Japanese Journal of Human Geography 62―6（2010）

Theories and Models on Thai

ISHII Kayoko Nagoya University of Business and Commerce

Abstract Theoretical perspectives on Thai Tourism have started mainly in 2 major perspectives. The first strand is the strand mainly pursued by Thai academics and bureaucrats which is to examine condition and strategy to develop tourism industry in . The second strand is ones mainly discussed by foreign academics, which is to designate mechanisms to consume gender image and human trafficking in the context of Thai tourism. From the first strand, following contentions are evolved :（ 1） community development theories, （2） residents’ participation to the tourism industry,（ 3） tourism and environment / cultural conservation. From the second strand, studies on（ 4） marginalized population and tourism industry,（ 5） authenticity of touristic destinations,（ 6） reconsideration on function of the border,（ 7） urbanization and touristic space. From both strands, traditionally, topics tend to be discussed as tourism in the developing countries. However, it tends to bring the discussions and results in staple patterns. Reality of Thai economy is not developing country any more. Future studies should note this point and must consider tourism development and its effects in the long run.

Keywords : Thai tourism, residents’ participation, gender, ethnicity, , long stay

I Introduction

This paper aims to analyze how tourism theories in Thailand have shifted over the last 50 years, with a focus on how and why attitudes towards local residents have changed. This article first presents a brief history of tourism development in Thailand ; we then move on to an overview of the existing theories and models of tourism in Thailand. Finally, we analyze the histories of these models and theories. Since the 1980s, there have been numerous studies on tourism development in Thailand. However, few researchers have discussed these studies in their entirety, even though Thailand has been recognized as a successful country for tourism development and numerous studies have been conducted on Thai tourism. There should be an emphasis in Southeast Asia on analyzing the history of changes in models and theories of Thai tourism. Thailand is a leading country in the areas of both tourism development and tourism research and its surrounding countries follow its example. Although my approach sacrifices depth by not providing particular field cases, it contains an overview of the impact of tourism development on local Thai communities.

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II Background : Tourism Development in Thailand

Prompt for Modern Tourism Development in Thailand The tourism industry in Thailand began to grow between the mid ―1960s and early 1970s. The trigger of the expansion of tourism infrastructure（ both hard infrastructure and soft infrastructure） was the War. After the U. S. army commenced their operation in Southern Vietnam, several hundred soldiers stayed in Thailand during the late 1960s, partly for bombing sorties from air bases in Northeastern Thailand, but mostly for “R & R”（ Rest and Recreations） visits from the Vietnam battlefront. Records tell us that some Thai high ―ranked militia and businessmen took advantage of the business opportunity, as did some major Western investment trusts. The amount of money invested in the Thai tourism industry is estimated to exceed the amount of US$ spent by U. S. soldiers in Thailand. Modern style tourism was developed in Thailand during the presence of the U. S. army in the Indochina peninsula.

Start of Attracting Foreign Tourists Inflow of the U. S. soldiers to the Indochina peninsula changed, many things in the area. The tourism industry boom in Thailand was one of these changes. After the soldiers left, huge tourism infrastructure（ both hard infrastructure and soft infrastructure） remained. Also, by this time, a large proportion of the local population had come to rely on tourism income. More importantly, many investors both in Thailand and abroad needed to recover their investments in tourism facilities. Shortly after the withdrawal of the foreign armies from Indochina, the World Bank（ OECD） submitted a recommendation to Thailand for attracting foreign tourists to replace foreign soldiers. In this way, the investors could retrieve their investments. The Thai government reformed an existing institution ― the Tourism Organization of Thailand ― into an organization that had more power ― the Tourism Authority of Thailand. This new institution launched several projects to attract foreign tourists to Thailand. Thirty years after the start of these efforts, Thailand has become a major tourist attraction in Southeast Asia. Thailand became a top runner in tourism development in the area while its surrounding countries have dedicated their capital and power to battling this supremacy.

