The Feminist Side of the Force: Women Negotiating Feminism and Star Wars / Doctor Who Fandoms

The Feminist Side of The Force: Women Negotiating Feminism and Star Wars / Doctor Who Fandoms

A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Sciences

2019

Neta Yodovich

Department of Sociology List of Contents

Abstract ...... 5 Declaration ...... 6 Copyright Statement ...... 7 Acknowledgments ...... 8 Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 9 1. Introducing the Field ...... 12 2. Research Motivations ...... 14 3. Research Questions and Method ...... 15 4. Thesis Outline ...... 17 Chapter 2: Literature Review ...... 22 1. Identity, Self, Belonging and Everything In Between ...... 24 2. "We Should All Be Feminists": Revisiting Feminist Strands ...... 29 3. Getting a (Fannish) Life: From Marginalized Fans to Stigmatized Fangirls ……...…. 36 4. Putting Feminism and Fandom Together ...... 43 5. Summary and Implications For My Research Questions ……………………………..44 Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 46 1. Feminist Methodology ...... 46 2. Qualitative Semi-Structured Interviews ………………………………………………48 3. Participants ...... 50 3.1 Age Range ...... 50 3.2 Star Wars and Doctor Who Fans ...... 51 3.3 Nationality ...... 54 4. Recruitment Process ...... 54 5. Interview Process ...... 57 5.1 Fieldwork Period ...... 58 5.2 Comparing F2F, Skype and Telephone Interviews ...... 59 6. My Position in the Field ...... 61 7. Ethical Considerations and Challenges ...... 63 8. Analysis and Coding ...... 65 9. Conclusions ...... 67 Chapter 4: Becoming a Fan/Feminist ………………………………………………………..69 1. Becoming a Fan: “Just Like Falling in Love” …………………………….…………..70

2. Practicing Fandom: A Labor of Love …………………………………………………72 3. Becoming a Feminist: From Feminist Mothers to Caitlin Moran …….………………81 4. Practicing Feminist Identity: "Before I Didn’t Care and Now it's a Lot of Work" .…..83 5. Conclusions ………………………………………………………………………..…..89 Chapter 5: Feminist Icon Needed - Feminist Fans’ Readings of Doctor Who and Star Wars' Female Characters ……………………………………………...…………………..…91 1. Star Wars and Doctor Who ……………………………………...………...………..…92 2. From Slave Leia to General Organa: Feminist Female Fans' Engagement with Princess Leia ……………………………………………………………………..94 2.1 The Feminist Inspiration of Princess Leia …………………………………….94 2.2 The Postfeminism of Slave Leia ………………………………………...….....96 2.3 The Ageism of General Organa ………………………………………..….....100 3. "I wanted to be Sarah Jane": What makes a "Good" Doctor Who Companion? …….101 3.1 Young Sarah Jane ……………………………………...…………………….102 3.2 Older Sarah Jane …………………………………………………………..…103 4. The 13th Doctor: "She's a Time Lord, Not a Time Lady" ………………………..….104 4.1 “PC Gone Mad”: Fighting Against the Backlash …………………………....105 4.2 “Please Not Girly”: Expectations of the 13th Doctor ………………………..109 5. Rey, the “Mary Sue” ………………………………………………………………....112 6. Conclusions ……………………………………………………………..……………115 Chapter 6: Feminist Fans' Conditional Belonging in Doctor Who and Star Wars' Fandoms ……………………………………………………………………………………………... 117 1. "Someone's Girlfriend" or "fangirl"? Fan as a Masculine Identity ……………...... 119 2. Connoisseurship-Based Inclusion ……………………………………………….…126 3. Conditional Belonging, Hierarchies of Belonging and the Generalized Other …….130 4. Including the Excluded …………………………………………………………..…135 5. Conclusions ………………………………………………………………………...137 Chapter 7: "Being a Feminist Can't Stop Me from Enjoying Things" - Negotiating Feminism and Fandom …………………………………………………………………..…139 1. “It’s Not Perfect, But They Are trying”: Reconciling Fandom and Feminism Through Narrative Tactics …………………...... …………………………...…...... 141 2. "Bloody Patriarchy, Let's Write Some Fanfic to Correct it": Marrying Feminism and Fandom Through Practice Tactics ……………………………………………..146 3. Conclusions ………………………………………………………………………...154

Chapter 8: Conclusions …………………………………………………………………....157 1. Key Findings ………………………………………………………………………159 2. Contributions to Knowledge ………………………...…………………………….162 2.1 Theoretical Contributions …………………...…………………………….162 2.2 Methodological Contributions …………………………………………….164 3. Limitations ………………………………………………………...………………165 4. Looking Forward …………………………………………………….……………166 Bibliography ………………………………………………………………………………168 Appendix 1: Recruitment Flyer ……………..…………………………………...………..194 Appendix 2: Participant Information Sheet ……………………………………………….195 Appendix 3: List of Interviewees …………………………………………………………198 Appendix 4: Interview Guide ……………………………………………………………..199 Appendix 5: Consent Form ………………………………………………………………..200 Appendix 6: Example of Coding Sheet …………………………………………………...201

Word Count: 67,978

The Feminist Side of The Force: Women Negotiating Feminism and Star Wars / Doctor Who Fandoms - Abstract Feminism has a long history of critiquing misogyny and sexism in popular culture. Although studies scrutinized women's engagement with sexist contents before, the experiences of feminist women, who promote gender equality while identifying as fans of such contents, are neglected. Inspired by Gay's Bad Feminist (2017), the main objective of this research is to examine how women negotiate feminism and fandom and explore whether feminist fans see themselves as "bad feminists" for enjoying contents that belittle or disregard women. Through tying between feminist and fan identities, this thesis contributes to literatures on feminism and fandom, as well as providing a broader understanding of conflicted identities management. Thirty in-depth interviews were undertaken with women between the ages of 19 to 55, who self-identify as feminist fans of Star Wars or Doctor Who. The broad age range provided a rigorous and comparative account of feminist fans from different generations, who might differ in their interpretations of feminism. Star Wars and Doctor Who were chosen due to their male-dominated fandoms, historical use of female characters as love interests, backlashes against new female protagonists, and longstanding success in popular culture. Findings reveal that feminist female fans experience feelings of inadequacy and inauthenticity when negotiating feminism and fandom. Despite taking part in numerous fannish practices, feminist female fans doubt their legitimacy and eligibility to identify as fans. Using Mead (1972) and Cooley's (1992) theories, in conjunction with belonging literature, the thesis explains that the reason feminist female fans doubt the authenticity of their identities is due to perceived and actual lack of approval by their "generalized other": male fans. While Mead and Cooley did not explicitly discuss gender, this thesis expands their theories by demonstrating the importance of gender in the development of one’s identity through the generalized other. Given this, this thesis defines 'conditional belonging,' a liminal stage in which feminist female fans are policed to conform to values and practices dictated by dominating male members in the community. They are obliged to conceal their feminist identities in order to be included in the community and receive validation of their fan identities by veteran male fans. Despite criticizing their fanned content's representation of female characters during interviews, interviewees felt silenced and unable to share their readings of the diegesis in the fandom community for fear of exclusion. Employing de Certeau's (1984) concept of ‘tactics,’ the thesis reveals how feminist female fans reconcile feminism and fandom and attain a sense of agency despite their conditional belonging and dissatisfaction with unfeminist aspects in their fanned franchise. This thesis identifies and defines two primary forms of tactics: 'narrative' and 'activist' used by feminist fans. While narrative tactics provided participants with justifications and rationalizations, 'activist tactics' included active steps taken in order to push the fandom community and fanned content towards a more equal, inclusive reception of women. Regardless of their abilities to make a significant change in fandom, both tactic clusters were essential in reconciling feminism and fandom and allowed feminist fans to exercise their agency and raise their voices in what continues to be a male-dominated community.

Declaration

No portion of the work referred to in the thesis has been submitted in support of an application for another degree or qualification of this or any other university or other institute of learning.

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Acknowledgments

Working on this thesis was an incredible experience, and I would like to use this opportunity to thank everyone who took part in this journey. First and foremost, I thank my supervisors, Dr Sophie Woodward and Prof Penny Tinkler, for your guidance and support. Working alongside you has helped me become a better researcher, scholar, and writer. I would also like to thank staff members who reviewed my work, offered support and provided me opportunities to grow as a researcher and lecturer: Prof Vanessa May, Dr Cristiana Olcese, Dr Tally Katz-Gerro, Dr Alina Rzepnikowska-Phillips, Dr Kathryn Telling, Dr Petra Nordqvist, Dr Maddy Abbas, and Dr Owen Abbott. Last, but definitely not least, I would like to thank my mentor and academic role model, Dr Kinneret Lahad. Thank you for believing in me and for showing me my potential. I am forever your fan. This research would not have been possible without my participants. Any wittiness, profoundness, or intelligence this thesis might offer is because of you. Thank you for opening up to me and for providing me with a glimpse into your fascinating lives. I thank the wonderful friends and colleagues I have made during my time in Manchester: Rachel Katz, Natalie-Anne Hall, Emma Fàbrega Domènech, Jaime García- Iglesias, Maisie Tomlinson, Rohini Rai, Jess Mancuso, Ali Siles, Francisca Ortiz Ruiz, Tiba Bonyad, Jingran Yu, Hannah Haycox, Alexandrina Vanke, Craig Robinson, Denisse Spúlveda, Meghan Tinsley, Laura Fenton, Tugba Aydin Ozturk, Kaidong Yu, and Dorottya Hoor. You have all made my time as a PhD student happier, easier, and memorable. To my family, I wouldn’t have gotten to this moment if it wasn’t for you. I thank my parents, Ziva and Shimon, for encouraging and believing in me. Even without fully understanding what a thesis is, you are so proud of me, and that’s what matters the most. To Alon, Hadas, Adir, Avivit, Adi, Yahav, Ronnie, and Leah - you fill my heart with so much joy and love. To Apollo, who crossed oceans with me, you are the best dog I will ever have. To my friends - Lilach, Natasha, Michal, Inna, Hila, Maya, Maayan, Henna, Rinat, Yuval, and Mandy – thank you for being awesome. I am so proud to have you as my friends. You are the best people I know. Lastly, to my love, Fabían, thank you from the bottom of my heart. I am forever indebted to this PhD because it brought me to you. Thank you for being the best partner I could ever wish for and for being my biggest supporter. You are the Han to my Leia, the Wash to my Zoe, the Adama to my Roslin.

Chapter 1: Introduction In 2007 the movie Juno was released. It told the story of a quirky teenage girl named Juno, who accidentally got pregnant. After a reasonably short deliberation, she decided to keep the pregnancy and give it to a nice, white, heterosexual couple to adopt. I loved Juno; I thought it was intelligent, witty, and endearing. By the time I first watched Juno, I was no stranger to feminism; I cannot remember a time when I did not identify as a feminist, and I have been studying feminism since my BA studies. Despite my feminist perspective, I did not notice any “problematic” aspects in Juno. This changed when I took a class on families and singlehood from feminist perspectives during my MA studies. In one of the classes, we read an article that lambasted Juno. It criticized the movie for holding conservative pro-life attitudes, and for perpetuating social norms such as heteronormativity and the sanctity of motherhood. I did not notice any of these themes in all of the dozens of times I watched Juno in the past. After the seminar, I thought: “should I stop watching Juno? How can I enjoy a film with values that contradict my own? How come I did not notice this movie was ‘problematic’? Am I a ‘bad feminist’ (Gay, 2014)?” After Juno, I continued to experience contradictions between my feminist identity and the contents I consumed. I stopped watching movies directed by Woody Allen and Roman Polanski, even though I appreciated their work, and I have yet to decide if I can re-watch one of my all-time favorite movies, American Beauty (starring the alleged sexual predator, Kevin Spacey). I frequently worry that I am betraying my feminist identity by enjoying contents that disregard female audiences or feature negative, dismissive representations of women. Even though I find most of my lifelong fandoms feminist (which I will mention later), I feel pressured to constantly re-evaluate them and make sure they can still be considered feminist in today’s complex political climate (these include: a push for onscreen diversity, sensibility towards sexual harassment accusations, promotion of LGBT+ rights, and more). My worries and feelings of inner contradictions are not just my personal dilemma, but a common experience shared by many other feminists. Feminist women who engage with popular culture frequently debate whether a particular popular culture content is “truly” feminist, and if they are “allowed” to identify as fans of “problematic,” non-feminist, or anti- feminist contents (Gay, 2014; Krachenfels, 2017; Walsh, 2017). Given this, the main objective of this thesis is to explore how women negotiate, navigate, and reconcile between their feminist stances and association with fandoms that are not necessarily feminist.

This study is the first to analyze feminist and fan identities explicitly in conjunction. As will be demonstrated throughout the thesis, these identities matter to the women who proclaim them; they shape their political stances and impact their perceptions of the social world. Women learn about feminism and develop their feminist critique through fandom, but also feel guilty over the contents they enjoy. Despite the importance of exploring both identities together, feminism and fandom have never been scrutinized together until now. As will be developed in the literature review, women who choose to identify as feminists and fans encounter various threats to their identities. For example, female fans are disregarded by producers and creators who prefer to appease male audiences, frequently disappointed by lack of equal female representation in their fanned content, constantly policed and silenced in male-dominated fandom communities, and stigmatized as “fake” fans who fawn over the “wrong” things. Also, due to contradicting feminist schools of thought which accumulated throughout the decades, feminist women might be confused by feminism and feel unsure if they are practicing it “right.” Linking feminism and fandom provides the opportunity to explore how women navigate between two identities that are challenging on their own, and can potentially be even more burdensome when espoused together. Because this thesis looks into complex, contradictory identities – feminism and fandom – and explores how women reconcile them, it predominantly corresponds with three academic scholarships: identity and belonging, feminism, and fandom. As findings will later reveal, feminist and fan are identities that rely on the approval and acceptance of other members of the community in order to be perceived as legitimate and authentic by the individual espousing them. Therefore, the identity theories I include in this study are ones that focus on the shaping of identities through social interactions. These include the seminal works of scholars such as George Herbert Mead (1972), Charles Cooley (1992), and Erving Goffman (1956), who shed light on the ways in which individuals organize, represent and reaffirm their identities through interactions with others. Social interactions were not only crucial to identification processes at the micro-level; inclusion in larger fan and feminist communities was also found to play a significant role in the formation of both identities. Due to the importance of involvement with the community, especially with fandom, identity theories are accompanied by belonging scholarship. Belonging literature incorporates a holistic standpoint of the individual, scrutinizes social and communal connections, and examines the implications of processes of inclusion and exclusion. Identity scholarship was combined with belonging literature in order to fully

10 comprehend the social processes that impact how feminist female fans1 evaluate their identities. The feminist and fandom scholarships chosen for this study are utilized to establish the rifts and tensions within each community; these clashes also have the potential to hinder women’s ability to identify as fans and feminists. Both fandom and feminism are historically stigmatized identities, which gradually shifted from the margins into the mainstream. Fandom, for instance, slowly became more popular and a valid lifestyle and identity (Bell, 2013; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Orme, 2016; Reinhard, 2018). However, the mainstreaming of fandom was a privilege given predominately to male members of the community, while other minorities (such as women) remained marginalized (Busse, 2013; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011). The literature demonstrates that fandoms are not open and inclusive; fan communities frequently enforce policing regimes on newcomers, such as female fans. In somewhat of a parallel to fandom, feminism currently enjoys relative popularity and support from news outlets, celebrities, and other public figures (Adichie, 2014; Gay, 2014; Moran, 2011). However, the current strands that contributed to the mainstreaming of feminist thought are in constant clashes with older stances, which appear more conservative and constricting. Faced with a plethora of contrasting feminist strands, women are sometimes left uncertain whether they are practicing feminism “right” (Genz, 2009; Gill and Scharff, 2011; Penny, 2014; Pugh, 2000; Redfern and Aune, 2010; Whelehan, 2000). Given this, the featured feminist literature in this thesis reviews the historical developments and contradictions between feminist waves and schools of thought throughout the years. Because of my motivation to include feminist female fans from a wide age range, the literature incorporated in the thesis allows me to establish the potentially different perceptions older and younger women hold of feminism, as well as the confusion that might arise among them due to multiple discorded feminist strands. Having briefly introduced the topic of this thesis, I now unpack and develop it further through this chapter. Specifically, this thesis focuses on women, from a wide age range, who identify as feminists and fans of Doctor Who or Star Wars. It explores how feminist female fans of Doctor Who or Star Wars engage, navigate and reconcile between their identities. In the following subsections, I review the background of, and motivation for this study. First, I

1 Clearly, there is a distinction between the concepts of "female" and "woman". Even though this study is interested in the cultural meanings of being a (cis) woman who engages with a male-dominated community and identity, the participants in this study will be termed as "female fans" and not "women fans". This is because “female fans” is used more frequently in fandom studies (see: Crawford and Gosling, 2004; Jenkins, 1992; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; Orme, 2016; Reinhard, 2018; Scott, 2013).

11 introduce the field and the theoretical core of the thesis. Second, the motivations leading to this research are discussed, as I reflect on my interest in this subject, and its potential contributions to a broader discussion on complex identities. Third, the methodology and method chosen for this study are reviewed. Lastly, I provide the outline of the thesis.

