small sampling of the Strachey Papers. Photo courtesy of Sotheby’s.

The Quarto Page 15 Clements Library Director J. Kevin Graffagnino

Committee of Management Mary Sue Coleman, Chairman; Paul N. Courant; Robert N. Gordon; Susan Juster; J. Kevin Graffagnino, Secretary

Clements Library Associates Board of Governors Peter N. Heydon, Chairman John R. Axe, John L. Booth II, Judith K. Christie, William H. Dance, This 1863 sheet music celebrated General Duane N. Diedrich, Candace Dufek, Thomas M. Dziuszko, William S. Rosecrans (1819–98), who then William G. Earle, Charles R. Eisendrath, William C. Finkenstaedt, Jr., commanded the Union Army of the John L. Fox, Paul Ganson, Robert N. Gordon, James W. Goss, Helen C. Hall, Cumberland. He did not prove quite Keith B. Hook, Joseph L. Hudson IV, Sally Kennedy, Thomas Kingsley, so victorious as the title suggests. James M. Klancnik, Joan Knoertzer, Thomas C. Liebman, Charles Lowenhaupt, Janet Mueller, Dr. M. Haskell Newman, Drew Peslar, Jacob M. Price, Joanna Schoff, Anne Marie Schoonhoven, CALENDAR OF EVENTS Martha R. Seger, Harold T. Shapiro, Arlene P. Shy, James P. Spica, October 18, 2010 – February 18, 2011: Bradley L. Thompson II, Jeremiah G. Turcotte, Benjamin Upton, Exhibit: “Sugar in the Atlantic World: David B. Walters, John D. Wheeler, Margaret W. Winkelman, Trade & Taste.” Weekdays, 1:00-4:45 Clarence Wolf, J. Kevin Graffagnino, Secretary p.m. Clements Library Associates share an interest in American history February 3, 2011: Lecture by Curator and a desire to ensure the continued growth of the Library’s collections. of Graphic Materials Clayton Lewis: Funds received from Associate memberships are used to purchase “Architecture, Art, and Artifacts at the historical materials. Annual Membership Contributions: Clements.” 4:00-6:00 p.m. Student $5, Donor $40, Associate $75, Patron $100, Fellow $250, Benefactor $500, Contributor $1000 and above. February 28, 2011 – June 3, 2011: Contributions are tax deductible in accordance with current Exhibit: “Opening Guns: The First Year federal and state law and may be made by check or credit card. of Civil War.” Weekdays, 1:00-4:45 p.m. March 3, 2011: Welcome event for Published by the Clements Library • University of Michigan the Strachey Papers. 4:00-6:00 p.m. 909 S. University Avenue • Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109-1190 March 17, 2011: phone: (734) 764-2347 • fax: (734) 647-0716 Lecture by Curator email: [email protected] of Books Emi Hastings: “Women in Internet: http://www.clements.umich.edu the Rare Book Field.” 4:00-6:00 p.m. Brian Leigh Dunnigan, Editor, [email protected] March 31, 2011: Founder’s Day Kathleen Horn, Designer, Blue Skies Studio Program. Peter Wood will speak on his book Near Andersonville: Winslow Regents of the University Homer’s Civil War. 4:00-6:00 p.m. Julia Donovan Darlow, Ann Arbor; Laurence B. Deitch, Bingham Farms; Denise Ilitch, Bingham Farms; Olivia P. Maynard, Goodrich; April 14, 2011: “An Afternoon with the Andrea Fischer Newman, Ann Arbor; Andrew C. Richner, Grosse Pointe Park; Curators” featuring the exhibit “Opening S. Martin Taylor, Grosse Pointe Farms; Katherine E. White, Ann Arbor; Guns: The First Year of Civil War.” 4:00- Mary Sue Coleman, ex officio 6:00 p.m. Nondiscrimination Policy Statement April 28, 2011: Lecture by Kelly Sisson The University of Michigan, as an equal opportunity/affirmative action Lessens: “King Corn in the Kitchen, employer, complies with all applicable federal and state laws regarding 1877–1918.” 4:00-6:00 p.m. nondiscrimination and affirmative action. The University of Michigan is commit- May 3, 2011: Clements Library ted to a policy of equal opportunity for all persons and does not discriminate Associates Board of Governors Meeting. on the basis of race, color, national origin, age, marital status, sex, sexual orienta- tion, gender identity, gender expression, disability, religion, height, weight, or May 22, 2011: Ann Arbor Antiquarian veteran status in employment, educational programs and activities, and admis- Book Fair. Michigan Union Ballroom, sions. Inquiries or complaints may be addressed to the Senior Director for 11:00 a.m.-5:00 p.m. Proceeds benefit Institutional Equity, and Title IX/Section 504/ADA Coordinator, the Clements Library. Office of Institutional Equity, 2072 Administrative Services Building, June 13, 2011 – October 7, 2011: Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109-1432, 734-763-0235, TTY 734-647-1388. Exhibit: “Nineteenth Century American For other University of Michigan information call 734-764-1817. Sport.” Weekdays, 1:00-4:45 p.m. Closed Fridays, June – Labor Day.

Page 16 The Quarto