Eruption of Social Problems However, by the mid―1980s, the social problems brought by the tourism boom could no longer be ignored. These problems include the fatal spread of HIV, the erosion of natural environments, and the transformation of local communities. The HIV infection rate was high in particular areas of rural Thailand, reaching high proportions of the population in some districts. The Thai government first tried to conceal the HIV expansion for fear of a negative impact on tourism. However, in 1987, a Thai NGO began a campaign against HIV that simultaneously promoted tourism （Cohen 1988）. After this campaign, which overcame the dilemma of tourism vs. the protection of public health, Thailand began to campaign against HIV. The degradation of forest and coastal areas also became a serious issue in certain areas. However, by this time, the income from tourism was large and it was impossible to change the tourism development policies of Thai industries and governments. Thailand chose to maintain its tourism development policies. ― 3 ― 508 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 62―6（2010）

Attempt at Sustainable Tourisms To maintain their tourism development policies, NGOs and other civil organizations in Thailand enthusiastically promoted activities to deal with the HIV problem, natural environment protection, and community development. Governmental tourism development policy also changed during this period. The focus of tourism development policy shifted from mass tourism to sustainable tourism, which is compatible with the protection of natural environments and the community development of local residents. Participative tourism for local community members and ecotourism in remote areas were also promoted in this period.

Promotion of Domestic Tourism As mentioned above, when we discuss about “tourism” in Thailand, they have always been “” and the target has always been foreign tourists. The origin of foreign tourist, however, has shifted from Westerner to from surrounding Asian nations such as and since after 1990s. Also, Thailand itself has also experienced rapid economic development during the late 1980s and the urban middle class population boomed. This newly emerged urban middle class in Thailand began to explore domestic tourism. Thai central government swiftly acknowledged this shift in tourism industry and incorporated policies to expand the domestic tourism market. The Thai government now launches policies to promote domestic tourism in tandem with its policies to promote sustainable development for foreign tourists.

Tsunami and Policy Revision The sudden damage caused by the tsunami, which also affected Thai tourism, was unexpected in 2004. The tsunami and the following events exposed the vulnerability of Thai tourism to disasters. The tsunami inflicted great damage because Thai tourism greatly depended on beach and other nature resorts. The tsunami damaged several aspects of Thai tourism such as（ 1） natural resources / landscapes,（ 2） hotels and other tourism facilities,（ 3） foreign currency from tourism, and（ 4） the touristic image（ Thongbaisri 2005）. After the tsunami, many Thai researchers reported on and analyzed its impact on tourism and recommended policy development to cope with natural hazards.

Launching a Global―level Strategy to Become the Tourism―hub After the turn of the century, Thailand realized that surrounding countries scattered to attract more and more foreign tourists. These countries ― Vietnam, , , and ― since having been the battle fields of the , had experienced economic development during the 1990s. They were now potential competition for Thailand in the global tourism market. At this stage, Thailand tries to implement strategies either to overtake them or to get them to support Thailand. In 2000, Thailand launched a completely new tourism policy that aimed to make Thailand the tourism hub of the area and to utilize tourism attractions in surrounding countries to promote tourism in Thailand. For example, Thailand has arranged for air transportation from to Siem Reap, a town near to a heritage of Angkhor in Cambodia. Foreign tourists stay at hotels in Bangkok, make tour arrangements at travel agents in Bangkok, and use Airlines in Thailand to sightsee at Angkhor Wat. In other words, Thailand now promotes its tourism industry by utilizing the tourist attractions of surrounding countries.

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III Theories and Models on Thai Tourism Research

Tourism as National Development Strategy During the early stages of discussion on Thai tourism, the most productive tourism theories on Thai tourism were on tourism development strategy in Thailand（ Cheowtirakul 1980 ; Thai University Research Associates 1977 ; Wahnschafft 1981）. Government institutions, academic institutions, and researchers in private companies in Thailand were involved in national tourism development strategies. Researchers presented their analyses and suggestions on tourism development strategy, including（ 1） infrastructure building,（ 2） excavation of tourism attractions, and（ 3） deregulation of strategies to induce investments（ Aumet Jumsai Associates et al. 1981 ; Cheowtirakul 1980）. For example, Raguraman discussed the role of air transportation in tourism development（ Raguraman 1995）. He argues that for countries to benefit from tourism industry growth, their governments need to expand air links and open their skies to foreign airlines that seek access to new markets （Raguraman 1995, 121―122）. In other words, some researchers and agents industriously analyze the contribution of the tourism industry to the development of the regional / national economy（ Thai University Research Associates 1977）. Works such as South Thailand Regional Planning Study（ Hunting Technical Services 1974） and Master Plan : Tourism Development of （ Tourism Authority of Thailand 1981） are examples of comprehensive reports on these topics. Many of these works were published or submitted to the authorities around the 1980s. In other words at the beginning, the main research interest of Thai tourism studies is how to promote tourism in order to facilitate socio― economic development in Thailand.