1. Introducing the Field Exploring the experiences of feminist female fans raises numerous significant questions on identity, gender representation, gatekeeping, and authenticity, among others. Feminist female fans are considered a minority in many science fiction fan communities, and their feminist critique is frequently silenced and shut down by other fans. They are also constantly disappointed by the lack of female representation on-screen, or by the stereotypical and diminishing roles female characters usually receive. The marginalization of feminist female fans in fan communities and belittlement of many female characters featured in their fanned contents can cause frustration among feminist female fans, who might feel guilty for being part of a fandom that doesn’t perceive them as equals. Given this, focusing on fandoms that are male-dominated, in both community and diegesis, allowed me to scrutinize how women find their voice in a community that disregards them. To theoretically unpack these issues in my thesis, I engage with three central bodies of literature: identity and belonging, feminism and fandom. Feminist female fans’ struggle to be accepted in their communities, receive legitimacy by other members and reconcile inner tensions between their fandom and feminist perspectives calls for the implementation of identity and belonging scholarships. I was particularly keen to implement the theories of Goffman (1956), Mead (1972), and Cooley (1992). All three scholars focused their work on the role of the “other,” or the audience, in shaping the individual’s identity. Goffman’s dramaturgical theory depicts the individual as a performer who establishes and reaffirms her identity in front of an audience. A “successful” performance is one that is approved by the audience and accepted as authentic. Similarly, Mead and Cooley stressed the importance of the audience. Both theorists explained that individuals perceive their identities through the eyes of others. Only once the individual believes that other people find her identity authentic and legitimate, can she recognize herself as such. Due to the importance of the community’s acceptance for the individual’s identification process, I applied belonging literature in conjunction with identity. Belonging theories engage with processes of inclusion and exclusion and their effects on the individual

(Jenkins, 2014; May, 2013; Stryker and Burke, 2000; Yuval-Davis, 2011). For instance, fans feel their identities are approved when they are accepted to fan communities. Exclusion might damage feminist female fans’ identification processes and make them feel like lesser fans. In order to emphasize the different challenges and threats feminist female fans might possibly experience to their identities, the feminist and fandom literature reviewed in this thesis focuses on inner struggles, stigma and gradual shift into the mainstream; all of which can potentially contribute to feminist female fans’ feelings of guilt, confusion, and contradiction. The review of feminist literature opens with the tumultuous times of second wave feminism in order to introduce the stigma associated with feminist women. Despite the booming of feminist activism during the 1960s and 1970s, these decades, and especially the following 1980s, were known as times of heated backlash against feminism (Faludi, 1991; Genz, 2009; Pugh, 2000; Tasker and Negra, 2007). Vilified images of feminist women presented them as angry, ungroomed, bra-burning man-haters were cemented in the media and popular culture during this era. This lingering stigma deterred women, including some of my participants, from identifying as feminists to this day. After decades of stigma, backlash, and conflicts between different feminist strands (Bailey, 1997; Rees, 2010), third wave feminism, and its standard-bearer, postfeminism, were developed during the 1990s. Postfeminism marks a turning point in the feminist movement and the biggest departure from previous feminist strands (Bailey, 1997; Gill and Scharf, 2011; Dow, 1996; Redfern and Aune, 2010). It holds a paradoxical approach to feminism and femininity, as it concurrently rejects and embraces them. Stemming from a neoliberal stance, postfeminism encourages women to celebrate their freedom of choice, feel liberated and search for ways to feel empowered (Banet-Weiser, 2018; Genz, 2009; McRobbie, 2004; Penny, 2014; Rottenberg, 2014). While previous strands, such as radical feminism, defined strict rules of conduct for feminists and distinguished between “feminist” and “non-feminist” practices, postfeminism does not take a clear stand against any practice, value, interest or hobby. This light-hearted approach to feminism attracted younger women to the movement, who wanted feminism to become an acceptable, fun identity. Comparing the two feminist waves, the vilified second wave feminism, in contrast to the affable third wave, allows me to establish the tensions within the movement, which might impact how younger and older women construct and perceive their feminist identities. Fandom, much like the feminist movement, turned from a stigmatized community to a more popular one. Unlike feminism, fandom is an identity traditionally associated with men,

13 especially science fiction fandom (Brown, 1997; Nyberg, 1995; Linden and Linden, 2016; Orme, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Stanfill, 2018). For many years, male science fiction fans, gamers, and generally geeky boys were mocked for their unusual, peculiar interests. They were thought of as social outcasts with low personal hygiene and social skills, who obsessed over esoteric details in movies and games that do not matter (Gray, 2003; Lopes, 2006; Nyberg, 1995; Orme, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Wilson, 2018). Gradually, and thanks to the omnipresence of the Internet, social media platforms, Netflix, and many other technological advances, enjoyment of popular culture became more accepted, and people were keener to identify as fans. The sudden popularity of fandom turned male fans more protective of their communities from newcomers, including female fans. The literature that is presented in the following chapter explores the various challenges women encounter in science fiction fan communities. For instance, the stigma on female fans is particular: they are considered aloof, hysterical, and unable to think critically on their fandoms (Busse, 2013; Cohen, Seate, Anderson & Tindage, 2015; Driscoll, 2002; Fan, 2012; Jenkins, 1992; McRobbie, 1991; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). Not only do female fans experience stigma and scrutiny from their surroundings, they are also ridiculed and disregarded in their own communities, especially by male fans. Male fans, who currently enjoy positive media attention (in television series such as The Big Bang, for instance), are uninterested to let the novel popularity of their geeky masculinity be tarnished by associating with women, who also want to identify as fans and geeks (Banet-Weiser, 2018; Scott, 2019; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). Based on the literature review, I set up the different threats suffered by feminist female fans of science fiction: first, they sometimes feel guilty or confused by their fanned contents, which frequently sexualize or exclude female characters. Second, they are considered an unwanted nuisance in male-dominated communities because of their gender. Third, feminist scrutiny and critique are unwelcome in male-dominated fandoms, and therefore feminist female fans are frequently silenced and shut down by other fans. Thus, one of the objectives of this thesis is to explore how feminist female fans tackle these challenges and negotiate between their identities.

2. Research Motivations This research is first and foremost motivated by my own predicament as a feminist fan. Popular culture is one of my biggest, lifelong passions and sources of joy and excitement. At the same time, I frequently feel guilty or unsure if I am “allowed” to enjoy certain contents or

14 artists because I am a feminist. To help resolve my personal dilemma, I embarked on this academic journey. As stated previously, I share my predicament with other feminists. Countless opinion pieces are posted online by feminist writers, debating questions such as: “are you a bad feminist for enjoying misogynistic pop culture” (Krachenfels, 2017), or flat out determining that feminism “ruined” the writer’s ability to enjoy popular culture mindlessly (Walsh, 2017). Other pieces discuss “problematic faves”: popular culture figures (either real or fictional) who are adored despite the racist or sexist values they represent. For instance, feminist writers try to justify and rationalize why Tonya Harding2 is “the ultimate problematic fave for feminists” (Arreola, 2018), or how to “balance feminism and problematic faves” in Rock music fandoms (O’Neill, 2018). In academia, the most notable work written about feminist guilt is Roxane Gay’s book Bad Feminist (2014), in which Gay details her shameful engagement with “bad” popular culture contents, such as misogynistic hip hop music. Even though numerous of these debates are scattered on and off-line, no academic inquiry explicitly explored this topic, nor focused on the intersection between feminism and fandom. Previous works studied women’s engagement with popular culture (Ang, 1984; Radway, 1984), female fans in male-dominated fandoms (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Orme, 2016), or feminist reception of popular culture contents (Gay, 2014; Petersen, 2011), but none addressed the multiple challenges of feminist female fans until this study. While this study’s main objective is to focus on the particular challenges of feminist female fans, it also serves as a fertile ground for broader academic inquiries of complex identities. In an age of pluralism and individualization, contradicting identities are omnipresent: religious LBGT+ members, pro-life feminists, or mixed-race individuals, to name a few. The motivation of this thesis is, therefore, to also shed light on a widespread dilemma and unpack the tactics produced by individuals in order to “make sense” of their identities.

3. Research Questions and Method Thus far, I introduced the topic of this study - feminist female fans of science fiction - and explained the motivation behind choosing this subject and its academic value. I have briefly reviewed the challenges feminist women face when engaging with fandoms in general, and science fiction fan communities specifically, such as male-dominated fandoms with a lack of

2 Former figure skater who was infamously involved with the beating of a fellow figure skater, Nancy Kerrigan.

15 female representation in the fanned content and censoring of feminist critique. I have also depicted the plethora of conflicting feminist strands, which might appear overwhelming and baffling to feminists. All of these challenges might cause feminist female fans to feel like their identities are inadequate, out of sync, or inauthentic. Therefore, the main research question leading this thesis explores how feminist female fans of science fiction navigate, negotiate, and reconcile potential tensions between their identities. This thesis unpacks women’s negotiation of feminism and fandom through sub- questions that scrutinize the following: feminist female fans’ definitions and practices of their identities, the criteria they set for a “good” and “real” feminist fan, encounters with stigma by other members in the fan community, differences in perceptions and practices of feminism and fandom between younger and older feminist fans, and – ultimately - the tactics women employ in order to ameliorate tensions between feminism and fandom (research questions will be developed in Chapter 2). This research focuses on two case studies: Star Wars and Doctor Who fandoms. These franchises were chosen due to their historical lack of female characters and the current shift to female protagonists, which was received by heated backlashes. The Doctor Who and Star Wars fandoms are also traditionally considered male-dominated and can be particularly hostile towards feminist female fans. Another motivation for choosing these two franchises is their longevity in popular culture from the 1960s (Doctor Who) and 1970s (Star Wars). Choosing long-running franchises meant that they were beloved by veteran, older fans, who have been part of the fandom since its inception, as well as younger newcomers. This was important because I was interested in including young and older participants and examining if they share similar experiences as feminist fans. The characteristics that I was concerned with when recruiting participants for the study were: (1) women, (2) who self-identify as fans and feminists, (3) from a wide age range. As was established here, and will be elaborated further in the next chapter, women are considered minorities in science fiction fan communities. They undergo policing regimes and meticulous scrutiny and are forced to align their fan identities in accordance with the masculine standard if they want to be included in the community. I was eager to bring women’s voices into the foreground and share their accounts of marginalization and silencing in the fandoms. Furthermore, because I was interested in conducting research that explicitly explores feminism and fandom, it was important that participants openly identified themselves as such. Lastly, this study includes a comparative element, exploring similarities and differences in perceptions or practices of feminism and fandom between younger and

16 older feminist fans. Since both feminism and fandom have gradually become more accepted and mainstream (to a certain degree), it was essential to take into consideration that women from different generations might experience and perceive feminism and fandom differently. This study includes 30 in-depth semi-structured interviews with self-identified feminist female fans of Doctor Who or Star Wars between the ages of 19 to 55. Two main reasons that motivated the decision to conduct interviews were executing feminist methodology and a lack of research with firsthand accounts of female fans. This research stems from my stance as a feminist. My political commitment as a feminist researcher is to bring forth marginalized and silenced voices; this is one of the major tenets of feminist methodology. Espousing a feminist methodology meant understanding that women's perspectives are frequently absent in the construction of what is perceived as "common" knowledge (Hesse-Biber 2007; Maynard, 1994) and attempting to change this inequality through research. Even though there are previous studies that centered on female fans, many did not include women’s firsthand stories about the meanings and experiences of being fans and feminists (Ferreday, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Scott, 2019; Wise, 1984). Therefore, this study is based on semi-structured, in-depth interviews which provided extensive, nuanced illustrations of the lives of feminist female fans, in their own voice.

4. Thesis Outline This thesis is organized into eight chapters: Chapter 2 reviews the literature I engage with throughout the research, and Chapter 3 provides the methodological considerations and method chosen for this study. Chapters 4 to 7 are the empirical backbone of the study, and Chapter 8 concludes the thesis with overall insights, reflections, and future considerations. Chapter 2 introduces the three major bodies of literature that are the theoretical foundation of this study: identity and belonging, feminism, and fandom. Because the thesis highlights identification processes that rely on the acceptance and approval of others, identity theories will primarily focus on the works of Goffman (1956), Mead (1972) and Cooley (1992). These theories are accompanied by belonging scholarship, especially theories that focus on practices of inclusion and exclusion and their impact on identification processes. Both feminism and fandom literature will overview the historical changes and shifts the two communities and identities have faced throughout the years, from the margins and into the mainstream. The literature review will exhibit the multiple challenges feminist female fans face, such as fanned franchises that belittle or sexualize female characters and exclusionary male-dominated communities.

In Chapter 3, I elaborate, justify, and reflect on the methodology and method chosen for this study. Due to the feminist nature of this study and myself as a researcher, this study espouses feminist methodology that is motivated to focus on marginalized voices. To provide an extensive illustration of women’s negotiation and reconciliation of their identities as feminist fans, I chose to conduct semi-structured in-depth interviews. In this chapter, I also debate recruitment limitations, specifically, forming a pool of interviewees with a majority of white, abled, middle-class women. I acknowledge that feminist female fans’ experiences are related to other social dimensions, such as race, socio-economic status, and physical/mental health, and discuss my limitations in attaining a more diverse pool of interviewees. Also, I reflect on the different interview platforms I have used (face to face, Skype, telephone), and explain why I found Skype interviews the platform which produced the most in-depth interviews. Since this study was developed based on my own experiences as a feminist fan, my position in the field is also taken into consideration in this chapter, in terms of my ability to ensure relative objectivity. Lastly, this chapter includes the rationale behind the two- generation cohorts I created in order to compare younger and older interviewees. This thesis includes four empirical chapters that are organized in a thematic order. The chapters gradually develop and unfold feminist female fans’ feelings of guilt and inner tensions, and their efforts to resolve them. The first empirical chapter, Chapter 4, focuses on feminist fans' biographical narratives, particularly their motivation to identify as fans and feminists. The chapter also scrutinizes the practices feminist female fans employ in order to reinforce and perform their identities. It was found that the two cohorts define and practice feminism and fandom similarly. For instance, older respondents were active in online fan communities and espoused third wave values (that are commonly associated with younger women), such as intersectionality and inclusion. More substantial differences were found between fan and feminist practices. Interviewees related fannish practices to feelings of joy and satisfaction and were keen to take part in various practices. In contrast, feminism was associated with values and perceptions rather than practice and was experienced as a burden. The main argument of Chapter 4 is that feminist female fans feel they are not “good enough” regardless of the quantity or quality of their fannish/feminist practices. When first asked about feminism and fandom, interviewees refused to tie these identities to a particular set of practices. They argued that whoever chooses to identify as fan or feminist should not be forced to follow any rules of conduct to be accepted as such. Despite making this claim, participants chronicled a plethora of fannish and feminist practices they employed. Yet,

18 interviewees confessed they felt guilty for not doing more to be “entitled” of their identities. The findings of this chapter serve a starting point in the unraveling of the tensions and guilt feminist female fans experience. Chapter 5 scrutinizes feminist female fans’ readings of the female characters featured in Doctor Who and Star Wars, focusing on four main characters: Princess Leia and Rey from Star Wars, and Sarah Jane Smith and the 13th Doctor from Doctor Who. The findings of this chapter are framed in the context of the symbiotic relationship formed between feminist female fans and their favorite female characters. The symbiotic relationships included interviewees projecting and introjecting meanings onto female characters, aspiring to be like them, and identifying with them. Through discussions about the characters with interviewees, I learned about the feminist stances they projected onto the characters and the reasons why they found them “good” (or “bad”) feminist role models. At the same time, interviewees introjected the message that they were not the target audience of their fanned franchises due to the lack of female characters and misuse of those who were included in the plotlines. Despite the frequent objectification and belittlement of the female characters in Doctor Who and Star Wars, participants felt inspired by them, as some even pursued careers similar to the ones held by the characters. Lastly, in some cases, respondents also identified with the female characters. For instance, only older interviewees discussed the ageist representations of older Leia and Sarah Jane; this was because they experienced ageism in their fan communities. Another critical finding brought in Chapter 5 is feminist fans’ prioritization of the masculine over the feminine. Many interviewees supported female characters who were strong, independent, and STEM savvy. They rejected those who demonstrated any emotional or physical weakness and served as love interests and damsels in distress. Participants were unsympathetic towards traditional feminine characteristics and wished the first female Doctor to be equipped with traditionally masculine features only. Given this, I argued that feminist female fans’ support of female characters with masculine characteristics is indicative of the widespread predominant perception of femininity that is not well-rounded and authentic as masculinity is presumed to be. This chapter continues to unpack feminist female fans’ feelings of guilt by reviewing their persistent discontent with the writing of the female characters featured in their fandoms. Furthermore, it also unravels the stigma and exclusion that female fans experience in male- dominated fandoms, as interviewees shared their acknowledgment that the writers and producers only value male fans’ opinions and wishes. The following chapter, Chapter 6, fully

19 develops feminist female fans’ exclusion and marginalization in male-dominated fan communities. Chapter 6 focuses on belonging in fan communities. It begins by introducing common stigmas relating the female fans: they are either involved in the fandom because they are the male fan’s girlfriend, “fangirls” interested in the content for the “wrong” reasons (a “crush” on the leading actor), or “fake geek girls”, who are feigning interest in science fiction in order to draw attention to themselves. In order to be considered “real” or “authentic” fans, participants had to prove they were connoisseurs in their fandoms. Failure to demonstrate sufficient knowledge of the fanned text jeopardized participants' inclusion in their fan communities. Participants also learned to focus on particular elements in the diegesis that were more valued by male fans (technological aspects over romances and relationships, for instance), and censored feminist critique to avoid being ridiculed or castigated. In this chapter, I introduce and define the concept of conditional belonging. Conditional belonging describes the liminal stage in which feminist female fans are expected to conform to values and practices dictated by the dominant male members in order to be included in the community. I argue that conditional belonging in their respective fan communities disrupts feminist female fans’ identification processes; their abilities to evaluate their identities as authentic are undermined, as they feel guilty and inadequate. After reviewing feminist female fans’ frustration with the representation of female characters in their fanned franchises (Chapter 5), and experiences of exclusion and policing regimes in their fandoms (Chapter 6), Chapter 7 reveals how feminist fans reconcile tensions between feminism and fandom. This chapter draws on De Certeau’s (1984) definition of tactics: the manipulation of everyday life that provide disenfranchised individuals with moments of power and sense of agency. Two clusters of tactics were found among interviewees in their efforts to reconcile feminism and fandom: “narrative” and “practice.” “Narrative tactics” were produced by participants to provide rationales or justifications for their support in a fandom that is not particularly feminist. Through narrative tactics, feminist female fans were able to continue and enjoy their fandoms without feeling like “bad feminists.” “Practice” tactics reframed fannish practices that were introduced in Chapter 4. Here, participants engaged their feminist identity with common fannish practices, such as fanfiction writing or merchandise consumption, as they pushed for recognition and gender quality in the fanned franchise and the fan community.

In this chapter, I argue that even though interviewees identified as feminists and espoused feminist perspectives, feminism felt like an identity they were “stuck” with, one that meddled with their passions and hobbies. The tactics constructed by interviewees allowed them to decrease frustrations, keep their identities uncompromised, and incorporate feminism into fandom in order to make a change in their fan communities. Employing narrative and practice tactics provided feminist fans with a sense of control and a safe space where their identities would not be contested. Through these tactics, feminist fans were able to challenge stereotypical representations of female characters, demand recognition, and ultimately find their place in male-dominated fandom communities. This thesis concludes with Chapter 8, which brings together my findings and offers a critical reflection on their implications while taking into account the limitations of this study. In the conclusions, I bring the findings together and argue that feminist female fans feel ambivalent about their identities: on the one hand, they experience inner conflicts and frustrations when they engage with their fanned content, while on the other hand, they perceive their fandom as a site for practicing feminism. I assert that feminist female fans’ conditional belonging to their fandom is one of the main reasons for their feelings of inferiority, guilt and inauthenticity. Feminist female fans develop various tactics that reconcile the tensions and feelings of illegitimacy. Without these tactics, they will not be able to carry on identifying as fans and feminists. After discussing the thesis’ theoretical, empirical, and methodological contributions, I conclude the chapter with suggestions for future implications based on the findings of this research. I offer that more complex identities should be inquired and unpacked further. I explain that research on complex identities can educate us not only on the individuals who are carrying them but also on their audiences. Having outlined my thesis, I now turn to present the literature which has guided this study.

