Speech Given by Ion Iliescu
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Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government. -
Romania Redivivus
alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head. -
Remarks to the People of Romania in Bucharest November 23, 2002
Administration of George W. Bush, 2002 / Nov. 23 the honor of this award. May God bless NOTE: The President spoke at 3:47 p.m. at Romania. Cotroceni Palace. In his remarks, he referred to President Ion Iliescu and Prime Minister Adrian Nastase of Romania. Remarks to the People of Romania in Bucharest November 23, 2002 Salut! Thank you all. Thank you, Mr. The path of freedom you’ve chosen is President. Thank you for being out here not easy, but it’s the only path worth tak- in the rain. Thank you for such a warm ing. I know that your hardship did not end welcome. Laura and I are honored to be with your oppression. America respects in this great country. As we started speak- your labor, your patience, your daily deter- ing, a rainbow appeared. God is smiling mination to find a better life. Your effort on us today. has been recognized by an offer to NATO I’m proud to stand in this great square membership. We welcome Romania into and to bring the good wishes of the Amer- NATO. ican people. Today we reaffirm the friend- NATO’s invitation to join was also a vote ship between your country and mine. I’m of confidence that you will continue the honored to carry a message to the people hard work of political, economic, and mili- of Romania: We proudly invite you to join tary reform. And as you do, you will have NATO, the great alliance of freedom. partners in all the nations of NATO. -
Download the Full Document About Romania
About Romania Romania (Romanian: România, IPA: [ro.mɨni.a]) is a country in Southeastern Europe sited in a historic region that dates back to antiquity. It shares border with Hungary and Serbia to the west, Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova to the northeast, and Bulgaria to the south. Romania has a stretch of sea coast along the Black Sea. It is located roughly in the lower basin of the Danube and almost all of the Danube Delta is located within its territory. Romania is a parliamentary unitary state. As a nation-state, the country was formed by the merging of Moldavia and Wallachia in 1859 and it gained recognition of its independence in 1878. Later, in 1918, they were joined by Transylvania, Bukovina and Bessarabia. At the end of World War II, parts of its territories (roughly the present day Moldova) were occupied by USSR and Romania became a member of Warsaw Pact. With the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, Romania started a series of political and economic reforms that peaked with Romania joining the European Union. Romania has been a member of the European Union since January 1, 2007, and has the ninth largest territory in the EU and with 22 million people [1] it has the 7th largest population among the EU member states. Its capital and largest city is Bucharest (Romanian: Bucureşti /bu.kureʃtʲ/ (help·info)), the sixth largest city in the EU with almost 2 million people. In 2007, Sibiu, a large city in Transylvania, was chosen as European Capital of Culture.[2] Romania joined NATO on March 29, 2004, and is also a member of the Latin Union, of the Francophonie and of OSCE. -
Vladimir Tismaneanu
Vladimir Tismăneanu este profesor de ştiinţe politice la Universitatea Maryland. În perioada martie–decembrie 2006 a fost preşedintele Co- misiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din România. Între februarie 2010 şi mai 2012 a fost preşedintele Consiliului Ştiin- ţific al Institutului de Investigare a Crimelor Comunismului şi Memoria Exilului Românesc (IICCMER). În 2007 a primit din partea Univer- si tăţii Maryland Distinguished International Service Award, iar Aso - cia ţia Americană de Ştiinţe Politice i-a acordat certificatul pentru me rite excepţionale în predarea ştiinţelor politice. Deţine titlul de doc- tor honoris causa al Universităţii de Vest din Timişoara (2002) şi al Şcolii Naţionale de Studii Politice şi Administrative din Bucureşti (2003). În iulie 2011, preşedintele Traian Băsescu i-a conferit Ordinul Naţional pentru Merit în grad de Mare Ofiţer pentru eforturile susţi- nute de promovare a democraţiei în România. Volume publicate (selecţie): Reinventarea politicului. Europa Răsăriteană de la Stalin la Havel (Free Press, 1992 şi 1993; Polirom, 1997 şi 2007); Fantasmele salvării. Democraţie, naţionalism şi mit în Europa post- co mu nistă (Princeton University Press, 1998 şi 2009; Polirom, 1999); Sta linism pentru eternitate. O istorie politică a comunismului românesc (University of California Press, 2003; Polirom, 2005; Humanitas, 2013; în 2004, Premiul Barbara Jelavich din partea American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, ca lucrare excepţională în domeniul istoriei Europei de Răsărit şi Centrale); The Devil in History: Communism, Fascism, and Some Lessons of the Twentieth Century (University of California Press, 2012). Coeditor, împreună cu Dorin Dobrincu şi Cristian Vasile, al Raportului Final al Comisiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din România (Humanitas, 2007); coeditor, împreună cu Bogdan C. -