Tourism Development as Community Empowerment After the 1990s, researchers began to discuss not only macro policy on the development of the tourism industry in Thailand but also community empowerment through the tourism development. That is, not only how to attract foreign tourists, but also how to utilize tourism development for community development（ Chula Unisearch 1991 ; Kontogeorgopoulos 1998 ; Michaud 1993）. One of the main researchers on this topic is Erik Cohen, who has produced many articles on the impact of tourism on the Hill Tribe communities in Northern Thailand during 1980s ―1990s （Cohen 2001）. He questions whether tourism development really contributes to raising the quality of life for local residents. Cohen published several works on the impact of ethnic tourism on the Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand. According to Cohen, trekking to the Hill Tribal villages became increasingly popular among young visitors to northern Thailand from the early 1970s onwards（ Cohen 2001, 37）. Tour operators advertized their trekking areas as “newly opened” or “non―touristic” to attract more tourists. The authenticity of these tribal cultures was compromised and these villages became commercialized in the process of promoting tourism （Cohen 2001, 16―17）. Cohen indicates that while trekking tourism became more popular and gained a worldwide reputation, the Hill Tribes came increasingly under the influence of outside economic, political, and cultural forces that transformed their “traditional” lives（ Cohen 2001, 39）. Tourism contributed to this transformation in certain tribal settlements（ Cohen 2001, 39）. Cohen indicates that tourism commercialized the Hill Tribe’s “nativity” and “hospitality.” The Hill Tribal villagers began to play the role of the “the native,” “phony ―folk,” or “professional natives”（ Cohen 2001, 66, 111）. He also ― 5 ― 510 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 62―6（2010）

points out how the tourism mechanism affects the villagers lives and how the gap between the touristic image and the villagers’ everyday lives grows as the tourism industry flourishes（ Cohen 2001, 64）. His conclusions were that the more remote and less developed the village, the fewer the economic benefits it derives from tourism（ Cohen 2001, 81）. Also, subverting their self―image to and posing for photographs in order to conform to a touristic “native” image could result in the villagers’ “loss of dignity”（ Cohen 2001, 85）. Other researchers besides Cohen have discussed whether tourism really contributes to local community development ; they have also discussed strategies for tourism development that is compatible with local community development（ Walter 2009）. Some researchers have reported successful cases（ Manopimoke 1992）.