Chapter 2: Literature Review In a TED Talk3 from 2015, Roxane Gay, a prominent voice in popular feminism, confessed: When I drive to work, I listen to thuggish rap […] even though the lyrics are degrading to women, these lyrics offend me to my core […] I am utterly mortified by my music choices (Gay, 2015). Gay captures the dissonance experienced by feminists when they consume popular culture contents that often belittle, sexualize or simply disregard women. While the tension between enjoying popular culture and holding a feminist standpoint might be a common experience among feminist women, this thesis focuses on those who are especially passionate about popular culture: fans. Fans enthusiastically engage, relate, and associate with their beloved content (which includes movies, TV series, music, novels, and more). Therefore, being part of a fandom that misrepresents or ignores women, whilst also identifying as feminist, might create tension and distress. Given this, this study aims to explore how women negotiate their identities as fans and feminists, especially when the fanned content and fandom community exclude and disregard women. In the recent book Fake Geek Girl (2019), Suzanne Scott argues that since its inception, fandom scholarship has been feminist. Studies about female-focused spaces and practices, such as fanfiction communities or research about gender representations in popular culture, imbued fandom studies with feminist motives such as gender equality, political activism, and female camaraderie. In contrast to Scott's claim, I argue that the connection between fandom and feminism in previous studies was inferred and not explicitly discussed. Similarly, the tension between fandom and feminism was implied in previous studies (Ferreday, 2016; Petersen, 2011; Wise, 1984), but the particular experiences of feminist female fans have yet to be explored in academic scholarship. Therefore, this thesis marries feminism and fandom scholarships through examining feminist female fans, the experiences of being a feminist fan, the tensions that might arise between the two identities, and ways in which these identities are reconciled and negotiated. The original contribution of this research lies in its emphasis on the experiences of feminist female fans’ conflicted identities, identities that have yet to be studied in conjunction. As will be reviewed throughout this thesis, feminism and fandom matter to women who relate to them, and constitute the primary identities women use to define themselves. Unpacking the tensions and reconciliations between feminism and fandom will

3 Online talks delivered by scholars in accessible language to academic and non-academic audiences.

22 not only contribute to their related literatures, but to a broader understanding of identity negotiation as a whole. The findings of this thesis could be implemented in identity management scholarships which explore tactics and narratives used by individuals with other contradictory identities and values, such as religious members of the LGBT+ community (Greenberg, 2004; Hodge, 2005; Thumma, 1991), assimilating immigrants (Dwyer, 2000; Frisina, 2010), or female athletes in male-dominated sports (Ezzell, 2009; Finley, 2010), among others. This literature review introduces three bodies of literature that are key to my exploration of how women reconcile their fannish and feminist identities: identity and belonging, feminism, and fandom studies. First, I review the literature on identity, focusing in particular on the theories of Erving Goffman (1956), Charles Horton Cooley (1992), and George Herbert Mead (1972). These theorists are chosen due to their emphasis on the role of the "other" in shaping and affirming one's identity, an important aspect in the formation of feminist and fan identities. Identity theories are discussed in conjunction with belonging literature, focusing on processes of inclusion and exclusion and their effect on identity formation. Linking identity and belonging literatures provides the theoretical framework to explore and understand feminist women's challenges in identifying as fans in male-dominated communities. Second, feminist literature is reviewed, focusing on the differences, tensions, and rifts between second and third feminist waves and the schools of thought associated with them. As dominant feminist strands have changed over the decades, I identify prominent ones since the 1960s. I particularly stress the departure of third wave's postfeminism from earlier feminist schools of thought, and its popularity among young women today. The review of feminist waves focuses on highlighting clashes between different feminist strands, due to their contrasting, sometimes opposing, interpretations of feminism. This thesis argues that the profusion of feminist strands, continuous frictions and disputes, alongside a plethora of stigmatizing representations of feminist women in the media throughout the years, leave younger and older feminist women confused and unsure if they are interpreting and practicing feminism "properly", much like Roxane Gay's experiences seen at the beginning of this chapter. The review of fandom scholarship engages particularly with the shift of fandom from a marginalized and stigmatized identity, community and practice, into the mainstream of popular culture. After I define and explore definitions of fandom and its widespread stigmatization since the 1980s, I describe the normalization process the fandom community

23 has experienced. However, as the literature demonstrates, the process of fandom entering the mainstream has not been the same for women or people of color and remains exclusive to white, heterosexual men. Reviewing the literature allows me to establish the presumption that feminist female fans experience a dual challenge when seeking acceptance and inclusion in the community because of their gender and feminist identity.

1. Identity, Self, Belonging and Everything In Between4 As established earlier, this thesis explores women's feminist and fan identities. Since identity plays a major role in this thesis, it is imperative to begin by establishing its definition. In Identity, Sociologist Steph Lawler claims that ’identity’ is a term difficult to define, despite its centrality in sociological inquiry: “more or less everyone knows more or less what it means, and yet its precise definition proves slippery” (2014, p.1). Identity is an amalgamation of social and structural categories the individual relates to and with, such as gender, religion, race, class, and nationality, among others (Lawler, 2014; Scott, 2015). It is the lens through which people perceive and internalize the roles they play in society (Schwalbe and Mason- Schrock, 1996; Williams, 2010). Regardless of changes that might occur in our social surroundings, such as moving to a new country or changing occupations, identity provides the reliable foundations on which we construct, perceive, and understand who we are (Hacking, 1999; Williams, 2010). Despite providing the substructures of one's perception of herself, identity is usually not theoretically defined as a stable, fixed construct, but a flexible, dynamic process, in which the individual regularly reconfigures the elements that make up her identity (Bauman, 2004; Frith, 1996; Giddens, 1991; Hall, 1996; Weir, 2013). According to scholars such as Bauman (2004) and Giddens (1991), some identities are not imposed on us, but can be chosen. This post-modern conceptualization of identity has been contested by scholars such as Smart (2007), who argues that identity is not a floating signifier; it is a “connectedness” to the social ties we were born into, a structure that is rooted within us. Even though feminist and fan are identities that might be developed due to the individual's upbringing and connections to others, I argue that these identities are optional; easier to reject or embrace according to the individual's volition, as opposed to gender or race, for instance.

4 It should be stressed that the literature review focuses on "identity" and the "self". Despite differences between the terms (“identity” is associated with social categories, whereas the “self” describes internal, psychological processes), I will use both concepts interchangeably when discussing feminist female fans' identities.

Due to its fluid nature, identity is a project which requires tending, development, and reinforcement in order to feel authentic, or be perceived as such by others. There are two traditional approaches to understanding authentic identity. The first, essentialist approach promotes the idea that the "authentic" lies within each individual, and is sometimes estranged to us. It can be reached and revealed through introspection (Hall, 1992; Maly and Varis, 2016; Marx and Engels, 2009; Trilling, 1993). In contrast, the postmodern approach perceives authenticity as a stamp of approval given to a "successful" performance, which passes as an effortless, coherent externalization of one's values, norms and beliefs (Bargh, McKenna and Fitzsimmons, 2002; Erickson, 1995; Peterson, 2005; Rubidge, 1996). This thesis will espouse the second approach to the concept of authenticity. Identities will be understood as constructs that must be represented and approved by others, as Schwalbe and Mason-Schrock argue, "once an identity is defined […], it is necessary to create opportunities for enacting and reaffirming it (1996, p. 126). Thus, the approval of the "audience" is imperative in the construction and affirming of one's identity. A seminal work establishing the importance of the "audience" in the enactment of one's identity is Erving Goffman's The presentation of the self in everyday life (1956). Goffman offers a dramaturgical theory through which he argues that individuals act as if in a play, continuously performing and externalizing their identities to various audiences. Performance is a two-sided arrangement in which the "performer" can control the situation and the way the audience perceives her. The audience, on their side, receive comprehensive information regarding the performer and understand how they are expected to respond to the performance. Even though Goffman’s theory provides some room for choice and freedom in one’s performance, he stresses that many social roles are already established and strictly defined. The individual is obligated to perform her chosen social role accurately and in accordance with the set expectations. If the individual fails to represent her identity correctly, she will be in danger of what Goffman called “losing face” (Goffman, 1967). The term “face” is used by Goffman to describe the positive image one attempts to project in social interactions. When the individual fails to play her part in accordance to her affiliated or self-proclaimed identity, she loses the ability to control the impression she leaves on others. This thesis is particularly interested in the tactics developed by feminist female fans to prevent situations that will make them appear "lesser" fans or feminists, less "authentic," or as experiencing inner contradictions.

Attention to the role of the audience in one's performance is also apparent in the works of George Hebert Mead (1972) and Charles Horton Cooley (1992). While Goffman theorizes representations of the self in interactions with other social players, Mead (1972) focuses on interactions with an abstract, imagined "Generalized Other." Mead contends that the self is a social product. He argues that the individual develops her identity to the fullest only when considering how others perceive her. However, when Mead discusses the “other,” he does not refer to a specific, but rather to a generalized other. The generalized other incorporates attitudes and perceptions by members of society towards the individual. "Only by taking the attitude of the generalized other toward himself, in one or another of these ways, can he think at all," Mead asserts (p. 156, 1972). This means that the individual is never free from the influence of the generalized other; one can only fully grasp her own identity through the perceptions of others. In parallel to Mead's theory, Cooley (1992) articulates the concept of the “looking-glass self" in order to explain how individuals learn about themselves through society's attitudes toward them. According to Cooley, our sense of self and ability to perceive our identities as authentic and coherent are contingent on how we imagine ourselves through the eyes of others. The scholarships of Goffman, Mead, and Cooley are helpful in thinking and theorizing the experiences of feminist fans since both identities are in constant need of affirmation from other members in those communities. Despite being part of the canon of social sciences, Mead and Cooley's works are rarely implemented (Aboulafia, 1991; Barlösius and Philipps, 2015; Holdsworth and Morgan, 2007), especially in gender, feminism, and fandom studies. By employing theories which are hitherto under-utilized in these fields, this thesis establishes their significant potential for understanding fans, feminists, and other subcultural identities. However, while Cooley, Mead, and Goffman's theories have clear implications for women's identities, these theorists did not explicitly address gender or feminism in their writing but instead developed gender-blind theories. In this thesis, I take their arguments forward by exploring the importance of gender in representation of the self (Goffman) and the generalized other (Mead) through examining the case of feminist female fans. Since this thesis stresses the importance of others in shaping identities, Goffman, Mead, and Cooley's theories are complemented with belonging scholarship. Belonging is a relational process of "identification with, or connection to, cultures, people, places and material objects" (May, 2013, p.3). Though it may appear to resemble the concept of identity, May (2013) argues that belonging provides a more holistic methodological and theoretical

26 approach in which all elements of one's identity are taken into consideration (in contrast to being scrutinized separately as occurs in most identity-focused studies). It is through our belonging to different communities and categories that we are able to construct our identities, and learn about ourselves by relating to different collectives (Jenkins, 2014; May, 2013; Stryker and Burke, 2000; Yuval-Davis, 2011). The concept of belonging is crucial to this thesis because of its importance in identity construction. As will be demonstrated later, female fans cannot experience their identities as legitimate and authentic if they are excluded from their fandom communities. Even though belonging is traditionally associated with a sense of well-being and comfort (May, 2013; Miller, 2003), it also creates interpersonal and intrapersonal tensions through its intrinsic processes of inclusion and exclusion, which determine who belongs and who does not. Jenkins asserts that "to say who I am is to say who or what I am not" (2014, p. 21). This distinction also occurs at a collective level where "we" define ourselves and what "we" have in common that separates us from other collectives (Goodin, 1996; Hall, 1996; Jenkins, 2014; May, 2013; Scott, 2015). Inclusion consists of exclusion by default; "we cannot have one without the other," according to Jenkins (ibid). Processes of inclusion and exclusion are clearly connected to Mead and Cooley's theories. Through marrying these scholarships together, it is understood that one needs to feel included, approved and embraced by the community, which plays the part of her generalized other, in order to think of herself positively. Since individuals are simultaneously embedded in different communities and categories, it is important to discuss belongings, in plural, and the hierarchy between them (Friedman, 1995; Henderson, 2007; Wemyss, 2006). Wemyss (2006) identifies the “hierarchies of belonging” and provides two perspectives to understand it. First, hierarchies of belonging describe the ways in which individuals organize and prioritize their versatile identities (Back, Sinha and Bryan, 2012). According to Friedman (1995), different belongings may contradict each other and conjure ambiguity or ambivalence, as depicted by Griffiths: “there are compromises to be made if I wanted to be, simultaneously, a physicist, a philosopher, a feminist, a woman” (1995, p. 23). Therefore, individuals create a hierarchy of their identities and decide which identities to emphasize over the others in order to resolve this tension. Similar to Griffiths’s comment, I am interested in exploring what kinds of compromises, if any, feminist female fans have to make in order to embody their disparate identities simultaneously.

Even though Goffman did not explicitly address belonging or hierarchies of belonging, he identified certain face management tactics that can reconcile the tension between identities. One such tactic is “role segregation” (1961), in which a specific identity is silenced while another is accentuated: for instance, emphasizing one's fan identity over a feminist one in order to be included in fandom communities. Similarly, in "audience segregation," separate audiences are exposed to different identities of the individual: for example, performing fannish identity in fandom communities and performing feminist identity in feminist communities. Another tactic is "passing" (1963), which includes silencing a particular identity, usually one that attracts stigma and critique, in order to pass as "normal" and evade exclusion. However, belonging scholars warn that alternating identities and playing some of them down in different scenarios can compromise one's chances of appearing authentic and eligible for inclusion in the community (Griffith, 1995; Wemyss, 2006). The second definition of “hierarchies of belonging” accentuates differences between those who automatically belong and those whose belonging is conditional (Griffiths, 1995; Yuval-Davis, 2011). Inclusion processes are discriminatory: some have to prove they belong by conforming or hiding contradictory identities. Certain individuals, especially newcomers to a particular community, will have to go through a liminal stage of conditional belonging, where they will have to prove they belong through aligning with the collective’s norms and values (Ríos-Rojas, 2014; Rutherford, 2008; Wernesjö, 2014). This is true, for instance, in the case of science fiction fandom, a traditionally male-dominated identity and community, wherein (white) men are usually included automatically. In order to discuss feminist fan's inferior position in fandoms, I have developed the concept of conditional belonging in this thesis. Conditional belonging previously featured in several immigration studies (Ríos-Rojas, 2014; Rutherford, 2008; Wernesjö, 2014), but has never been explicitly defined. I suggest that this hitherto underdeveloped and vague concept can, if defined, be fruitfully operationalized in other academic contexts, including the area that this thesis addresses. I define conditional belonging as a social state in which individuals are required to demonstrate conformity to a community they wish to join (Ríos-Rojas, 2014; Warrington and Younger, 2011). In the qualification process, individuals are initially suspected to be inauthentic and perceived as second-class members by founders. Their access to the community's economic and cultural resources is limited until their allegiance and compatibility to the community are proven (Rutherford, 2008). Typically, conditional belonging is not a mandatory process for every individual; certain persons who appear a

"natural" fit (thanks to their ethnicity, gender, age, or any other social category), will be automatically considered as members. Others will go through the process of conditional belonging, which might lead to their inclusion, through alignment with the community's values and cultural identity, or exclusion and rejection from being able to identify as part of the community. Those whose belonging is conditional are not allowed to challenge the values and practices of the community (Weir, 2013), nor are they provided with space to contribute to the creation of meaning within the community (Shotter, 1993). Thus, belonging is not necessarily egalitarian nor is it given freely to individuals. Certain belongings, such as to fan communities, require effort and adjustments. To conclude, scholarships on identity, self and belonging foreground the importance of the social in the formation of a person's identity, whether through performing to an audience, imagining oneself through the eyes of generalized others, or receiving approval from actual members of the community. Introducing the concept of conditional belonging provides a more sophisticated way of understanding the ways in which inclusion into, and exclusion from a certain community play a major role in a person's ability to perceive her identities as established and authentic. This is especially true in the case of feminist female fans, who manage their identities in traditionally male-dominated communities. Having discussed identity construction, I now consider the identities I aim to explore: feminist and fan.

2. "We Should All Be Feminists": Revisiting Feminist Strands In the popular book, We Should All Be Feminists (2014), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie seeks to convince readers that being a feminist should be our natural inclination5. She cites a dictionary definition of feminism to argue that anyone who supports equality between men and women should be keen to identify as feminist: "Feminist: a person who believes in the social, political, and economic equality of the sexes" (2014, p. 47). Identifying as a feminist using Adichie's definition seems almost simple and elementary. Caitlin Moran, another popular feminist writer, provides an even more straightforward approach to feminism: "put your hand in your pants, a) Do you have a vagina? And b) Do you want to be in charge of it? If you said ‘yes’ to both, then congratulations! You’re a feminist (2012, p. 49)." However, I argue that identifying as feminist is not an easy process; it is messy, confusing and might lead to stigmatization, criticism, and exclusion (Gay, 2014; Genz, 2009; Green, 1979; McRobbie,

5 Adichie, a Nigerian novelist, received media exposure after a soundbite from her Ted Talk was featured in the song Flawless, performed by Beyoncé, one of the most successful pop singers in the world nowadays.