HUNGARIAN PRESS of TRANSYLVANIA Release No. 124
HUNGARIAN PRESS OF TRANSYLVANIA Release No. 124/1987 Bucharest, December 6, 1987 Károly Király Wrote A Letter to Party Leaders During the summer, Károly Király (b. 1930), the dissident ethnic Hungarian politician from Transylvania, has written another letter – criticizing the public state of affairs in Rumania – to President Ceausescu. Semi-official agencies in Bucharest have just now forwarded the text of the letter to us. (See Appendix No. 2) As his writings reveal, Király is disturbed not only by the regular trespasses against human and nationality rights, but also by the flow of diversionary influence and propaganda which aims to set the masses of Rumanians against Hungarians and the neighboring peoples. In order to illustrate his point, he attached an anonymous letter which was mailed to him this year. (See Appendix No. 1.) This letter is a good reflection of the widespread inimical views which -- thanks to the official propaganda efforts -- are gaining greater acceptance among large number of Rumanians. Király sent as copy of his own letter, as well as a copy of the anonymous letter he received, to the country's former Premier, Ion Gheorghe Maurer, who was removed from office by Ceausescu. In his answer, Maurer acknowledges the receipt of the above and thanks Király for them (See Appendix No. 3.). APPENDIX 1 Anonymous Letter Sent to Király Károly, July 20, 1987 Comrade Director! I have been listening to your remarks concerning the situation of Transylvania's Hungarian minority, as broadcast by Radio Free Europe. I have several reasons for disagreeing with you: You [Hungarians] joined the [Communist] Party side by side with the Jews, who proved themselves to be smarter and quicker. -
Coming to Terms with the Communist Past in Romania: an Analysis of the Political and Media Discourse Concerning the Tismăneanu Report Alina Hogea*
S TSS Vol 2 / Issue 2 16 Studies of Transition States and Societies Coming to Terms with the Communist Past in Romania: An Analysis of the Political and Media Discourse Concerning the Tismăneanu Report Alina Hogea* Abstract This paper looks at the public debates about the communist past, as triggered by the final report on the communist dictatorship in Romania (the Tismăneanu report) and its presidential endorsement in December 2006. The paper employs narrative and discourse analysis to examine the political reactions to the official condemnation of communism, as well as its reflection in several Romanian newspapers. The Tismăneanu report was meant to be a ‘redressive ritual’ that would provide closure to a traumatic past by retrospectively denouncing the meaning of communism, but instead it generated more public debates and political turmoil. This indicates that the contorted path taken by Romania to confront its communist past is not a finished process yet, but rather represents a dynamic field in which social ac- tors are fighting over which events and actors in the past should be collectively remembered, and espe- cially how they have to be represented in the collective memory of post-communist Romania.1 Keywords: collective memory, communism, Romania, politics, media discourse Introduction More than twenty years after the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, Romania is still struggling with its communist past. The Romanian ‘revolution’ remains a debated topic as there is no consensus among scholars, politicians, journalists, and lay people on what exactly happened in December 1989 (revolution or coup d’état) and on the name this political event should take (see more on this topic in Tileagă, 2008 and Văcărescu, 2004). -
NATO As a Factor of Security Community Building