Toward Coexistence of Tourism, Nature and Local Community Since the turn of the twenty ―first century, some researchers have started focusing on the impact of tourism on the poor （Tantivit 2006 ; Wattanakuljarus and Coxhead 2008）. For example, Wattanakuljarus and Coxhead analyze whether tourism―based development uplifts the poor in Thailand（ Wattanakuljarus and Coxhead 2008）. They conclude that in a relative sense, inbound tourism expansion is not a pro―poor change as long as the owners of primary factors in agriculture and other labor ―intensive tradables sectors do not participate in tourism ―related activities （Wattanakuljarus and Coxhead 2008, 952）. According to them, high ―income non ―farm households are the greatest winners under all market factor assumptions（ Wattanakuljarus and Coxhead 2008 : 953）. Since after 2000s, many other researchers also discussed on this points（ Cambodia Development Resource Institute 2007）. In addition to pro―poor tourism, sustainable tourism has been an important topic since the turn of the century（ Ekasingh, Jintrawet and Pratummintra 2007 ; McKenna 1999）. Discussion on sustainable tourism can be divided into three categories :（ 1） cultural sustainability,（ 2） socio ―economic sustainability, and（ 3） environmental sustainability. Researches on sustainable cultural tourism explore how communities in tourist attraction sites maintain community traditions and ethnic identities by overcoming the reformation of community socio ―cultural structures（ McKenna 1999 ; Wannalert 2004）. In this discussion, tourism is perceived as a factor of socio ―economic change in rural communities. This discussion centers on how tourism impacts on socio ―economic structures of local communities and how the locals deal with these changes （Bartsch 1997 ; Toatong 2004）. Articles on environmental sustainability argue that tourism activities damage natural resources and look for ways that both tourism development and the maintenance of environmental resources can be pursued simultaneously （Ekasingh, Jintrawet and Pratummintra 2007 ; Manopimoke 1992）. Among these discussions, an analysis of ecotourism has induced vigorous argument mainly after 2000s. Among discussions on sustainable environmental tourism, ecotourism is one of a vigorously discussed research topic. Cases of communities in northern mountainous areas, north―eastern areas, and southern islands are often reported（ Bornes 2003 ; Leksakundilok 2004 ; Setthamalinee 1999）. These discussions explore ways to develop tourism while preserving the natural environment and resources（ Ekasingh, Jintrawet and Pratummintra 2007 ; Forsyth 1992）. In some cases, the reevaluation of local knowledge and community traditions are discussed（ Wannalert 2004 ; Moro 1999）. Cases from Northern Thailand are also frequently reported, in which ecotourism refers to tours launched in ethnic minority villages（ Toyota 1996）. Some researchers question whether this mechanism will prevent people ― either local farmers who have lived in the area for years or foreign tourists ― from harming nature（ Leungaramsri and Rajesh 1992）. These researchers even question the purpose of ― 6 ― Theories and Models on Thai Tourism（ISHII） 511

ecotourism, stating that the current form of ecotourism may satisfy the customer’s desire for a conscientious trip, but may not be the best way to preserve the natural environment （Kesmanee and Charoensri 1994）.

Criticism on Commercialization of Gender and Ethnicity As the tourism industry of Thailand expands, social issues raised by tourism have also grown （Jun 1991）. Corresponding to the emergence of these social issues, research on them has also increased （Cohen 1988）. The most frequently discussed topic on Thai tourism is the materialization and commercialization of the gender and ethnicity of Thai women（ and sometimes even men and boys）（ Van Esterik 2000）. This topic also focuses on the context and mechanism（ Truong 1983） and impact of the gender and ethnicity of Thai women. Many related discussions have been published since the late 1980s（ Kendall 1994 ; Truong 1983 ; Van Esterik 2000）. An outstanding example of these works is a study entitled “Sex, money and morality : Prostitution and tourism in Southeast Asia,” by Thand ―Dam Truong（ 1996）. In this work, Truong deals with prostitution and tourism in Thailand. She points out the mechanism of the tourism industry in Thailand through which the gender and ethnicity of Thai women are commercialized and consumed（ Truong 1996 : 158―191）. She notes that the profiteers of the sex industry are not only Thai nationals but are members of other countrie（ Truong 1996, 190）. Some Western researchers distinguish service workers in Thailand from Western service workers. They state that is different from prostitution in Western countries（ Cohen 1982）. In contrast to Western prostitutes, who are professionals, the Thai women that the Western tourists meet at particular coffee shops include the elite ; they deny that they are “prostitutes,” and define themselves as “working with foreigners / guests”（ Cohen 2001, 271）. The Thai women working in this industry have the potential to become the regular companions, mistresses, or even wives of the customers ; thus, they call it “open―ended prostitution”（ Askew 2009, 197―199）. Since the relationship between the customer and the worker is ambiguous and changeable, Askew and Cohen refer to this characteristic of Thai prostitution as “open ― endedness,” in which the transactions are multifaceted and mutable（ Askew 2009, 198 ; Cohen 2001, 271）. This description of Thai circumstances has distinguished the industry from similar industries in Western countries ; it has also attracted more and more Western tourists who are willing to spend 10 hours flying to Thailand to experience the gender and ethnic image of the Thai woman（ Van Esterik 2000）. However, researchers have reported that these consumers of the gender and ethnic images of Thai women are not only Westerners but also sometimes the Japanese（ Aoyama 2009） and other Asian countries near to Thailand（ Askew 2009）. Askew reports on the circumstances of this industry in Southern Thailand : The sex―trade infrastructure of the lower south incorporates a range of interconnected services such as transport, accommodation, eating establishments, and entertainment venues（ Askew 2009, 193）. The widespread and varied use of the booking system highlights the difficulty of separating tourists according to clear categories（ Askew 2009, 196）. It is also reported that the tourist border space of the Lower South of Thailand is recognized as a haven for Malay and Singaporean men whose home countries strictly prohibit these industries （Askew 2009, 198, 201）.