2004; Redfern and Aune, 2010; Walter, 1999). Feminist scholars explain that feminism changes consciousness (Green, 1979), motivates a demand for freedom to define oneself (Faludi, 1991), encourages women to seek self-fulfillment (Projansky, 2007), turns every social fact into an opportunity to practice critical thinking (Ahmed, 2017) and encourages solidarity between women (ibid). However, as will be developed soon: the exact interpretations and paths to achieve these goals are unclear to many feminists; how should they criticize society? What should they endorse and reject? What should women consider as empowering? How do we achieve self-fulfillment? The uncertainty and fuzzy boundaries between what is a feminist practice/value, and what is not, what is expected from feminists and what feminists should reject are the focus of this literature review specifically, and the thesis as a whole. This confusion stands at the core of the research and my motivation to explore how women approach the nebulousness of feminist identity. In order to establish the tensions and disputes which have led to women's ambivalence and bewilderment towards feminism, this section provides a brief overview of historical moments of controversy within feminism and between feminists and their stigmatizing representations in the media and society as a whole since the 1960s. Doing so allows me to shed light on the myriad schools of thought historically associated with feminism. I demonstrate how this complex, contradicting array of feminisms, which are still in heated dialogue with each other to this day, could be confusing for women and raise doubts about their ability to perceive themselves as authentic, or "good" feminists. Another motivation to take a historical approach in this review is my interest in including feminist fans from a broad age range in the study. The history of the feminist movement since the 1960s has been characterized by ongoing surges and resurgences of popularity and backlash against feminism. The social climate women were born into and grew up in might impact their perceptions and understanding of feminism. For instance, many scholars perceive the 1980s as a decade in which feminist women faced an intense backlash. This occurred after the feminist movement experienced growing momentum during the 1960s and 1970s in the US and UK (Faludi, 1991; Genz, 2009; Pugh, 2000; Tasker and Negra, 2007). Scholars also describe a resurgence of the popularity of feminism from mid to late 1990s onwards (Genz, 2009; Pugh, 2000; Tasker and Negra, 2007; Walker, 1995), in which younger feminists are commonly depicted as rejecting "older" feminist values, like "bad girls rebelling against dowdy feminist mothers" (Whelehan, 2000, p. 82). Through this research, I ask if feminist female fans from different generations perceive and practice feminism differently and if they espouse the feminist discourse which prevailed in the decade

30 they were born and grew up into. I also explore whether the feminist strand feminist fans side with has an impact on their engagement with their fandom. When discussing feminist waves and strands, I am careful not to fall into the trap of over-generalization, as women from different historical periods, countries, and cultural backgrounds might experience feminism differently. Even though this review focuses on the UK and US – two geographical points which receive the most academic and media attention in the western world - it acknowledges, for instance, that women in Spain lived under a dictatorship from 1939 until 1975 (Bustelo, 2014), or that women in Switzerland were given the right to vote in 1971, almost 50 years after the same law was legislated in the UK (Abrams and Settle, 1999). Women from various countries experience different struggles. Similarly, this could also be true for women who live in the same neighborhood but differ in terms of their religion and ethnicity, for instance. Nevertheless, some distinctions and generalizations are made in order to understand the historical tensions and differences between feminist waves and the plethora of feminist strands associated with them. This is achieved by exploring prominent feminist voices related to each particular period. I begin by focusing on the 1960s and 1970s as these decades are widely associated with the inception of second wave feminism, prominently led by radical and liberal feminists. I then discuss third wave feminism, focusing especially on postfeminism and popular feminism, the latter of which is the feminist school which includes the likes of Adichie and Moran, who were introduced earlier. The 1960s and 1970s are commonly associated with thriving feminist activism (Pugh, 2000; Faludi, 1991). The inception of second wave feminism is traditionally marked by the release of Betty Friedan's book, The Feminine Mystique in 1963 in the US (Faludi, 1991; Greer, 1971), and the first women's liberation conference at Ruskin College in 1970 in the UK (Pugh, 2000). Backed by a plethora of academic scholarship (Dworkin, 1974; Firestone, 1980; Friedan, 1963; Greer, 1971; Oakley, 1972), feminists fought against job discriminations, rape and sexual assaults and promoted women's rights over their bodies. Later, during the 1980s, the movement also incorporated issues of race and sexuality, including and representing a wider spectrum of women (hooks, 1981; Firestone, 1980; Lorde, 1984). A central feminist strand in those decades was radical feminism, which is traditionally understood as extreme dismissal of various "feminine" practices such as child-rearing, interest in fashion and beauty products, among others (Firestone, 1980; Lorde, 1984; MacKinnon, 1979). I presume that feminist fans who side with radical feminism might be

31 highly critical of fanned contents that marginalize and sexualize women and would experience acute tension between feminism and their fandom. The thriving feminist activity in the 1960s and 1970s was often besmirched by sensationalized news coverage and demonizing portrayals in popular culture. This includes, for instance, the vilification of feminist protesters during the Miss America pageant in Atlantic City in 1967, which cemented the trope of the angry, bra-burning feminist in popular culture (Faludi, 1991; Genz, 2009). Other examples of the deprecation of feminist women during the 1980s in the media include notorious and successful films such as Fatal Attraction (1987) and Kramer VS Kramer (1979) (Faludi, 1991; Genz, 2009; Tyler, 2007). Female leads featured in these movies embodied a moral panic about the ramifications of the feminist movement by portraying negligent mothers or careerists who obsessively pursue married men. These movies conjured common accusations that women's emancipation undermined the "natural" social order by emasculating men and increasing divorce rates (ibid). Negative portrayals in the media, joined by internal quarrels between different strands of feminism, such as socialists against revolutionary feminists (Rees, 2010), or radical feminists versus sex-positive feminists (Bright, 1992; Dworkin, 1987; Mackinnon, 1979; Paglia, 1990) contributed to the deterioration of the feminist movement during the 1980s. Young women born during and after the 1980s were, therefore, raised in a social climate which perceived feminism as an outdated movement which had exhausted its goals. This idea was contested by veteran feminists and certain younger ones as well (Faludi, 1991; Genz, 2009; Penny, 2014; Pugh, 2000; Redfern and Aune, 2010; Walker, 1995; Whelehan, 2000). Nevertheless, exposure to stigmatized feminist tropes - associating feminism with unpleasant appearances, man-hating, and overt aggression - drew young women away from feminism (ibid). Moreover, women who enjoyed traditional feminine practices, such as wearing make-up and sexy dresses or mothering children, felt excluded from the feminist movement, understanding that feminism condemned feminine practices (Genz, 2009; Pugh, 2000; Sa'ar, Lewin and Simchai, 2016; Walker, 1995). Then, in the late 1990s, postfeminism, the standard-bearer of third wave feminism, filled the void left by women who shunned the feminist movement. There is a lively debate about the meaning of “post” in postfeminism. One approach added the "post" to feminism to hint at the anachronism and irrelevance of the feminist movement. According to this stance, feminism is a thing of the past; it has attained its goals and is therefore unnecessary (Genz, 2009; Lotz, 2011; McRobbie, 2004; Redfern and Aune, 2010; Rottenberg, 2014). Many feminist scholars argue that while second wave feminism

32 identified as the successor of the prior wave - a continuation and development of goals and achievements made during the first wave - postfeminism (as part of third wave feminism) marks an epistemological break from second wave feminism (Bailey, 1997; Gill and Scharf, 2011; Dow, 1996; Redfern and Aune, 2010). Postfeminism not only rejects the earlier wave, but dismisses feminism entirely: "it's almost as if, to demonstrate the empowerment and success expected of them, women have to dissociate themselves from feminism: they're empowered, so they no longer need it" (Redfern and Aune, 2010, p. 9). The second meaning of "postfeminism" suggests a paradoxical understanding of current-day feminism and femininity, which simultaneously rejects and embraces them (Budgeon, 2010; Genz, 2009; Holland, 2004; McRobbie, 2004). After years in which feminist women were depicted as hairy-legged man-haters, postfeminists celebrated femininity, motherhood, and domesticity (Budgeon, 2011; Genz, 2008, 2009), while at the same time encouraged women to act cool and be "part of the guys" (Howie and Tauchert, 2004; Levy, 2005). To demonstrate, a postfeminist woman can indulge in wearing retro 1950s-style dresses while baking cookies but find this type of femininity fun, tongue-in- cheek, and empowering. Sexualized female characters might not concern feminist fans who side with postfeminism. They might find them empowering, and perhaps experience fewer tensions between feminism and fandom6. Stemming from a neoliberal discourse, postfeminism's main tenets are empowerment, freedom of choice, and individualism (Banet-Weiser, 2018; Genz, 2009; McRobbie, 2004; Penny, 2014; Rottenberg, 2014). Postfeminists reject earlier feminist discourse which portrayed women as victims of patriarchy and instead celebrate female empowerment (Baker, 2010; Genz, 2008; Sorisio, 1997; Wolf, 1993). While 1960s and 1970s radical feminism appeared critical of “feminine” practices, such as mothering children or caring for physical appearance, postfeminism does not. The postfeminist stance promotes women's freedom to choose their own interests and passions and does not condemn traditional feminine roles. No practice or value is construed as inherently wrong – as long as one freely chooses a certain practice, it is a feminist choice (Baker, 2010; Banyard, 2010; Genz, 2009; Gay, 2014; Moran, 2011; Munford and Waters, 2014). Consequently, postfeminism appears to provide a contemporary, flexible and inclusive intellectual home for young women who were unable to relate to feminism beforehand.

6 Postfeminism can be written with or without a hyphen. A hyphen hints to a period of time that has moved beyond feminism, an approach I do not espouse. Therefore, throughout the thesis, postfeminism will be written without a hyphen, aligning with the second understanding of the term.

However, feminist scholars such as Budgeon (2011) and Favaro and Gill (2018) assert that striving for inclusion (of all women, all values, all practices), finding empowerment in any practice taken by a woman and refusing to dictate any rules of conduct in the feminist community leaves postfeminism a fragmented, vacant school of thought, a “floating signifier” (Favaro and Gill, 2018, p. 56) lacking clear arguments. Journalist Ariel Levy argues, for instance, that “just because we are post doesn’t automatically mean we are feminists” (2005, p. 5). She sardonically questions women's willingness to participate in practices that objectify and sexualize them, and claims, "we earned our right to look at playboy; we were empowered enough to get Brazilian bikini waxes" (2005, p. 4). According to critics of postfeminism, much of the postfeminist discourse regarding choice and empowerment concludes with women succumbing to beauty regimes, willingly sexualizing and objectifying themselves; women have embraced sexism and guised it as postfeminist empowerment (Favaro and Gill, 2018; Gill, 2007; Levy, 2005; McRobbie, 2009; Walter, 2010). Author Kat Banyard makes a similar argument when she cautions feminists against a “dead-end situation whereby almost anything can be justified as feminist simply by identifying that individual 'choice' and 'agency' were involved” (2010, p. 206). If anything, according to Budgeon (2011), a choice must hold some sense of revolt and going against the grain; choosing to do exactly the same as others, is not a choice. This critique demonstrates that while postfeminism is one of the most ubiquitous feminist discourses since the 1990s, it is also contested by many contemporary feminist scholars. Postfeminism's attempt to trickle into the mainstream is prominently reflected in its sub-strand: popular feminism. Beginning with books such as Fear of Flying (Jong, 1973) and The Women's Room (French, 1977) and gaining more recognition in recent years with authors such as Caitlin Moran (2012), Roxane Gay (2015) and Laurie Penny (2014), popular feminism imports feminism from its academic "ivory tower" to non-academic audiences. It is led by journalists, writers, and celebrities who strive to promote feminist thought via an effervescent style and unapologetic embrace of femininity, wherein one can be feminist and feminine at the same time (Gay, 2014; Levy, 2005; Moran, 2012; Walter, 1999). While older generations of feminists were outsiders who operated at the fringes of society (whether by forced exclusion or their own volition), popular feminists wish to be part of the mainstream (Banet-Weiser, 2018; Walter, 1999). As part of its proceeding into the mainstream by tapping into young women's experiences and interests, popular feminism frequently addresses everyday issues such as social media, fashion, and celebrities (Gay, 2014; Moran, 2011; Walter, 1999). Popular

34 feminism is deeply engaged with popular culture, embracing it as an essential arena for feminist scrutiny: "popular culture is not trivial […] engaging with it is […] a valid way to change society" (Redfern and Aune, 2010, p. 172). Even though popular culture was scrutinized by adherents of previous feminist strands (Demetrakopoulos, 1977; Hubbard, 1985; Rowe, 1979), third wave feminism and popular feminism specifically are dedicated to promoting women’s visibility in popular culture (Banet-Weiser, 2004). Popular feminism urges the need to apply advocacy in "seemingly less serious issues like a Top 40 song or a comedian's puerile humor" (Gay, 2014, p. 317)7. This approach to popular culture clarifies why earlier representations of feminist female characters in movies such as Kramer VS Kramer or Fatal Attraction matter and have a harmful impact on the lives of feminist women. The push to criticize popular culture comes from the understanding that this is not a niche interest of a minuscule group, but a site which attracts the attention of millions worldwide, and therefore holds the power to reflect, depict and shape our understanding of current society (Redfern and Aune, 2010; Wood, 2016). Sowards and Renegar (2004) identify popular culture as a platform for consciousness- raising. Originated in the 1970s, consciousness-raising groups engaged women with each other in safe, private spaces where they could share personal experiences and discuss gender discrimination. These meetings stimulated women’s feminist identities based on the understanding that their struggles were not personal and individual but a social and political affair (Dean, 2010; Sowards and Renegar, 2004; Whelehan, 2007). Sowards and Renegar (2004) assert that today, popular culture can also turn women into feminists. In parallel to consciousness-raising groups of the 1970s, this is achieved through exposure to positive representations of female characters and performers. Despite a minuscule cadre of positive role models, popular culture can often be a source of frustration for feminists due to its frequent demeaning, sexualizing, and belittling depictions of women (Dow, 1996; Gay, 2014; Redfern and Aune, 2011). In her book about television and the feminist movement, Dow apologetically shares: "to love television as I do and be a committed feminist, as I believe myself to be, will seem oxymoronic to many" (1996, p. xii). Dow is not alone here; many feminists have expressed shame and guilt for enjoying and passionately engaging with popular culture (Gay, 2014; Petersen, 2011; Redfern and Aune, 2010; Walker, 1995). A prominent voice in what I term feminism's "guilt culture" is that of Roxane Gay, who famously dubbed herself a "bad feminist" due to the contents she

7 In that sense, this research also contributes to the body of research inspired by popular feminism, as it focuses on women's engagement with popular media.

35 enjoyed. Returning to the excerpt in the opening of this chapter, Gay is ashamed of her passions and interest, which she thinks contradict her feminist identity: I fall short as a feminist. I feel like I am not committed as I need to be, that I am not living up to feminist ideals because of who and how I choose to be (2014, p. 303). Thus, it appears that despite the push by postfeminism and popular feminism for inclusion and free choice, feminist women still feel confused regarding what is expected of them, and unsure how to practice feminism "correctly", especially in relation to their engagement with popular culture (Dow, 1996; Gay, 2014; Genz, 2009; McRobbie, 2014; Sorisio, 1997; Walker, 1995). The confusion and guilt expressed by Dow and Gay form the focus of this study. Feminist strands such as radical feminism, postfeminism, and popular feminism have not actually replaced each other but continue to co-exist, challenge and contest one another. The divisions between schools of thought, alongside constant vilification of feminists in the media, have distanced young women from the feminist movement and left those identifying as feminists confused about whether they were "doing it right." Because different decades are associated with contrasting strands of feminism (i.e. the 1970s with radical feminism and the 2000s with postfeminism), it is important to scrutinize how feminist fans from different generations perceive and practice feminism and marry it with fandom. For instance, older and younger feminist fans might differ in the critiques of their fanned content, depending on their feminist stance, or encounter distinctive challenges in their engagement with fan communities. Having established that feelings of shame and guilt might arise among feminists who engage with popular culture, I now shift my focus towards fans, who embrace their involvement with popular culture as part of their identities.

3. Getting a (Fannish) Life: From Marginalized Fans to Stigmatized Fangirls Fandom, much like identity and feminism, is a difficult concept to define (Hills, 2002, 2017a; Linden and Linden, 2016; Sandvoss, 2005; Wirman, 2007). Reviewing the plethora of definitions for fandom, I espouse the one suggested by CarrieLynn D. Reinhard due to its incorporation of all the main components of fannish experience, cognitive (which will be addressed in this thesis as intellectual engagement), affective and behavioral: A fan is someone who repeatedly engages with an object of affection […] the act of repeatedly returning to that object demonstrates cognitive and/or affective needs that exceeds those of a person who could be classified as a viewer, reader, or player. Being a fan involves bringing together cognitive,

affective, and behavioral intentions and orientations to a specific "thing“(2018, p. 4). Even though Reinhard’s definition is quite comprehensive, I argue that it lacks two elements: community and consumption. In order to fully define and grasp fandom, I begin by unpacking Reinhard’s model and include my additions. Scrutinizing each component that configures fannish identity is essential because I am interested in exploring how each facet is employed, embraced, or rejected by feminist fans in their effort to reconcile feminism and fandom. Fandom could be interpreted as an intellectual engagement with popular culture contents, as fans "produce reams of information on their object of fandom" (Hills, 2002, p. xiii). Fans memorize quotes, lyrics, stats, names, or filming locations, and demonstrate their connoisseurship with pride (Hills, 2002; Brown, 1997; Jenkins, 2007; Linden and Linden, 2016; Reinhard, 2018). With information meticulously curated over the years, fans approach their fanned text as experts, who can professionally analyze the text and reveal its hidden meanings (known as "forensic fandom") (Hills, 2002; 2015; Jenkins, 1992; Scott, 2017). Inspired by Bourdieu’s work, John Fiske (1992) addresses intellectual engagement as "cultural capital," where fans gain acclaim and recognition in the community by demonstrating sufficient and extensive knowledge of their fandom (the importance of connoisseurship as cultural capital and its use in practices of exclusion will be further developed later). Fans' involvement with the object of their fandom does not only provoke intellectual engagement but emotional stimulation as well (Booth and Kelly, 2013; Cavicchi, 1998; Sandvoss, 2005; 2007). This emotional attachment is not a shallow fascination or attraction, but a deep identification with the fanned content (Brough and Shresthova, 2012; Jenkins, 1992; Jenson, 1992; Linden and Linden, 2016), as maintained by Sandvoss: "the object of fandom […] is intrinsically interwoven with our sense of self, with who we are, would like to be, and think we are" (2005, p. 96). Further, according to Reinhard (2018) fandom embodies one’s set of values, including religious and political inclinations. The “behavioral" aspect of fandom, as Reinhard terms it, is often used by other scholars to distinguish fans from common popular culture consumers (Abercrombie and Longhurst, 1998; Bacon-Smith, 1992; Jenkins, 2018; Wirman, 2007). Unlike widespread stigma, which depicts fans as passive dupes (to be developed shortly), fans actively engage with their fandom through various and diverse practices: “enjoyment does not arise out of passive reception but out of active engagement” (Bacon-Smith, 1992, p. 16). Behavioral

37 activities, which are traditionally termed “transformative” practices, include writing fanfiction8 (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Bowman, 2011; Jenkins, 1988; Larsen and Zubernis, 2012; Salter and Blodgett, 2017), producing and editing fan videos (Brough and Shresthova, 2012; Click, Miller, Behm-Morawitz and Stevens Aubrey, 2015) and cosplaying9 (Bourdaa, 2018; Lamerichs, 2011; Reagle, 2015). Transformative practices are traditionally associated with female fans, whereas intellectual engagement is affiliated with male fans (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Jenkins, 1988; Orme, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). In this thesis, I am interested in exploring the practices employed by feminist female fans: whether they serve any feminist purpose, and if they contribute to their inclusion in, or exclusion from, the fandom community. I suggest including two more essential dimensions to Reinhard’s model: consumption and community. Fans are considered “ideal consumers” (Cavicchi, 1998, p. 62) due to their keenness to purchase merchandise related to their fanned content and display them as a sign of their devotion (Hills, 2002; Kozinets, 2001; Linden and Linden, 2016; Sandvoss, 2005). While, arguably, consumption is not a necessity for one’s experience of fandom, scholarship tends to stress the importance of community. Fandom is regularly understood as a community in which fans engage with each other, share ideas and take part in transformative works together, both online and off (Hills, 2002; Jenkins, 1988; Jones, 2014; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011). Social ties between fandom members are commonly associated with intimacy, friendships, and a sense of belonging, which are cultivated through mutual interests (Bourdaa, 2018; Cavicchi, 1998; Zubernis and Larsen, 2018). Communal affinity appears to be so important to fans that Reinhard asserts that “fans only recognize themselves and others as fans by how they engage with one another in the community that emerges around this object. In this view, fans cannot exist in isolation” (2018, p. 4)10. According to Reinhard, fans are not able to perceive themselves as such until they are recognized and authorized to identify as fans by their peers. In her book, Reinhard does not engage with identity or belonging theories. Nevertheless, I find a clear connection in her assertion regarding fans' need for approval and acceptance in the community with Mead's theory and belonging scholarship. The original contribution of this thesis, therefore, is the implementation of

8 Fan-made storylines inspired by the original fanned diegesis. 9 Creating costumes and dressing up as characters from the fanned content. 10 Having developed the prominent aspects defining fandom, it is important to note that multiple scholars have recently raised doubts about existing terminologies. For instance, most definitions tend to neglect loner fans, or fans that are uninterested in consumption or production (Harrington and Bielby, 2018; Hellekson, 2018; Hills, 2017a; Linden and Linden, 2016; Wirman, 2007). However, for the sake of this research, I will suspend the problematization of the term, and focus on interviewees’ own definitions of fandom.