NATO as a Factor of Security Community Building: Enlargement and Democratization in Central and Eastern Europe EAPC-NATO Individual Fellowship Final Report 1999-2001 BY CORNELIU BJOLA CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY International Relations and European Studies Program Email: [email protected] DISCLAIMER The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or the Central European University (CEU), Budapest. The author wishes to thank to the NATO Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and to the CEU International Relations Department for financial and academic support. List of Tables and Graphs Table 1: Level of political engagement with NATO……………………………………. 29 Table 2: Level of military engagement with NATO…………………………………….. 30 Table 3: Major political-military agreements between Hungary and Romania…………. 32 Table 4: Foreign and military policy orientations……………………………………….. 33 Table 5: Legal basis of the Hungarian and Romanian NSSP……………………………. 36 Table 6: Restructuring of the armed forces……………………………………………… 38 Table 7: Readiness status of the Romanian and Hungarian armed forces………………. 40 Table 8: General framework of democratic civilian control of the military…………….. 43 Graph 1: Major bilateral agreements……………………………………………………. 30 Graph 2: Official high-level meetings…………………………………………………... 31 Graph 3: Trade relations………………………………………………………………… 49 Graph 4: Satisfaction with democracy…………………………………………………... 50 Graph 5: Respect for human rights……………………………………………………… 50 Graph 6: Public support for extremist parties…………………………………………… 50 Graph 7: NATO centripetal influence…………………………………………………… 57 2 TTAABBLLEE OOFF CCOONNTTEENNTTSS INTRODUCTION 4 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 7 RESEARCH DESIGN 11 A) TESTING HYPOTHESES : 11 B) CONSTRUCTION OF VARIABLES , METHODOLOGY: 12 C) CASE STUDIES , DATA SOURCES : 13 I. BUILDING TRUST BETWEEN FORMER ENEMIES 15 SEARCHING FOR A NEW IDENTITY 15 EXPORTING STABILITY TO THE EAST 17 TAKING ON NEW RESPONSIBILITIES 21 II. -
Collective Memory and National Identity in Post-Communist Romania: Representations of the Communist Past in Romanian News Media and Romanian Politics (1990 - 2009)
COLLECTIVE MEMORY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN POST-COMMUNIST ROMANIA: REPRESENTATIONS OF THE COMMUNIST PAST IN ROMANIAN NEWS MEDIA AND ROMANIAN POLITICS (1990 - 2009) A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Constanta Alina Hogea May 2014 Examining Committee Members: Carolyn Kitch, Advisory Chair, Journalism Nancy Morris, Media Studies and Production Fabienne Darling-Wolf, Journalism Mihai Coman, External Member, University of Bucharest © Copyright 2014 by Constanta Alina Hogea All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT My dissertation situates at the intersection of communication studies and political sciences under the umbrella of the interdisciplinary field of collective memory. Precisely, it focuses on the use of the communist past by political actors to gain power and legitimacy, and on the interplay between news media and politics in shaping a national identity in post-communist Romania. My research includes the analysis of the media representations of two categories of events: the anniversaries of the Romanian Revolution and the political campaigns for presidential/parliamentary elections. On the one hand, the public understanding of the break with communism plays an important role in how the post-communist society is defined. The revolution as a schism between the communist regime and a newborn society acts like a prism through which Romanians understand their communist past, but also the developments the country has taken after it. On the other hand, political communication is operating on the public imaginary of the past, the present and the future. The analysis of the political discourses unfolded in the news media shows how the collective memory of the communist past is used to serve political interests in the discursive struggle for power and legitimacy. -
THE ROMANIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY in the 1990'S
32 Romanian Journal of Political Science THE ROMANIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE 1990’s Bogdan Murgescu∗ Abstract The quantity and quality of Romanian historians work improved seriously after the fall of communism. Altough the new generation of historians, historians that borrowed the know-how from the West, have to face many obstacles, the battle is not lost already. The battle between those who want to revive the “grand-narrative” from communism and those who are trying to deconstruct some unfounded myths is still on the scene. Ideological constraints and political active involvement in sustaining the “grand-narrative” are serious obstacles for those trying to promote new methodological frameworks and