Exploitation of Gender and Ethnicity Since the late 1990s, researchers have started to adopt theories on the exploitation of women, ― 7 ― 512 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 62―6（2010）

such as the reproduction labor theory, in relation to the aforementioned discussion on the commercialization of gender and ethnicity in Thailand（ Truong 1996 ; Skrobanek 1983 ; Pettman 1997）. Truong（ 1996） and other researchers hold the view that young women from Southeast Asian countries, particularly from Thailand and the , are globally exploited for their femininity and abilities（ Truong 1996）. The exploitation of poor women from rural areas in the context of the tourism industry has been much discussed, sometimes in the domestic context （Mensendiek 1997） and sometimes in the trans―national context（ Truong 1996 ; Skrobanek 1983 ; Pettman 1997）. Mensendiek analyzed discussions on the topic and the social factors that place Thai women in prostitution （Mensendiek 1997, 163―176）. She states that the following social factors drive Thai women to prostitution :（ 1） The family structure of Thailand requires women to be responsible for the economic maintenance of the household ;（ 2） the religious ideology of Theravada , which provides a sanction for women to work as prostitutes to fulfill their obligations as “proper” daughters who contribute to the merit of their families ;（ 3） a major negative consequence of economic development in Thailand has been the unequal distribution of wealth, which has widened the gap between rural and urban areas, pushing some rural women into prostitution ;（ 4） the expansion of the tourism industry is also a major factor in drawing Thai women to prostitution through the commodification and monetarization of Thai society （Mensendiek 1997, 163―168）. According to research, the commercialization of gender is not limited to the tourism industry. Thai women commercially export their femininity as “mail order brides”（ another frequently used term is “international match making”）（ Wilson 1988） or gendered service workers（ Aoyama 2009）. Several researchers have discussed the expansion of Thai tourism and the expansion of sex industry which reduct human body to property （Bishop and Robinson 1999）. These feminized migrations are known as migration of reproduction labor, and were much discussed in the late 1990s.

Human Trafficking and Global Chain A branch of researches on human trafficking diverges from these discussions on the commercialization of gender and ethnicity （Raksachat 2007 ; Sakhrobanek 1997）. This topic is now actively discussed in relation to social movements（ NGO activities and policy developments）. The discussion can be divided into two categories. The first focuses on the peripheral women in the Mekong region who flew into Thailand（ Skrobanek 2005 ; Asia Watch and the Women’s Rights Project 1993）. The second category focuses on the trans―border migration of Thai women（ Raksachat 2007 ; Sakhrobanek 1997）. With regard to the first category, Human Rights Watch （1993） discussed the trafficking of Burmese women and girls into Thailand （Asia Watch and the Women’s Rights Project 1993） and Skrobanek （2005） reported on female service workers migrating from Laos to Thailand （Sakhrobanek 2005）. In the second category, Skrobanek（ 1997） and Raksachat（ 2007） discussed the global mechanism of human trafficking（ Raksachat 2007 ; Sakhrobanek 1997）. Raksachat indicated the role of the internet in global human trafficking（ Raksachat 2007）, which could be connected to the tourism industry. Raksachat and Skrobanek hold the view that, with regard to the global exploitation of reproduction labor, the migration is motivated by the women, although it is systematically exploited. Further research has revealed that the commercialization of the gender and ethnicity of Thai women has forced or trapped them into migration. Activists and ― 8 ― Theories and Models on Thai Tourism（ISHII） 513

researchers now present many papers on this topic, through which they try to resolve the mechanisms that induce human trafficking in order to stop trafficking in the name of tourism or migration. Many papers hold that the human trafficking system is not a problem exclusive to Thailand but a global network.