Mead’s theory in fandom studies, a field of research which frequently emphasizes the importance of the community and social interactions between fans, but has never analyzed this through the prism of the generalized other and belonging. Despite, or perhaps because of the plethora of fannish practices employed by fans and the devotion they display towards their fandom, fandom has been heavily stigmatized since its inception. The term “fan” is derived from the Latin word “fanaticus,” which describes fervent belonging to a sacred temple (Jenkins, 2006), associating fandom with exaggerated, senseless devotion (Ali, 2002; Davidson, 2007). Throughout the years, especially during the 1980s and 1990s, fans have been regularly pathologized by the media and society as a whole: thought of as childish, uninhibited, marginalized, lonely, socially-deprived and obsessive individuals (Jenkins, 1988; 1992; Jenson, 1992; Kozinets, 2001; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; Lopes, 2006; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). Fans have been historically treated as “a problem to be solved, a mystery to be understood" (Jenkins, 1988, p. 470) due to their “improper […] commitment to something as seemingly unimportant and ‘trivial’ as a film or TV series” (Hills, 2002, p. x). Due to fans’ passionate adoration of popular culture contents, they are traditionally regarded as cultural dupes, passive, blind followers, who are brainwashed by the media (Gray, 2003; Jenkins, 1992; Jenson, 1992). Undoubtedly, Textual Poachers, released by Henry Jenkins in 1992, marked the inception of fandom studies and the beginning of the establishment of fandom as a legitimate identity, practice, community, and field of research. Jenkins draws the concept of poaching from Michael de Certeau's The Practice of Everyday Life (1984), in which De Certeau theorizes individuals' tactical maneuvers in everyday life to attain transient power. Defining fans as textual poachers introduced the idea that fans are not powerless dupes in the hands of powerful production companies, but savvy consumers who "hunt," pick and unpack contents in a subversive manner, making significant use of popular culture in order to define and refine their perspectives, values, and identities. Adopting De Certeau's theory promoted one of Textual Poachers' main agendas: destigmatizing fans and shedding a positive light on the fannish experience. Indeed, since Textual Poachers, fandom has gradually become more popular and mainstream, and an acceptable platform to explore and express one's identity (Booth, 2018; Coppa, 2014; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; Proctor and Kies, 2018; Van de Gor, 2015). However, the embrace of fans by society as a whole and popular culture specifically, remained a privilege exclusively saved for (white) male fans (Busse, 2013; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; Salter and Blodgett, 2017).

Most fandom arenas (sports, comic-books, gaming, etc.) are traditionally associated with men, including science fiction fandom (Brown, 1997; Nyberg, 1995; Linden and Linden, 2016; Orme, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Stanfill, 2018). Stereotypical representations of science fiction fandom, especially during the 1980s and 1990s, featured male fans. The most infamous example of this is Saturday Night Live's skit featuring William Shatner from 1986. The scene featured mostly male fans, depicted as socially-awkward, physically unattractive individuals who obsess over minor details in the show. Baffled by their obsession, the popular Star Trek star urged them to “get a life!” This skit solidified, according to Jenkins (1992), the demeaning, emasculating stereotype of male fans, which has haunted them since. Indeed, Wilson (2018) argues that male fans had been historically mocked for not adjusting to gender norms and hegemonic masculinity, which values physical strength, confidence, and interest in sports and athletics, among other things. Due to their assumed undesirable traits (poor hygiene, low social skills, virginity and inability to communicate with women) and disproportionate enthusiasm for the "wrong" things, male fans were chastised by non-fans, women and men alike (Gray, 2003; Lopes, 2006; Nyberg, 1995; Orme, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Wilson, 2018). Nevertheless, over time, and with the development of digital media (another "geeky" interest) in the new millennium, the normalization of binge-watching practices on Netflix and the massive success of superhero films and franchises such as Star Wars, science fiction fandom turned more popular11. Science fiction fandom became part of a novel "geeky" masculinity, which was suddenly accepted as appealing and attractive (Bell, 2013; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Orme, 2016; Reinhard, 2018). Famous geeky men, such as Mark Zuckerberg (founder of Facebook), Elon Musk (founder of Tesla and SpaceX), or Evan Spiegel (founder of Snapchat), demonstrated the potential of translating geeky interests in science and technology into financial success and popularity with the opposite sex. Another example of the newfound fame of male fans can be found in their centrality and prevalence in successful television series such as The Big Bang Theory (2007 -2019), Silicon Valley (2014 - ) and The IT Crowd (2006 – 2013), which feature geeky male characters who work in STEM, identify as science fiction fans and hold long-term relationships with women. After years of scorn and castigation, the stigma associated with science fiction male fans has ameliorated, as they have

11 Terms such as "nerd", "geek" and "fans" are frequently used interchangeably in scholarship, despite their different meanings. Nerd is typically an odd outsider who lacks social skills, geek is the "brainy" type who is interested in science and technology, and fan is a passionate consumer of popular culture contents. My focus is on fans, but I will sometimes use affiliated terms such as geeks and nerds when citing other works or using quotes by my interviewees, as these terms are frequently intertwined with each other.

40 gradually gained the power to shield their identities and communities from those who once taunted them and now want to join them, such as women. "Fanboys […] are to some extent enjoying the new cachet of being a nerd […] no such work yet exists for the fangirls", argue Larsen and Zubernis (2012, p. 9). When it comes to the normalization process of science fiction fandom, it appears exclusive to white men, as the stigma on female fans lingers on (Busse, 2013; Orme, 2016; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; Scott, 2013). Scholar Sheryl Garratt explains that “the word ‘fan,’ when applied to women, is derogatory. It is always assumed that […] they are uncritical and stupid” (1990, p. 409). Scholars assert that the stigmatization of female fans is particular and distinct from that of male fans. While male fans are considered trivia-obsessed outcasts who spend hours analyzing and memorizing information regarding their fandom, "fangirls" are perceived hysterical and emotional. It is assumed that female fans are drawn to the object of fandom for shallow reasons, such as the star's good looks, while completely lacking analytical skills that male fans possess in order to think critically about their fandom (Busse, 2013; Cohen, Seate, Anderson and Tindage, 2015; Driscoll, 2002; Fan, 2012; Jenkins, 1992; McRobbie, 1991; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). Aside from the "fangirl," science fiction female fans are associated with other distinctive tropes: the male fan's girlfriend and "fake geek girl." Some female fans are accused of taking advantage of the scarcity of women in science fiction fan communities and infiltrating male-dominated spaces in order to draw attention to themselves, feel desired, or find a sexual or romantic partner (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Simon, 2011; Reagle, 2015). This is a common argument made against female cosplayers. Since most female characters featured in science fiction contents are hypersexualized, when female fans cosplay as them, they become an “erotic spectacle” (Jenkins, 1992, p. 15). Some male fans, therefore, blame female cosplayers of faking interest in science fiction so that they could wear sexy outfits12. Because of these presumptions, female fans' authenticity is regarded with suspicion. "Fake female fans" are doing fandom incorrectly, according to male fans (Orme, 2016; Penny, 2013, 2014; Reagle, 2015; Salter and Blodgett, 2017); they are not thoroughly familiar with their object of fandom, take part in the "wrong" practices, and prefer transformative practices over connoisseurship engagement (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Busse, 2015; Click, Miller, Behm- Morawitz and Stevens Aubrey, 2015; Scott, 2017).

12 Female fans' provocative apparel attracts so much unwanted male attention, such as cat-calling or groping, that female fans began a campaign called "CONsent" against sexual harassments at Comic-Con conventions in 2014 (Bevers, 2014; Zennie, 2014).

Years of experiencing stigma before advancing from the outskirts of popular culture into its mainstream has made veteran science fiction fans suspicious of newcomers, as described by Salter and Blodgett: Geeks used to the marginalization of the chosen media and fandoms have been given a choice: embrace the new popularity and surge of interest […] or defend the terrain from those less dedicated, who have never suffered from their geekdom. Many geeks have visibly chosen the latter (2017, p. 11). Fans discriminate against each other and create hierarchies based on the contents they endorse and the practices they take part in, treating novel fans as suspects until they prove their authenticity (Booth and Kelly, 2013; Hills, 2002, 2015; Fiske, 1992; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; Linden and Linden, 2016; Van de Goor, 2015). In this research, I explore whether feminist female fans' identities create impasses in their inclusion to fandom communities and their location in the fandom hierarchy. The literature reviewed in this section reveals the challenges that feminist female fans might face. After experiencing ridicule by women for so long, studies suggest that male fans might be hesitant, or even defensive, about including women in their communities. As Banet- Weiser suggests, "women are framed within toxic geek masculinity as the central problematic issue" (2018, p. 154). She goes on to argue that it is not only that women, in general, are considered a "problem," and that "feminism is a threat to geeks" (2018, p. 159). Geekdom has only recently become a legitimate form of masculinity, allowing women to identify as geeks and science fiction fans might, yet again, turn fandom into a practice that is not masculine. Scholars such as Banet-Weiser, Scott (2019), and Salter and Blodgett (2017) have all discussed toxic geek masculinity and its antagonism towards women and feminism. What is missing in these insightful works is the experiences of feminist female fans who take part in fandom communities, told from their perspectives and their own voices. Another challenge for feminist female fans is the exclusion and belittlement of women in the fanned content itself. Many popular culture contents include sexualized and objectified female characters, leading scholars such as Orme (2016) and Salter and Blodgett (2017) to argue that comic-books and science fiction contents explicitly sexualize many female characters in order to satisfy what producers and publishers assume to be their primary audience: heterosexual men. Countless science fiction contents fail to include women in leading roles and frequently use them as merely side-kicks, damsels in distress, or love interests (Bowman, 2005; Tulloch and Alvarado, 1984; Wood, 2016). Returning to Gay's quote which opened this chapter, I explore how women who identify as feminist fans engage

42 with fanned contents that do not cater to or acknowledge them as consumers. I ask if they feel like "bad feminists" for enjoying such contents. By these means, I will be able to explore whether women's ability to perceive themselves as possessing coherent and authentic identities is impaired when they enjoy contents they feel they "should not," or whether they develop tactics and rationales which rectify this conflict.

4. Putting Feminism and Fandom Together So far, I have described the tensions that might arise between feminism and fandom, including misrepresentation of female characters in the fanned diegesis and exclusion of female fans from male-dominated fandoms. This section, in contrast, demonstrates similarities between both identities. Even though this might not be obvious, feminists and fans share similar challenges. The fan and feminist identities are similar in the stigma they attract and the hardships of proving their authenticity. Proclaiming the identities of fan and feminist might mean carrying a burden of stigma and criticism, as both appear "too" passionate, hysterical and obsessed (Ali, 2002; Driscoll, 2002; Faludi, 1991; Pugh, 2000; Walter, 1999). When women decide to take the labels of feminist or fan upon themselves, they also have to prove they are authentic. As described earlier, feminist women are sometimes overcome by the versatility of feminist discourses and are unable to discern the "right" way to practice feminism (Gay, 2014; Genz, 2009; Gill, 2007; McRobbie, 2004; Moran, 2012). Female fans, on the other hand, are faced with opposition from their male counterparts who are eager to keep their fandom community exclusive (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Reagle, 2015; Simon, 2011; Orme, 2016). While these impasses are prominent in both identities individually, I presume they are amplified when women proclaim both identities in conjunction. Only a few studies have previously addressed women's reconciliation between fandom and feminism. Sexing Elvis (1984), recounts Sue Wise's own effort to rationalize her life-long fandom of Elvis after identifying as feminist in adulthood. In her auto-ethnography Wise illustrated the tension she experienced between feminism and her adoration of someone who appears as the epitome of macho culture (according to Wise herself and those surrounding her). However, Wise did not explore other feminist Elvis fans' negotiation of their identities and focuses only on her own experience. In contrast to Wise, Petersen (2011) probed other feminists' justifications for enjoying Twilight through in-depth interviews13.

13 A novels-turned into movies franchise which is traditionally associated with young female audiences.

However, Petersen emphasized that her participants are not explicit fans of the franchise, but casual readers. In the most recent example, Ferreday (2016) examined the online reception of the controversial rape scene in Game of Thrones between Cersei and Jaime Lannister. Even though Ferreday was interested in feminist discourse among Game of Thrones fans, I argue that it is impossible to affirm if online commentators explicitly identify as feminist fans or explore their thoughts further. This, then, is the first study that sheds light on women who self-identify as feminists and science fiction fans, focusing on how they articulate their experiences in their own voices. A further original contribution of this study besides the explicit engagement with feminist and fan identities is its comparison between younger and older feminist fans. Throughout the chapter, I have established the importance of comparing different generations of feminist fans (to be elaborated on in the methodology chapter). Feminists from different ages might have distinctive conceptualizations of feminist identity and practice because they have been influenced by dominant feminist discourses constructed in the period in which they grew up. Similarly, the meaning of being a fan has shifted over the years, as fandom has progressively shifted from the fringes of society into the mainstream of popular culture. This process has drawn more women in on the one hand, but exposed them to retaliation by veteran male fans, on the other hand. Lifelong fandom and adult fans have been scrutinized in the past (Anderson, 2012; Harrington and Bielby, 2018; Petersen, 2017). Unlike this thesis, previous studies did not observe the juxtaposition between lifelong or adult fandom and other identities, such as feminism.

5. Summary and Implications For My Research Questions This literature review has unpacked the three central bodies of literature I engage with in this thesis: identity and belonging, feminism, and fandom. While identity is a broad concept, relating to a plethora of studies and theories, I emphasized those that stress the importance of the "other" in the formation of one's identity. I chose to espouse the theories of Goffman, Mead, and Cooley, which, in their different approaches, all stress that identity is a performance that has to be validated by others in order to be perceived as authentic by the performer. I have linked Goffman, Mead and Cooley's works to belonging scholarship, which also focuses on others' approval and acceptance in identity construction. Not only do I combine these scholarships in this thesis, but I also develop them through incorporating gender, which was not considerated in the original theories.

After introducing the prism through which identity is understood and implemented in the thesis, I moved on to elaborate on the identities that the thesis will focus on: feminist and fan. I reviewed the historical development of both identities, as they moved from the fringes of society into the mainstream while stressing the stigma they have always attracted. Feminism and fandom are identities which involve boundaries, and inclusion and exclusion regimes in which different groups of interest struggle to attain the mandate over the community. In feminism, I explored the constant disputes between contrasting strands, which might confuse aspiring feminists, whereas, in fandom, veteran male fans are eager to keep new female fans out of their "all-boys" club. Having depicted the numerous challenges which might arise when identifying as feminists and fans, I aim to examine how feminist female fans reconcile these conflicts in this thesis. This thesis focuses on feminist fans of the television series Doctor Who and the Star Wars franchise, two of the biggest and most successful science fiction franchises in the world. As will be explained in the methodology chapter, these traditionally male-dominated fandoms were selected due to: their success and popularity; their longevity in popular culture, starting in the 1960s and 1970s (meaning that their fandoms include women who have been fans for a few decades); their historical lack, or controversial use of female characters. The research question leading this thesis asks to examine how feminist female fans of science fiction reconcile and negotiate their identities. Based on the literature review, this research explored five sub-questions: 1. How do feminist female fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who articulate what makes one a "good" feminist and authentic fan? 2. How do feminist fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who perceive and practice both identities? 3. Do feminist female fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who from different generations articulate and practice their identities differently? 4. Do feminist fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who feel stigmatized, and if so, how does this affect the way that they perceive and practice their identities? 5. Do feminist fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who experience conflict between both identities, and if so, how do they navigate between them? If not, how do they marry the two? In the following chapter, Chapter 3, I introduce the methodology and method I espoused in this research. This chapter will be followed by my findings, developed in chapters 4 to 7.