debates. It seems that the state still holds the power to determine the official writers of Romanian history by encouraging a certain number of chosen historians to write a treaty under the aegis of Romanian Academy. Whatsoever, the deconstructivist generation managed to survive and their work to be appreciated by a serious number of intellectuals. Foreign grants are permitting nominal research and each historian can follow its own academic choice. Key words: grand-narrative, deconstructivism, reluctance to change, historian debate, mentalities ∗ Bogdan Murgescu, Ph.D. in history at the University of Bucharest and also a Roman Herzog Fellow of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation in Berlin . He is currently professor at the History Department of the University of Bucharest, and has been visiting professor also at the University of Pittsburgh. Romanian Journal of Political Science 33 The general framework The revolution of 1989 brought important changes in the field of Romanian historical studies6. -
Democratization Through European Integration: the Case of Minority Rights in the Czech Republic and Romania * Melanie H
28 Studies in Comparative International Development / Summer 2003 Democratization through European Integration: The Case of Minority Rights in the Czech Republic and Romania * Melanie H. Ram While scholars have tended to focus on domestic factors as most critical to the consolidation of democracy, the post-communist European Union (EU) candidate states have exhibited a unique confluence of domestic and foreign policies, due to their objective of EU membership. This article assesses and compares the impact of the EU on policy making in two diverse candidate states in their first decade of transition, focusing on minority rights protection as a fundamental requirement of both EU membership and a stable democracy. I find that the EU has played a princi- pal role in the reform process and democratic consolidation of candidate states, even in the controversial field of minority rights. The degree and nature of the EU’s impact, however, has depended in part on the activism of the particular minority, EU interest and pressure, EU Member States’ own domestic policies, and the persis- tence of racism in society. n the post-communist transitions in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), few Iissues have been as contentious as minority relations in multiethnic states. With minority discontent a potential threat to stability and democracy across Europe, the European Union (EU) has given considerable attention to minor- ity rights in CEE over the past decade and has used membership as an incen- tive to enforce compliance with human rights norms and agreements. While international institutions can be neither blamed nor credited for many of the developments in this region, the EU candidate countries in CEE appear to have been more successful at peacefully resolving minority rights concerns Dr. -
The Geography of the Eastern Enlargement: Present and Future Limits
European Union Studies Association Tenth Biennial International Conference May 17-19, 2007 Montreal, Canada The Geography of the Eastern Enlargement: Present and Future Limits Theodor Tudoroiu, Ph.D. Postdoctoral Researcher Institute for European Studies Université de Montréal–McGill University [email protected] 1. Introduction On January 1st, 2007 the accession of Bulgaria and Romania completed the enlargement of the European Union (EU) to ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) states. The same countries have also become NATO members. Other former Communist states, however, are far from sharing this privileged position. While the Western Balkans might, sometime in the future, join EU, chances are slim for Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) republics. European Union's present Eastern border will probably remain unchanged for a very long time. The reasons of this division are explored in the following sections with an emphasis on the close association between democratization and EU accession. Unlike most research in the field, however, the analysis combines an International Relations institutionalist approach and transitology. Section 2 uses Freedom House evaluation of political rights and civil liberties to illustrate the completely different degrees of democratization of states within and outside EU's enlargement process. Section 3 builds an International Relations explanation of the post- Communist democratization process based on Alexander Wendt's constructivism. Section 4 adds transitology elements to explain the regional