Internal Colonialism Until 1990s, almost all prior research on Thai tourism has presupposed “tourists” to refer to foreign tourists. However, after 20 years of economic growth in Thailand, The expansion of domestic tourism affects Thai society as much as it does those of surrounding countries（ Evrard and Leepreecha 2009 ; Singh 2009）. Evrard and Leepreecha point out that although existing research and analysis on Thai tourism have mainly focused on the effects of Northern tourists on the socio―economic situation in the South（ Evrard and Leepreecha 2009, 301）, we need to consider how the elite, the state, and the middle class perceive the North from Bangkok （Ibid, 318）. They indicate that the transformation of the Northerners and Northern culture into objects of desire have important implications for both Thai and non―Thai populations in the North（ Ibid, 318―139）. Evrard and Leepreecha regard this as the creation of new spaces and symbols of the central power, and refer to it as internal colonialism（ Ibid, 319）. They state that tourism ordering sustains a sort of pacification of the relations between the center and the periphery（ Ibid, 319）. Although this discussion has only just commenced, this standpoint ― which analyzes the socio―economic effects of domestic tourism in Thailand ― will be an important part of future research on Thai tourism.

IV Recent Topics

Medical Tourism Medical tourism is another topic that is coming to the fore. According to recent articles on medical tourism, it has not been a new phenomenon for the elite of developing countries ; however, people from developed countries have begun traveling to developing countries to seek medical care today （Heng Leng 2007）. A growing number of patients from Europe and North America now seek medical care in emerging nations such as Thailand, , and Brazil （MacReady 2007）. Within Southeast Asia, Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand have strategically attracted medical tourists at the national level（ Heng Leng 2007）. In these countries, the number of private hospitals expanded rapidly in the 1990s corresponding to country’s economic development. As a result of the financial crisis of 1997, however, many of these private hospitals still have debt in foreign currency dominated loans（ Ibid）. Bumrumgrad Hospital is an example of a private hospital that started attracting overseas patients and that saw great success by 2003 （Ibid）. Following the success of this hospital, the medical tourism industry has expanded in Thailand（ Ibid）. Medical tourism has grown not only because of the pull factor of these emerging nations, which are trying to establish the medical tourism industry, but also due to the medical insurance system crisis in the and other countries（ York 2008, 99―100）. To find a way out of this crisis, some health insurance companies and state health insurance systems for employees in the United States have started to reimburse medical care costs in emerging nations（ Ibid）. Cheap medical care is now about to become an attraction for people who cannot afford medical care in their own countries（ Ibid）. The socio―economic impacts on both the sending countries and the ― 9 ― 514 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 62―6（2010）

destination countries of these medical tourists will be an important discussion topic in the future （Ibid）. Also, Eric Cohen examines the impact of medical tourism on the Thai national medical system（ Cohen 2006）. And Vajirakachorn discussed how Thai authorities can effectively develop medical tourism（ Vajirakachorn 2004）.

Tourism Hub Strategy In the first decade of the twenty―first century, the countries surrounding Thailand, such as Malaysia, Singapore, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos, have hung their own policies to promote tourism development（ Akrapongpisai 2005 ; Chula Unisearch 1991 ; Kontogeorgopoulos 1998 ; Michaud 1993）. To respond to this situational change, studies on how to promote Thailand as a tourism hub have increased. For example, Poontawesuke （2005） examines and analyzes the patterns of tourism cooperation, how the international political economy of tourism is affected by the structure of interdependence, how Thailand envisions its role as a regional tourism hub, and the political economic prospects of a tourism hub（ Poontawesuke 2005）. Akrapongpisai（ 2005） has also written a report on the competitiveness of Thai tourism in comparison to other Southeast Asian countries such as , Philippines, etc （Akrapongpisai 2005 ; Chula Unisearch 1991 ; Kontogeorgopoulos 1998 ; Michaud 1993 ; Chula 1997）. In the future, this kind of discussion and analysis will become more frequent.