Chapter 3: Methodology This thesis looks into women's negotiation and reconciliation of their complex, possibly contradictory, identities as fans and feminists. While a few studies have engaged with the intersection of fandom and feminism, research has yet to turn the spotlight onto feminist female fans and provide rich data about their experiences as expressed in their own words. In order to provide an extensive, in-depth account of how feminist female fans articulate, practice and reconcile their identities, this study implements a feminist methodology, employing qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews. This chapter unpacks the rationale behind the methodology and method chosen for this study and their congruence with the research's questions and aims. In the sections that follow, I review the feminist methodology that has guided the decisions taken during the fieldwork and analysis period, including: choosing to conduct semi-structured interviews in order to provide in-depth reports of feminist female fans' experience in their own words; recruiting women who self-identify as feminists and fans of Doctor Who and Star Wars, encouraging interviewees to provide their own definitions for feminism and fandom; deliberating ethical considerations, such as incidents in which high rapport led to disclosure of intimate details; and conducting data analysis that is true to interviewees' accounts and feminist theory. Before delving into my method, I review the rationale of feminist methodology and why it suited my academic inquiry.

1. Feminist Methodology This research is first and foremost encouraged by my political stance as a feminist woman and my personal experiences as a fan who sometimes struggles to negotiate feminism and fandom. Therefore, this thesis is both a personal project and a feminist study. My political commitment as a feminist researcher is to focus on voices that are rarely heard in fandom communities and bring them to the forefront. Therefore, this thesis is motivated to explore the lives of feminist female fans, a group that is frequently marganlized in fan communities. By doing so, I aim to provide a platform for them to discuss and describe their lives in their own words. My political and academic responsibility to promote marginalized women aligns with the tenets of the feminist methodology I espouse in this research. Like many theories, concepts, and methodologies, the umbrella term "feminist methodology" is sometimes contested and regarded with suspicion. Ramazanoglu and Holland (2002) depict its fuzziness by arguing that there is no method, nor research topic, that is distinctively feminist. Nevertheless, they explain that what makes methodology

"feminist" is grounding inquiry in participants' experiences and holding a political and ethical commitment to ensure that their voices are heard. These are the values that have led my research, which I will now unpack. Feminist inquiries recognize that women's perspectives and stories are frequently absent in the construction of what is perceived as "common" knowledge (Hesse-Biber 2007; Maynard, 1994). This is no different in the case of science fiction fandoms. As the literature review presented, female fans are still underrepresented and considered minorities in many fandoms, excluded from meaning-making processes in the communities (Brown, 1997; Nyberg, 1995; Linden and Linden, 2016; Orme, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Stanfill, 2018). An example of this is the contrast between female fans and male fans’ readings of the character of Princess Leia from the Star Wars franchise. While female fans praised Leia’s demonstration of intellect and resilience throughout the trilogy, many male fans chose to focus on Leia’s attractive physique, which was briefly displayed in Episode VI: Return of the Jedi, in what is known as the Slave Leia scenes. As will be explored more in Chapter 5, the prevalence of the Slave Leia image in popular culture references demonstrates how the “collective memory” of Leia is shaped by male discourse. Through feminist methodology, I approached knowledge and meaning as social, contextual constructs (Haraway, 1991; Harding, 1987; Letherby, 2003; Yuval-Davis, 1997). I understood that the "accepted" definitions for, and perception of, science fiction fandom are created and dictated by men. Male fans are the ones who get the privilege of defining the authentic fan: what he looks, acts, and thinks like. Female fans, in contrast, are excluded from meaning-making processes and forced to conform to rules of conduct that are dictated to them in order to be included. In this thesis, therefore, I chose to provide women with the opportunity to create their own narratives about their identities as fans and feminists. Banet- Weiser and Juhasz argue that “so much of feminist struggle has been about giving – and taking – voice, occupying space that has historically been inaccessible” (2011, p. 1771). This research and the decision to give voice to feminist female fans is, therefore, my contribution to the feminist project. In order to communicate women's stories through their own perspectives, those who employ feminist methodology usually turn to qualitative methods (Denzin and Lincoln, 1998; Oakley, 1981; Olesen, 1988; 2005; Punch, 1988; Reinharz, 1992). Although Ramazanoglu and Holland (2002) rejected the immediate association between feminist methodology and qualitative methods, many argue that qualitative inquiry fits the goals of feminist methodology with its open and flexible approach (Denzin and Lincoln, 1998; Olesen, 1988;

2005; Punch, 1988). As Reinharz (1992) explains, qualitative methods do not treat women as numbers or mute data. Rather, they explore women's experiences, allows them to set the tone, and control their narratives. Qualitative interviews, for instance, are an "asset" to feminist scholars, according to Reinharz, because they allow researchers to expose women's voices after "centuries of ignoring women's ideas altogether or having men speak for women" (1992, p. 19). In line with Reinharz, I argue that men frequently dictate female fans' identities. This has led me to choose to centralize on their particular experiences through qualitative, in- depth, semi-structured interviews. In the next section, I explain how in-depth interviews are congruent with the research's aims and feminist methodological approach.

2. Qualitative Semi-Structured Interviews The main question leading this research explores how women negotiate and reconcile their fan and feminist identities. Driven by feminist methodology, which strives to bring women's voices to the forefront, I used qualitative semi-structured interviews in order to tap into participants' nuanced, potentially complex narratives about becoming, identifying, practicing, and reconciling feminism and fandom in male-dominated communities. Qualitative interviews in general, and semi-structured specifically, are considered to have high potential to allow nuanced exploration into participants' subjectivities, as they encourage them to open up and elaborate on their thoughts, opinions, and personal experiences (Kvale, 2008; Punch, 2005). They enable researchers to look into how people cope and narrate their struggles, complexities, and everyday lives in detail and provide rich and in-depth data for analysis. Semi-structured interviews can contribute to a comprehensive account of interviewees’ lives thanks to the method’s openness and flexible nature that adjusts according to each interview and interviewee's particular circumstances. While some questions are planned in advance, semi-structured interviews provide leeway and flexibility for improvised adjustments that accommodate each interviewee in terms of pace or topical focus (Galletta, 2013; Wengraf, 2001). A major motivation to conduct semi-structured interviews was speaking with feminist female fans, and not about or for them. In accordance with the central tenets of feminist methodology, I was eager to bring participants’ voices to the foreground, voices that tend to be marginalized and excluded in fandom communities. I was interested in establishing my findings and analysis based on participants' own words and personal accounts instead of making assumptions about what they might experience. For instance, previous works on fan gatekeeping and toxic geek masculinity (Banet-Weiser, 2018; Salter and Blodgett, 2017;

Scott, 2019) did not include firsthand accounts of women being policed and excluded by male fans. Interviews were, therefore, utilized in this study in order to create a vivid and detailed report of experiences that were previously described in the literature, but were not based on discussions with feminist female fans. Using semi-structured in-depth interviews, thus, sets this research apart from other similar studies conducted in the past, which provided partial examinations into feminist fans' inner worlds. Wise (1984), for instance, chronicled her own experiences as a feminist Elvis fan. Since her paper was based on auto-ethnography, it provided a somewhat narrow (albeit significant) observation into the complexity of identifying with feminism and fandom. Ferreday's (2016) research on Game of Thrones' feminist fandom, was broader than Wise's, as it covered online comments and blogs. However, I argue that when conducting a content analysis of people’s online comments, the researcher is unable to ask commenters about the motivations behind their comments, or to elaborate further on their original remarks. Also, it is ordinarily difficult to confirm commenters' identities and guarantee that they indeed identify with the identities the researcher is interested in exploring (Neuendorf, 2016). In this study, identity is significant; I was interested in exploring how women define, perceive, manage and reconcile their identities. Therefore, interviews were used to provide participants with the space to discuss their self-proclaimed identities openly and explicitly Another motivation to conduct semi-structured interviews was their flexible and open nature. Semi-structured interviews are congruent with this study’s feminist approach because they disrupt the inherent hierarchy between interview and interviewee that typically characterize structured, closed-ended interviews (Reinharz, 1992). While close-ended interviews provide a rigid framework which forces interviewees to accommodate to the interviewer's interests, participants in semi-structured interviews are encouraged to lead the discussion and address issues important to them (Holstein and Gubrium, 2003; Oakley, 2000). For instance, the first few interviews that were conducted did not include explicit, direct questions regarding male fans' gatekeeping regimes, as I did not anticipate that this would be the primary concern of feminist female fans. However, after each interviewee vehemently shared her encounters with exclusion and policing in male-dominated fandom communities, I purposively focused on this topic in subsequent interviews. This issue appeared important for interviewees, and I accommodate their wishes to share their experiences through my research. This flexibility during the interviewing process proved to be beneficial because, as it will be explained in the data chapters, male fans’ gatekeeping regimes ended up being the core of this thesis’ argument.

Thanks to the openness of semi-structured interviews, I was able to detect complexities in interviewees’ reports about their feminist perceptions and fan identities and unpack participants’ rationales in real-time. For instance, every interviewee elaborated on a plethora of feminist and fandom practices she took part in. Having done so, interviewees then expressed feeling that they did not do enough to be entitled to identify as feminist fans. I was able to address this contradiction with the participants during each interview by asking further questions about their definitions of “good” feminism and “real” fandom. The method I have chosen did not include observations of feminist female fans' "actual" practices. The ways in which participants talked about the practices they took part in provided significant insights into their understanding and conceptualization of fandom, feminism, and the tensions they experience when adopting both identities. As will be developed in the analysis chapters, feminist female fans expressed feeling ashamed, guilty, and inadequate when talking about their identities; feeling they could never do enough in order to be accepted as "real" fans and feminists. In line with the feminist methodology approach I implemented in this research, which encouraged accepting and respecting participants’ representations of themselves (Oakley, 1981), I did not want to adjudicate interviewees' congruence between their reports and what they did in “real life.” I intended to provide participants with a safe, non-judgmental space, which was facilitated by the interviews. Given this, interviews were sufficient and excluded the need for other methods, such as observations. Based on these considerations, semi-structured interviews were found fit to the study's aims and feminist methodological approach. Semi-structured interviews provided space for feminist female fans' voices, experiences, and narratives in the forefront, allowing them to define and construct their identities. Moreover, thanks to their open structure, semi-structured interviews provided a nuanced examination of the ways in which feminist fans relate, negotiate, and reconcile their identities. This was achieved by the opportunity to build and unpack questions and answers in real-time, during interviews, based on issues that seemed important to interviewees.

3. Participants 3.1 Age range Since one of the research questions included an exploration into perceptions and practices of feminism and fandom of women from different age groups, the age of interviewees was significant. As explained in the literature review, differences between the 1960s and 1970s'

50 second wave feminism and 1990s and 2000s’ third wave feminism called for incorporating participants from a wide age range, as they might reflect different interpretations of feminism and fandom, based on the decades they grew up in. Fandom, as well as feminism, gradually shifted from the outskirts of society into the mainstream, as more and more people started to openly identify as fans, especially from the 2000s onwards. This might mean that older and younger fans experienced different exclusion regimes in fandom communities over the years. Considerations relating to both feminist and fandom scholarship called for a comprehensive study including voices of both young and older female fans. Therefore, my main motivation when recruiting interviewees (besides an explicit identification as feminists and fans, which will be soon elaborated) was including a wide age range of feminist fans, who are over the age of 18 with no maximum age limit. Another incentive for incorporating older interviewees was to allow me to scrutinize lifelong fandom and adult fans. As mentioned in the literature review, scholarship on older fans and lifelong fandom is still nascent and will benefit from this study’s findings, as most fandom studies still focus on young fans (Harrington, Bielby and Bardo, 2011; Petersen, 2017). Later, I elaborate on decisions taken during analysis in determining how to split interviewees into two generational cohorts of younger and older feminist fans.

3.2 Star Wars and Doctor Who Fans The crux of the thesis is exploring women's reconciliation of their feminist and fan identities when the fanned content does not align with their feminist values. Contents that are not feminist can include lack of female characters in general or in leading roles specifically, sexualization of female characters, scarcity of LGBT+ characters, absence of intersectional characters (black lesbian women, for instance), conservative representations of romantic love (such as passive female characters helplessly swept off of their feet by charismatic male heroes), catering to male audience whilst disregarding female viewers, and more. For the sake of the research, I looked for franchises that include these elements, but are not publicly perceived as misogynist, sexist, or anti-feminist contents. My motivation was to focus on contents that are in the "grey," blurry area of feminist reception, ones that could be empowering to some and contested by others. These fuzzy moments in which feminist female fans are not sure if they should commend or condone their fandom are the exact tensions this research is aiming to unpack. In addition, another essential consideration taken when choosing the study cases for this research was finding franchises that are popular among young and old audiences alike. I searched for franchises that enjoyed longevity in popular

51 culture and a cult following across decades. Based on these considerations, this study centered on two case studies: the fandoms of Star Wars and Doctor Who. Star Wars was first released in 1977 and became an immediate phenomenon and a major blockbuster. So far, the franchise includes three cinematic trilogies (1977-1983, 1999- 2005, and 2015-2019), animated movies and television series, spin-off novels and comic- books, video games, and more. The space opera’s first trilogy (1977-1983) centered on Luke Skywalker’s journey of self-revelation and his process of becoming a Jedi with the purpose of defeating Darth Vader and the evil galactic empire. Throughout the movies, Luke was accompanied by the charismatic Han Solo and the fierce Princess Leia. The prequel trilogy (1999-2005) detailed the origin of Darth Vader and his transformation from Jedi to sith lord. The third, current trilogy (2015-2019), develops the storyline of the first, original trilogy. The sequels include the first female protagonist, Rey, and feature Luke, Han Solo, and Leia from the original films. The success of Star Wars was and still is a worldwide cultural phenomenon, with overall box office revenues of more than nine billion USD (The Numbers, n.d.). Doctor Who also gained a prestigious status in popular culture over the years. Debuting on BBC in 1963, Doctor Who is the longest-running science fiction television series of all time (the series was canceled in 1989, returned as a television film in 1996, then rebooted in 2005 and has been on the air ever since). It is interwoven in British culture and receives high acclaim and success worldwide. The series follows a human-formed alien called the Doctor, and his adventures through time and space. The Doctor is frequently joined by a human “companion” (the Doctor’s sidekick, formally known as “assistant”), usually a young woman. Every few years, the Doctor regenerates into a new human form (the starring actor is replaced by a new one), and teams up with new companion/s. As a long-running series, Doctor Who's ratings fluctuated over the years, but has nevertheless, continued to draw millions of viewers across the world each season (Doctor Who Guide, n.d.). Both franchises were chosen due to their monumental success and popularity for half a century on average. Star Wars and Doctor Who are not niche, esoteric contents, but global sensations, household names. They are beloved by millions of fans and viewers all over the world (Brooker, 2003; Booth and Kelly, 2013; Hills, 2015; Wood, 2016). These case studies were not only selected due to their popularity but also because of their male-dominated fandoms and contents (Hadas, 2013; Jowett, 2014; Proctor, 2013; Widmayer, 2017). Despite their cultural status, with almost unparalleled successes, Doctor Who and Star Wars are traditionally accepted as franchises aimed virtually exclusively at

52 white, geeky boys and men, while other audiences, such as women or people of color, are not taken into consideration as target audiences. During the recruitment period, I have experienced firsthand the exclusivity of Star Wars’ male fandom. After posting my call for participants in an online forum for Star Wars fans, I received the following message: Um...... this is a sausage disco. The last girl on this forum turned about to be an American male long haul lorry driver .The one before that is still in her hospital bedroom theatre set in Scotland. This offensive, aggressive comment exemplifies policing regimes and overall dismissal that female fans encounter in such fandoms. Focusing on these fandoms provided insights into female fans’ negotiation of their identities as a perceived minority, and their struggle to find their place and voice in their respective fandom community. Until recently, both Star Wars and Doctor Who were led by male characters, while female characters received a secondary role and were occasionally sexualized. Similarly, for 55 years, Doctor Who's plot revolved around a male Doctor and his female companions, who frequently served as love interests or damsels in distress. However, both franchises recently made a significant shift, currently featuring leading female characters: Rey (Star Wars)14, and the 13th Doctor (Doctor Who). Shifting to a female-led diegesis generated a massive backlash among fans, especially male fans (Belam, 2018; Blay, 2017; Duff, 2017). Star Wars and Doctor Who fandoms were, therefore, a good fit for the study's aims: historically, both franchises disregarded and sexualized female characters and recently faced backlashes for casting women in leading roles. Choosing Star Wars and Doctor Who was also a practical decision. Since I targeted feminist viewers above the age of 18, Star Wars and Doctor Who provided suitable study cases. After debuting in the 1960s (Doctor Who) and 1970s (Star Wars), both franchises still release new content to this day. Thanks to their longevity in popular culture, I assumed it would be easier to recruit older, life-long fans, and younger fans who joined the fandoms in their later reincarnations. Also, since I was initially concerned about successfully recruiting older participants, I decided to focus on two case studies instead of one in order to increase my chances of incorporating a broad enough age range of participants.

14 The stand-alone movie Rogue One: A Star Wars Story (2016) also includes a female protagonist, Jyn Erso.

3.3 Nationality This study perceives fandom communities as transcending nationalities and national borders. Due to the widespread accessibility of the Internet, fandom lives and breathes in globalized, online platforms (Gray, Sandvoss and Harington, 2017; Kustritz, 2015; Sandvoss, 2010). Through online interactions on social media and online platforms such as Tumblr, Reddit, Facebook, and Twitter, fans encounter people from all over the world, based on their shared interests. They develop their own sets of terms, jargon, ideas, and values which apply to the entire community, regardless of the geographical location or nationality of each member. As will be later demonstrated in the findings, online communities were one of the major platforms where participants learned about and developed their fan and feminist identities, which at times defied values in their own countries. For example, Emily (34) grew up in Northern Ireland and learned about abortions and pro-choice movements through fandom communities. Due to the research’s awareness of fandom as a globally connected practice and community, it included interviewees from diverse countries, albeit maintaining a majority of British participants. Twenty-three interviewees were based in the UK (some were not originally from the UK but moved from countries such as Canada, India, and Australia), while the remaining seven were from several European countries. Three participants were from Spain, others from Germany, France, Switzerland, and Italy (one from each country). There are clear cultural, political differences between the UK and Europe, England and Scotland, France, and Spain, etc., as discussed in the literature review. My interviewees also acknowledged the cultural norms that were unique to their countries. For instance, Anita (35) addressed the dominance of the "macho man" ideal in Italy, which she associated with her experiences of a hostile reception in male-dominated fandom communities. In another example, Daria (52) described the general snobbery towards English-written literature or English-speaking movies and television shows in the French regions of Switzerland. Due to this snobbery, Daria engaged with fans from other countries on online platforms. This thesis is sensitive towards differences between women from different countries and nationalities, whilst simultaneously treating fandom as a globalized identity.

4. Recruitment Process Participants were recruited online and offline through a poster calling for participants who identify as feminists and fans of Doctor Who or Star Wars (see appendix 1). The advert included the logos of both franchises, an icon of a lightsaber (the Jedi's weapon), and pictures

54 of Rick from Rick and Morty. Rick and Morty is a popular science fiction animation series that follows Rick, a mad scientist, and his grandson, Morty. Even though I did not search to interview Rick and Morty fans, the use of Rick, as well as the lightsaber and Star Wars and Doctor Who logos seemed appealing enough to catch the eyes of science fiction fans and potential interviewees. Calls for participants were posted online on Facebook fandom communities, forums, Meetup groups, and university societies. Offline, flyers were put up around the University of Manchester campus and display windows of comic-book shops in Manchester and Liverpool, with stores' permission. Most participants were recruited online, while a few were found using a snowball method. Potential participants who contacted me via email were sent a participant information sheet (see appendix 2), which included details regarding the research, its motivation, interview procedure, and a commitment to maintaining participants' anonymity. Based on my research questions, the criteria for the pool of interviewees were: (1) women, (2) who explicitly self-identify as feminists and fans of Doctor Who or Star Wars, (3) eighteen years old and above, with no age limit. I decided to focus on women exclusively, even though some men who identify as feminists requested to participate in the study. Women in general and feminist women specifically are minorities in male-dominated fandom communities. They struggle to find their place whilst simultaneously negotiating fandom with their feminist identity. Men, even those who espouse feminist thinking, are situated in a different location in the fannish social hierarchy and can, therefore, provide a minor contribution to the understanding of how women negotiate complex identities. While including men in general, or men who identify as feminists, in particular, could have provided an interesting angle to the research, it was beyond the scope of the thesis. Interviewees’ self-identification was imperative in the recruitment process, as interviews were conducted only with women who explicitly identify as both feminists and fans. The definitions and terms for fandom and feminism were open to participants’ interpretations. While Duffett reflected whether his participants were "actual" fans (2013, p. 256) and attempted to recruit the “real” ones, I accepted all interviewees at face value. In accordance with feminist methodology (Ramazanoglu and Holland, 2002), I did not force my definitions or norms on participants. Participants did not have to fit a specific theoretical definition of fan and feminist to be included in the research. In fact, part of the analysis focused on interviewees' definitions for feminism and fandom, in their own words, and the practices they employed in order to perform these identities and ensure they are perceived

55 authentic by other fans and feminists. I will go back to discuss questions regarding authenticity in the section about the interview process. Ultimately, 30 self-identified feminist fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who were recruited. Fourteen identified as Doctor Who fans, eight were Star Wars fans, and eight defined themselves as fans of both franchises. Similarly to Hills’ claim regarding fans’ multiplicity of fandoms (2002), participants did not identify as fans of just one or two contents, but of multiple and various franchises, to which they also referred and discussed, during interviews, including Star Trek, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Terminator, Wonder Woman, and many more. The analysis and findings will focus on interviewees' readings of Doctor Who and Star Wars, and address other franchises when relevant. Age was the last main criteria which I considered in recruitment. The youngest interviewee was 19 years old, six participants were in their twenties, 13 in their 30s, six in their 40s, and four in their 50s, with my oldest participant being 55 years old at the time of interview. The average age of interviewees was 37 (see appendix 3 for full participants list). While the age range of participants was broad and diverse, in accordance with the research’s aims, I acknowledge interviewees' homogeneity in regards to race and ethnicity, socio-economic status, and disability representation. Ramazanoglu and Holland (2002) caution against the over-generalization of women's experience; women are not one singular entity and differ from each other in their life histories, political stances, racial background, socio-economic status, physical and mental health, among many other aspects. Feminist methodology acknowledges that experiences might be different for women from different ethnic or economic backgrounds, and tries to speak for these differences. Even though the call for participants was open for all women who identify as fans and feminists, only one participant from an Asian background was recruited: Anaya, 19. All other participants are white. Recently, critical voices were raised in fandom studies regarding its blindness to race and ethnicity and the general white hegemony prevailing communities and academic literature (Stanfill, 2011, 2018; Pande, 2018; Young, 2014). Similarly, feminism has a long history of critiquing the dominance of white feminists over the movement, which encouraged a more inclusive and intersectional scholarship (Crenshaw, 1990; hooks, 1981; Lorde, 1984). Taking these initiatives and critiques into account, I acknowledge the prevalent whiteness of the study’s pool of participants. During fieldwork, I tried to purposively recruit women of color by posting the call for participants in various Student Union societies dedicated to people of color (without changing the content of the advert in the poster). However, no

56 potential participants contacted me from these groups. In future studies, efforts to recruit women of color should be made from the inception of the fieldwork period. Similar to ethnicity and race, interviewees appear homogenous in terms of socio- economic background. This is not confirmed, however, since participants were not explicitly asked about their social class or socio-economic backgrounds. While two participants (Sarah, 22 and Olivia, 40) openly raised their working-class backgrounds during interviews, other respondents did not address class at all. However, many interviewees discussed the consumption of Star Wars and Doctor Who merchandise since their childhoods, held postgraduate degrees, and worked in white-collar occupations such as politics, STEM, and academia (see appendix 3), which brought me to carefully deduce that they were middle class. Participants were also not diverse in terms of disabilities, as only one participant, Lily (31, UK), was a wheelchair user due to a medical condition. Disability is rarely discussed or explored in fandom studies (Morimoto, 2019), even less than race, and is still an underdeveloped research topic in feminist literature (Hillyer, 1997; Wendell, 2013). I was also inattentive to the marginalization of people with disabilities in fandom and feminist communities before I met with Lily. Lily provided an important voice and point of view. For instance, she described the exclusion she experienced in feminist communities, which presented themselves as inclusionary. This finding will be further developed in the analysis chapters. To conclude the recruitment process, criteria for potential interviewees derived from the research questions that led this study: women, from a broad age range, who self-identify as feminist fans of Doctor Who or Star Wars. Based on the feminist methodology employed in this research, I acknowledge that this study cannot speak for every feminist female fan, primarily due to the racial and socio-economic homogeneity of interviewees. Nevertheless, the thesis provides an in-depth illustration of women's negotiation of feminism and fandom, as articulated by interviewees who are in their early 20s to early 50s, in accordance with the aims of this study.

5. Interview Process Semi-structured interviews were separated into three sections and themes: fandom, feminism, and being feminist fans of Doctor Who and Star Wars (see appendix 4 for interview guide). Questions focused on interviewees' processes of becoming fans and feminists, the motivations to identify as such, and the challenges associated with these identities. The

57 structure of the interview required participants to provide retrospective reports, starting from their childhoods, the time they started identifying as fans, until today. The motivation to form a detailed biographical account of each participant’s life was inspired by identity literature, which perceived it as an ongoing, constructive process (Bauman, 2004; Frith, 1996; Giddens, 1991; Hall, 1996; Weir, 2013). Interviewees' past reflections were not only telling of who they were in the past but also provided insights into how they perceive themselves in the present, based on the details and examples they chose to emphasize. Interviews lasted between one to two hours, an hour and a half on average. Interviews started with the question, "tell me about the first time you became a fan," and concluded with asking participants to raise any issues they felt were neglected in the interviews. This allowed interviewees the opportunity to ask me questions about the research or my opinions and experiences as a fan (I will elaborate on this during the ethics and challenges section). Some interviewees sent me follow-up e-mails with reflections they had after the interview. I found follow-up emails a sign of the high rapport formed between us in the interview, or a result of having space and time to reflect more on the topics we discussed.

5.1 Fieldwork Period Fieldwork was undertaken between September and December 2017. This time was pivotal in the case of Doctor Who fans. In July 2017, the 13th Doctor was announced: Jodie Whittaker was cast as the first woman to step into the Doctor's shoes. The news brought a deluge of critique and backlash, as many fans argued that casting was based on considerations of political correctness. Fieldwork began shortly afterward. Interviewees were in the midst of heated online and offline debates, prior to the season premiere with the new female Doctor. This provided a fascinating opportunity to explore feminist fans' expectations of the first female Doctor and offered an invitation to project their values and interpretations of gender and feminism onto her. The regeneration into the 13th Doctor occurred in the 2017 Christmas special after fieldwork was concluded. The first season starring Whittaker aired from October 2018 to January 2019. In December 2018, I contacted via e-mail Doctor Who fans who were interviewed the previous year, asking about their reception of the new Doctor and if she met their expectations. Eleven participants replied. These e-mails are also data used in the analysis, alongside the original interviews. Ideally, if the season had been aired during the fieldwork period, follow-up interviews would have been conducted. Since the season aired a year after fieldwork, when I was already in the midst of writing the thesis, I chose brief email

58 correspondences instead. While the timing of the broadcast was not ideal, I still wanted to make use of it to the fullest and compare participants' expectations with their actual reception. Therefore, brief online correspondences were sufficient.

5.2 Comparing F2F, Skype and Telephone Interviews Fifteen interviews were conducted face to face, 13 via Skype, and two on the telephone. Face to face interviews were conducted with British participants in the location of their choosing: the university, a café, or their homes. All European participants were interviewed via Skype, as well as some British participants, due to their distance from Manchester. Herzog (2012) argues that the setting chosen for face to face interviews plays a significant role in their "success": building rapport, attaining in-depth responses, etc. This appears to be true for the two interviews conducted in participants' homes. Two interviewees invited me to their homes (Jane, 46, and Lily, 31), where interviews took place in either the living room or the home office. Home interviews allowed the formation of rapport, as they were intimate, quiet, and had no interruptions. Public interviews also had high rapport but were sometimes interrupted by other people's loud discussions. The advantage of home and Skype interviews was the opportunity for fans to display their fandoms. Both houses I was invited to were decorated with shelf upon shelf of Doctor Who memorabilia, novels, magazines, and photos from different conventions. Similar to home interviews, participants on Skype interviews chose to sit in front of their fannish exhibitions, where books and action figures appeared on shelves in the background. Some interviewees, on both Skype and face-to-face interviews, also wore fannish t-shirts to the interviews. No participant who was interviewed in a public setting displayed her fandom through clothing. Perhaps this is because most of them were interviewed before or after work, and they perceived fannish clothing unprofessional (interviewees such as Sharon, 39, for instance, found the exhibition of fandom in the workplace to be unprofessional). I argue that choosing to display merchandise or wear a fannish t-shirt was part of the participants' presentations, in the Goffmanian sense, of their fan identities during the interview. As other scholars assert, the interview could be seen as "a place where social forms are staged" (Back, 2010, p. 9). The mere fact that an interview is in session automatically generates a performance of particular social identities (Skeggs, Wood and Thumim, 2008). Among some participants, knowing they will be asked about fandom was accepted as a call to perform this identity. Atkinson and Silverman (1997) further argue that the "self is rehearsed" during interviews; it is not spontaneous, but a well-practiced product.

Following feminist methodology, which accepts interviewees' narrative at face value, I did not attempt to "cut through any dissembling or self-deception" (Atkinson and Silverman, 1997, p. 315) or challenge interviewees' reports. This is an example of the general approach of this thesis to the idea of "authentic identity." Here, identity is perceived not as an objective truth about one's "true" identity, but as a seal of approval given by the audience to a performance that "passed" as truthful and convincing. When interviewing my participants, I accepted their identities as legitimate, especially in light of the scrutiny and skepticism they experienced in male-dominated fandom communities (to be elaborated in Chapter 6). Thus, interviewees' performances were accepted as part of the many ways in which they practice their identities. Much has been written about the advantages and shortcomings of interviewing on and offline (Deakin and Wakefield, 2014; Irvine, Drew, and Sainsbury, 2013; Sturges and Hanrahan, 2004; Seitz, 2016; Weiss, 1995). Weiss (ibid), for example, asserts that face to face interviews tend to be longer than telephone ones (sometimes even twice as long), due to difficulty in building rapport over the phone, without eye contact. Unlike telephone interviews, Skype allows the interviewer and interviewee to see each other and are therefore preferable to telephone ones (Deakin and Wakefield, 2014; Seitz, 2016). When comparing Skype and face to face interviews, it is frequently argued that Skype is a more comfortable and convenient platform, as both sides can choose where to be located during the time of the interview. This convenience allows interviewees to open up more quickly (ibid). However, the flow in Skype interviews can be abruptly halted due to connectivity problems and other technological challenges (ibid). Both platforms provided rich interview data in the case of this study. Not all interviews were the same length or had very high rapport. However, differences in length, depth of responses, and rapport appeared in all three platforms used. My shortest interview was via the telephone, but the second shortest was a face to face interview. Most of my longest, in-depth interviews were via Skype. Almost all Skype interviews were conducted when both I and the interviewee were alone in our respective apartments, which therefore made these interviews quieter and more intimate than those conducted in a café, for instance. Only one participant took part in the Skype interview while being located in a crowded, public space. This was the only occasion where the interview was stopped several times due to Internet drops. Therefore, I argue that rapport could be achieved in all platforms, sometimes even more so through online interviews.

Skype interviews were a space for fandom displays not only for participants but for me as well. As stated, I conducted all interviews from my apartment, which I then shared with my dog, Apollo. Apollo is named after a favorite character from one of my favorite science fiction series, Battlestar Galactica (the 2003-2009 reboot). In each Skype interview, Apollo had unsolicited appearances, which at first made me feel uncomfortable and question my ability to pass as a professional researcher. However, Apollo's guest-starring role during interviews immediately broke the ice, and "proved" that I am a science fiction fan. Apollo prompted conversations about interviewees' pets, who were also named after famous characters. In a different example, participants commented on my Avengers (Marvel Comics' superhero team) mugs and were keen to show me that they were also using a science fiction franchise-inspired mug during the interview. I did not choose the mug specifically for the interviews, and made no conscience decision to put it on display (nor was I keen for Apollo to show up on camera). However, these worked in my favor and instantly started a friendly conversation with Skype interviewees.

6. My Position in the Field Feminist methodology does not only prioritize focusing on participants' contextual accounts of their experiences, but also takes into consideration the researcher's identity, emphasizing the importance of reflexivity and positionality in various social constructions, such as gender, age, race, and more (Roseneil, 1993; Stanley and Wise, 1993). My identity plays a significant part in this study, for I am part of the science fiction community and have been a fan for over twenty years. I first watched Buffy the Vampire Slayer (1997-2003), my biggest fandom, when I was ten years old, and have been a fan ever since. Buffy was my first female role model, and the show introduced me to feminist ideas, which planted the seeds of the feminist identity I developed throughout the years. Even though I still find Buffy satisfactory and inspiring in terms of its feminist values and representations, along the years, I found myself enjoying other contents or appreciating artists who are unfeminist (as discussed in Chapter 1). Thus, the idea for this research was inspired by my own reflections regarding the contents I enjoy and my effort to provide a rationale that will successfully reconcile my feminist identity with my fannish interests. A fan researching other fans is not an anomaly in fandom studies. In fact, most fandom scholars are fans themselves (Anderson, 1992; Bacon-Smith, 1992; Kozinets, 2001; Hills, 2002; Duffett, 2013). Given this, Jenkins (2006) coined the term "Aca-Fan," maintaining that fans who study fandom should not be seen as too biased to conduct

61 academic research on their own identities and communities. If anything, fans' insider knowledge allows them to conduct insightful, in-depth studies. Participants do not feel required to explain fannish terminology, and rapport could be built more quickly and easily. Interviewees are assured that the interviewer can relate to their passions and interests in popular culture and that their hobbies will not be ridiculed or misunderstood. The advantages of the “insider” researcher are not unique to fandom studies and discussed in other studies in social sciences (Holland, 2004; Pinsky, 2015; Roseneil, 1993). My interactions with participants affirmed the benefits of my insider position. As mentioned earlier, signals of my fan identity, from my dog to the mug I was drinking from, created instant rapport. On a different occasion, before starting the interview with Emily (34, UK), she shared her thoughts about my previous published studies, which she read before the meeting. She explained that it was important for her to asses if I am fandom-savvy and will be able to write about fans respectfully and insightfully. She referred to other studies she read where it was clear that the researcher was not a fan and therefore did not "really" know the subject they wrote about. Thankfully, my previous published papers convinced Emily of my credibility as a fan, and she was keen to participate in the study. Thus, similar to other fandom scholars, I found my identity as a fan was an asset, which eased the process of gaining participants' consent to be interviewed and built instantaneous rapport. As part of my reflexivity, however, I have to be aware of the benefits of the outsider researcher. According to scholars, studies conducted through an outsider position can cultivate research questions from a fresh standpoint, which might be "too obvious," or simply taken for granted by insiders in the community (Dwyer and Buckle, 2009; Hesse-Biber, 2007; Savin-Baden and Major 2013; Weiss, 1994). For this reason, I chose two fandoms that I do not associate with, which allowed me to be both an insider (a fan of science fiction contents) and an outsider (not being part of Doctor Who or Star Wars fandoms). Though I have watched Star Wars movies plenty of times (and enjoyed them), I had never watched Doctor Who before the fieldwork. About a month before my first interview, I watched the entire rebooted series (ten seasons in total during that time), so that I could have a better familiarity with the franchise. I did not, however, watch the classic episodes, and was unfamiliar with certain characters and storylines. While I knew common fannish terminology, certain jargon that was unique to Doctor Who fandom had to be explained to me. An important example of this was Emily's (34, UK) reference to the "not we," a term used by Doctor Who fans when discussing the difference between "real" and "fake" fans. This provided a significant finding,

62 which will be discussed later in relation to feminist fans’ conditional belonging to fandom communities (Chapter 6). My outsider position becomes more evident when taking into account other elements of my identity: an Israeli who speaks English as a second language. Many methodological papers have been written about accommodating participants by interviewing them in their native language or through using a translator (Kapborg and Berterö, 2002; Lopez, Figueroa, Connor and Maliski, 2008; Temple and Young, 2004). This is quite common when interviewing immigrants or refugees who are fluent in a different language than that of the local interviewer. However, in this case, I was the foreigner interviewing locals. Sometimes, I was not familiar with certain cultural references, local political history, slang, etc. I was also insecure about whether I would be able to express myself clearly and fluently, especially because interviews were semi-structured and required improvisation from my side. Nevertheless, the fact that interviews went smoothly, with distinctively high rapport, reinforced my earlier argument about the globalization of fandom. Despite differences in languages and cultural backgrounds, we were all insiders of fandom and feminist communities and were able to communicate easily based on our common interests, experiences, and knowledge.