Long Stay Tourism and Care Cost Although this is not a significant part of Thai tourism as a whole, in some areas of Thailand particularly Bangkok, Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai, the market has grown for long stay tourism for foreign pensioners. Although researches focused on this point is not much, until now, a few Thai researchers have examined this point. One of these researchers, Hongsranagon（ 2006）, has examined the mechanism of long stay tourism, analyzed why Japanese pensioners come to stay in Thailand, and how Thailand can expand its market（ Hongsranagon 2006）. However, the longer that long stay pensioners remain in Thailand, the more the social issues increase. For example, issues relating to the deaths of old pensioners without relatives have start increasing in Northern Thailand. In the same area, the instances of local wives of long stay pensioners and their children are increasing. Other problems have begun to appear that originate in real estate property rights or child raising（ e. g., pensioners purchasing house or lands unaware that they cannot, according to Thai law, own real estate and later finding out that the real estate actually belongs to the wives or relatives of the wives）. The analysis and research of these “social issues” could be research focuses in near future.

V Topics for Further Discussion

Is “Thai tradition” Really a Factor that Promotes Prostitution in Thai Tourism ? With regard to this point, a number of researchers hold the view that “Thai traditions” such as family structure or the religious ideology of Theravada Buddhism are factors that promote prostitution in tourism in Thailand（ Hantrakul 1983 ; 2003, 11―15 ; Mensendiek 1997, 163―176）. However, if this is so, how do we explain the fact that many tourists who buy services from prostitutes come from outside Theravada Buddhism ? Many men who buy the services of Thai prostitutes belong to the Christian world or all sorts of religious backgrounds. Is it not risky to attribute the prosperity of prostitution in tourism to any particular religion ? The family structure tradition of ― 10 ― Theories and Models on Thai Tourism（ISHII） 515

Thailand should also be discussed from this standpoint. Discussions today only focus on how women are made into prostitutes and not on how the “good father” or the “ideal husband” （either in a pious Christian country or elsewhere） purchase women. The commercialization of gender and ethnicity cannot take place without consumers. This standpoint should be one of research focus in future.

What Strategy can be Effective Pro―poor Tourism System ? Most research today analyzes whether tourism development really contributes to raising the standard of living for the poor locals. Some researchers have questioned the positive effects of such tourism and have proved that not all the cases are in success, however, specific strategies or models for pro―poor tourism that are economically favorable to the poor are also scarce. Additionally, there are very few case studies that actually analyze the economic effectiveness of pro ―poor tourism in helping the local poor. On the other hand, there are many discussions on cultural reevaluation and identity revival（ Wannalert 2004 ; Moro 1999 ; Jatuworapruk 2005）. There are many studies on ecotourism that introduce and analyze successful cases（ Leksakundilok 2004 ; Toatong 2004 ; Setthamalinee 1999）, but very few on pro ―poor tourism. It is not easy to improve the standard of living and economic situation of the poor, or to create a strategy for doing so, without more accurate data. In future, we need provide more data on how or whether pro―poor tourism contributes economically to the upliftment of the local poor（ and if it does not, by how much it falls short）.

What is the Role and Meaning of Border and Citizenship in the Tourism Industry in Thailand ? When we discuss the tourism industry and its impact on local communities and people, the role and meaning of national borders, citizenship, and nationality grows in tandem with the tourism industry. As the flow of capital and people is expanded to global level, the circumstances of tourism shift towards the more multicultural and diverse. In this process, the role and meaning of border and citizenship become significant both for development theory and the commercialization of gender theory. Even though these discussions are significant, they have not been much focused on up to this point. More research on this topic is expected in future.

VI Conclusion

The objective of this paper was to analyze the shift of tourism theories in Thailand in the last 50 years, with an special focus on how attitudes towards local residents have changed. We can conclude that attitudes have gradually more local―base or pro―community. Topics left for further discussion are :（ 1） Is “Thai tradition” really a factor that promotes prostitution in tourism, particular in Thailand ?（ 2） does pro―poor tourism really raise the standard of living of the poor ? and（ 3） what is the role and meaning of border and nationality status in the tourism industry in Thailand ? With regard to the first question, many researchers, especially those from Western countries or Thai researchers with Western research backgrounds, hold the view that “Thai traditions” such as Theravada Buddhism norms or family structures encourage and even promote the employment of Thai rural girls in gendered service sectors. Even though some researchers are against this idea, this viewpoint is supported by many other researchers. The role of Thai tradition in the commercialization of gender and ethnicity must be analyzed in future research on Thai tourism. ― 11 ― 516 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 62―6（2010）

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