7. Ethical Considerations and Challenges Feminist methodology is committed to a high level of ethics, which ensures that no harm, psychological or social, is caused to participants (Ramazanoglu and Holland, 2002). Since Gay’s “bad feminist” inspired my research and interviews were aimed to scrutinize moments of tension between fandom and feminism, I was concerned whether I accidentally cause my participants to feel as if they were “bad” feminists or fans. Interviewees shared their personal stories with me, their worries, and struggles, and I felt committed to represent them accurately and respectfully. Therefore, my ethical considerations focused mainly on ensuring the well-being of my interviewees during recruitment, interviews and the writing period. When recruiting participants, although there was no maximum for interviewees' age, the minimum age was set for eighteen years old, UK, and EU's accepted age of majority (in Switzerland, it is sixteen). This decision was based on two motivations. First, out of practical, ethical considerations, younger interviewees were not included to avoid convoluted ethical barriers, such as attaining ethical approval and consent to interview minors. The second motivation was a theoretical one; my interest in lifelong fandom and feminist identities constructed over time. Interviewing minors was excessive for this study's research questions.

Each interview commenced with the necessary steps of going through ethics with the participant by providing details about the protection of her anonymity. This was done to ensure participants felt comfortable to share their thoughts and experiences with me. I offered each respondent to choose her pseudonym, thinking it would be an opportunity to break the ice and build rapport. Most participants felt uncomfortable or unprepared to make up a name for themselves. Therefore, I chose most pseudonyms. This followed by a joint signing of the consent form by myself and the interviewee (see appendix 5). Before and during fieldwork, I reflected on the proper manner to conduct interviews that will unpack interviewees’ complex identities without appearing confrontational or making them feel self-conscious about holding certain values or ideas. In accordance with feminist methodology, I decided to refrain from expressing my ideas and thoughts about controversial feminist debates. For instance, when discussing inclusionary feminism, many interviewees brought up pole dancing and other sex-positive practices that could be considered feminist, echoing to a postfeminist discourse. While I am personally suspicious of postfeminist thought, I affirmed my interviewees for sharing their thoughts and did not oppose them. Interviewees openly discussed feeling guilty about some of their perspectives and practices (or lack thereof, as will be seen in the following chapter), and I did not want to add insult to injury by challenging them further. In another example, interviewees asked in the conclusion of the interview for my opinions regarding Star Wars and Doctor Who. Some asked specific questions such as "why did you choose Doctor Who? Is it because you think it's not feminist?" Since these questions were raised after the interview and my own bias could no longer affect participants' responses, I did share my motivations to focus on the two franchises, explaining that I found them controversial in their gender representations. My opinions were not contested by interviewees, as most held these views themselves. However, if an interviewee inferred that I am also a Doctor Who or Star Wars fan or that I was not critical of them, I did not challenge her perception of me. Another ethics-related challenge occurred during some interviews, where high rapport encouraged interviewees to share sensitive, upsetting information. These occasions caught me off guard and were loosely related to the topics of discussion. In these cases, I showed empathy towards the interviewee, allowed her to express her emotions and share her story, and then gently steered her back to the interview questions. Granted, the participant information sheet included a bracket reminding participants that they can withdraw from the research entirely at any time and without explanation or ask for some of their replies to be excluded from the transcript. However, no interviewee requested these measures.

Nevertheless, I decided to leave these stories out of the thesis due to their sensitive nature and peripheral affinity to the research questions. Ethical reflections followed me in the writing period, as well. When conducting an academic inquiry into a community that encourages close social bonds, anonymity becomes crucial. Following the initial steps of anonymization through pseudonyms, identifying features of some interviewees’ were blurred or taken out of the thesis. For instance, one participant is a published author of novels inspired by a beloved, popular franchise. In the original franchise, the plot is led by two male protagonists with female characters playing only minor, recurring roles. In the books written by this participant, the female characters are the ones leading the plot. In order to keep this participant's identity disclosed, no further details regarding her novels are provided. The anecdotes about the books are also not associated with the pseudonym she was given so that readers will be unable to trace back her quotes featured in the thesis and relate them to her real identity. In other cases, particular names of communities, such as Facebook groups or fan clubs, were removed in order to keep participants’ anonymity uncompromised.

8. Analysis and Coding I transcribed all the interviews during the fieldwork period and after its conclusion. Transcriptions were then coded using Excel: in the sheet, each participant had her own column, and each line included responses to a question/topic that was discussed, such as “becoming a fan,” “backlash against female Doctor,” “practicing feminism” (see example in appendix 6). Then, the main terms and ideas raised by interviewees received a code term (for example: connoisseurship, inclusion, fake, hierarchy). Some code words were based on interviewees' terminology (such as "gatekeeping" and "fake fan"), others were termed by myself based on theoretical terms (such as "lifelong fandom"). Finally, code terms were grouped into cohorts and counted in order to detect the main recurrent themes. The analytical approach employed was thematic analysis. With this method, patterns and frequent trends are detected in order to infer from the data the significant findings of the study (Aronson, 1995; Boyatzis, 1998; Guest, MacQueen and Namey, 2011). It is also beneficial in finding commonalities and differences and was therefore found suitable for a study with a comparative element (Gibson and Brown 2009; Joffe 2012). Another incentive to choose thematic analysis is its flexible nature. Thematic analysis does not rely on theoretical frameworks or constraints and can be easily adjusted in accordance with versatile research inquires (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Having conducted many hour and a half-long

65 interviews, which resulted in long transcripts, thematic analysis proved useful for tackling the scope of such extensive data through its easy, organized approach to analysis (Nowell, Norris, White and Moules, 2017). As part of my analytical strategy to compare two generations of feminist fans, participants were separated into two groups during the analysis period. Grouping participants into generation clusters was challenging. "Generation," like many other terms in sociology, is a contested concept. Troll (1970), for instance, explains that "generation" could be understood as a historical period, a life stage, kinship descent, or cohort. Kertzer (1983) argues that sociologists should alternate between these definitions, according to their usefulness, while explicitly clarifying what they mean by “generation.” Mannheim’s work (1952) is helpful here. In his “social generations” paradigm, he distinguishes between kinship – blood-related generations – to cohorts, which include individuals who share historical context and experienced similar significant events due to the time they were all born and raised into. In this thesis, I understand generations as cohorts with a joint historical story. I decided to group participants born before 1980 in one cohort and those born after 1980 into another. 1980 was chosen as the year separating between generations based on feminist literature which addressed the 1980s as a pivotal decade in which the feminist movement experienced severe retaliation and alienation, which later propelled the inception of postfeminism (Faludi, 1991; Genz, 2009; Pugh, 2000; Tasker and Negra, 2007; Walker, 1995). Previous studies (Duncan, 2010; Genz, 2009; Gillis and Howie, 2004; Walker, 1995), as well as the findings of this research, find that women shape their feminist identities in their young adulthoods. 1980s babies were born into a decade surging with a backlash against feminism and became young adults in the 1990s or 2000s, which were dominated by postfeminist discourse. These participants have no recollection of second wave feminism besides what they might have learned from family members, academia or the media. Conceptualizing interviewees born before the 1980s was trickier. Some interviewees were born in the 1960 or 1970s and turned teenagers in the midst of second wave feminism. Others were born in the later 1970s and grew up in the 1980s. Mannheim (1952) was aware that individuals within the same generational cohort experience events differently and are not homogenous. Similarly, Finch (1986) argued that scrutinizing cohorts can only be effective if the individuals who comprise it indeed share experiences and grow older together. Therefore, to continue the limitations which were raised in the literature review, the separation to generations does not imply that all women partnered in the same cohort share the same life

66 histories or attitudes. Similarly, generational cohorts do not mean that there is a clear distinction between women born in 1979 and 1980. I was open to an alternative division of generations based on the findings that emerged in the data. For instance, if participants themselves referred to differences among age groups or attributed a particular historical moment as a breaking point between the two generations. However, this did not happen. Therefore, in order to group participants in two cohorts, a distinguishing factor had to be decided upon, and the year 1980 was chosen. Fourteen participants were ultimately included in the “younger generation” (interviewees between the ages of 19-35 during the time of the interview), 16 formed the “older generation” (38 to 55). As the findings will reveal, the decade participants were born and raised into did not turn out to be significant, as older and younger cohorts did not differ in their perceptions and practices of feminism and fandom. In contrast, age and aging – one’s biological age and the sociological implications of her age (Pilcher, 1995) - were found significant in older interviewees’ experiences of ageism in fan communities.

9. Conclusions In this chapter, I have introduced the feminist methodology that has shaped the research that is reported on and discussed in this thesis. My interest in exploring the nuances of complex, contradictory identities of feminist fans, whilst focusing on their own words called for a qualitative feminist inquiry. In order to achieve an in-depth account of feminist fans' articulation and negotiation of their identities, semi-structured interviews were found the most suitable method for the questions motivating this research. Throughout this chapter, I have reflected upon the research process: from choosing Star Wars and Doctor Who as my two study cases, to reaching a wide age range of participants, challenges in recruiting a heterogeneous pool of interviewees, and comparing the advantages and disadvantages of the different interviews platforms (face to face, Skype and telephone). Through evaluating my methodology, I contributed to the scholarship about Skype interviews as a research method. Despite the common prioritizing of face to face interviews in the literature, I provided several examples of the benefits of online interviewing. In the comfort and safety of our own homes, interviewees and I were able to represent our fan identities in a relatively effortless manner and build rapport based on our similarities. When addressing the advantages of Skype interviews (and face to face interviews, for that matter), I have also reflected on questions of authenticity. I explained that while I was aware of the performative element during interviewees, I did not perceive it as

"fake" or an "act," but instead addressed interviewees' behavior, jargon, and appearance as part of the many ways in which they express their fan identities. The limitations and challenges during the analysis period were also scrutinized. Interviewees included a minuscule group of participants from different countries, whose replies cannot be representative of an entire country. Given this, I clarified that while national backgrounds will be taken into consideration in the analysis, I perceived fandom as a globalized community that transcends national boundaries. A similar challenge occurred when determining how to split participants into generational cohorts. 1980 was decided as the year in which those born after were considered the “younger” generational group, and vice versa. I established that while there is no distinct difference between 1979 and 1981, 1980 was chosen based on theoretical justifications. Having elaborated on my methodology, I now move forward to the findings. In Chapter 4, I discuss participants’ biographical narratives in becoming feminist fans. Chapter 5 examines interviewees’ readings of Doctor Who and Star Wars and lack of satisfaction with their representation of female characters in these franchises. The following Chapter 6 introduces the concept of “conditional belonging” and scrutinizes practices of inclusion and exclusion targeted at female fans. In the 7th and last findings chapter, I review the tactics developed and used by interviewees in order to reconcile feminism and fandom.

Chapter 4: Becoming a Fan/Feminist The first analysis chapter maps the terrain of feminism and fandom through the lens of biographical narratives. In other words, this chapter explores interviewees' narratives about how they came to identify and practice feminism and fandom. Through doing so, I engage with my research questions by examining how women articulate, perceive and practice feminism and fandom, and how they define a "good" feminist and fan. Also, I explore if interviewees' definitions, practices, and perceptions of fandom and feminism differ between the two generation cohorts. Drawing from Giddens' work, I understand interviewees' biographies as "narratives"; constructive, subjective accounts, which are "not wholly fictive" (1991, p. 54), but rather intentionally tailored with the purpose of illustrating a coherent, clear process of becoming feminists and fans. Biographies are mechanisms used to tailor continuity and harmony between one's identities and are used in order to avoid being perceived as inauthentic or as having inner contradictions (Schwalbe and Mason-Schrock, 1996; Ouellette and Hay, 2008; Ricoeur, 1991). Therefore, interviewees' biographical narratives were received as an active storytelling process where they meticulously chose moments and memories that highlight an acceptable narrative about how their identities came to be, one that will "make sense" to the listener. The decision to examine participants' biographical narrative is motivated by the idea that identity is "produced through the narratives people use to explain and understand their lives" (Lawler, 2014, p. 30). By tailoring biographical narratives, individuals organize, negotiate, reinforce and make sense of their identities (De Fina, 2015; Josselson and Lieblich, 1993; Schwalbe and Mason-Schrock, 1996; Yuval-Davis, 2011). Interviewees' past reflections and retrospective constructions are not only telling of who they were in the past but also account for how they perceive themselves in the present (Schwalbe and Mason- Schrock, 1996). I begin by presenting the platforms that introduced interviewees to fandom and feminism and motivated them to define themselves with these identities. Then, I move on to review the practices participants employed in order to express and reinforce their identities. Scrutinizing interviewees’ practices of fandom and feminism will reveal the major differences between the two; fan identity is created and reinforced by practices, whereas feminism is expressed by espousing specific values and perceptions. Interviewees took part in a plethora of fannish practices, and passionately described the joy it brings them. In contrast, they were less keen to be involved in feminist practices and preferred to equate feminist

69 identity with the values they hold, not with their actions. Moreover, while fannish practices provided pleasure to feminist fans, feminist practices were accepted as ones that invite stigma and require great effort and strain. Finally, I reveal interviewees' contradictory approaches to practicing their identities. Interviewees did not agree that identifying with feminism and fandom should require engaging in particular practices. After sharing various and countless fannish and feminist practices they undertook, participants expressed feeling guilty for not doing "enough" to be entitled to identify as fans and feminists. Feelings of guilt, inauthenticity, and inadequacy established in this chapter will foreground the analysis of feminist fans' conditional belonging in male-dominated communities, which will be unpacked in later chapters.

1. Becoming a Fan: “Just Like Falling in Love” Interviews began by exploring the routes leading participants to identify as fans. Interviewees reminisced about first identifying as fans when they were children (at the average age of 8 years old), which means they are all "lifelong" or "enduring" fans (Anderson, 2012; Harrington and Bielby, 2010; Stevenson, 2009)15. Most of the younger fans did not name Doctor Who or Star Wars as their first fandom but rather joined these later in life, especially after Doctor Who rebooted in 2005. Two major pathways leading to identification as fans were detected: (1) parental exposure, or (2) evolving from casual viewers to fans. Though less common, a few participants became fans following encouragement from their parents, especially their fathers, to consume science fiction. This was more frequent among younger participants, who recalled watching Doctor Who's 2005 premiere with their parents: "my dad came hyped 'you need to watch this'" (Sarah, 22, UK). For some of the younger interviewees, watching Doctor Who with their fathers became a weekly bonding ritual. Among older participants, only two, Samantha (46, UK) and Emmy (42, UK) watched Star Wars and Doctor Who with their parents: I sort of grew up with it. My parents read… I wouldn't say fandom… but they read science fiction and watched Doctor Who. That's how I was introduced to it, watching it with my parents. Emmy's quote illustrates the important distinction that participants made between themselves and their parents. Even though some were inspired to identify as fans through joint viewings,

15 Clearly, there is a difference between a 20 year-old lifelong fan and a 50 year-old. While some differences will be explored in this thesis, important time-related questions (such as, how much time is "required" to pass in order to entitled of the "lifelong" fan title) should be addressed in a separate study.

70 most claimed their parents were casual viewers who lacked the cognitive, behavioral, and emotional involvement that is traditionally associated with fandom (Jenkins, 1992; Hills, 2002; Reinhard, 2018; Sandvoss, 2005(. Intergenerational passing - the "inheritance" of fandom from parent to child - was perpetuated by interviewees who were parents themselves, such as Jane (46, UK), who introduced Doctor Who to her teenage daughter: "When Peter Capaldi [actor playing the 12th Doctor, 2014-201]) started, my daughter was getting interested in Doctor Who, so we went all the way back until the new series". Even though interviewees elaborated on passing their fandom forward to their sons and daughters, it is essential to consider that participants "inherited" fandom primarily by way of their fathers. Scholars such as Hills (2002) and Linden and Linden (2016) address intergenerational transition in various kinds of fandoms. Hills, for example, stresses the fanned content's contribution in passing gender roles and identities: "from father to son, from mother to daughter" (2002, p. 126). Here, however, female fans were introduced to science fiction fandom by their fathers, a finding which unsettles Hills' argument but also summons an important question: what do female fans learn about their identities after being socialized into them by their fathers? As the following chapters reveal, some participants described themselves as "tomboys" who enjoy "boys' things." This implies that they found their own hobbies and identities, such as science fiction fandom, as ones that are conventionally exclusive to men. A common pathway to fandom was the gradual evolution from the casual viewer into a fan. This is illustrated in Anaya's (19, UK) description of becoming a Doctor Who fan: I came back from school one day, and I was going through the TV, and I saw one of the re-runs […] I saw it and thought it was really interesting, 'and it's coming every week.' I started watching it every week […] when it stopped airing, I just went online and saw an entire season in two days. Anaya's quote also illustrates differences between fans and casual viewers, or "non-fans" (Chin, 2018; Gray, 2003). In contrast to casual viewers whose viewing patterns are sporadic and casual, fans follow their fanned content religiously, sometimes consuming an entire season’s worth of episodes in a considerably short amount of time (Gray, 2003; Jenkins, 1992)16.

16 In light of the popularity and mainstreaming of binge watching (watching multiple episodes in one sitting) among casual viewers, scholars have suggested a rethinking of the definition of fandom (Jenkins, 2018; Jenner, 2015).

The transition from a casual viewer to a fan was equated to falling in love by some participants: It's almost kind of, you don't choose, it's like you just kind of fall in love, "Oh my gosh, what is happening, I don't understand." Like they say in some groups – "ALL THE FEELS." So true, it's just like, "I have so many feelings right now!" (Ramona, 31, UK). In contrast, Jane (46, UK) provided a less romanticized narrative and depicted her identification process as a conscious, deliberate decision she made at 11 years old: A friend of mine was just having a very brief enthusiasm for the royal family [...], and I wanted to be a fan of something too (laughs). I liked Doctor Who, and I got this friendship with this boy, and I saw this magazine and said, "Right, I'm going to be a Doctor Who fan! I'm going to get this magazine once a month." Determined to become a fan of Doctor Who, Jane immediately decided to develop her new identity through practice: consumption. The two routes to fandom, and the excerpts provided to demonstrate them, exhibit the link between identification and practice, and the importance of taking part in fannish activities. First, fandom is rendered by an action: watching a television series, going to the cinema, reading a book, playing a video game, or listening to music. These practices are then intensified and multiplied as the fan identity becomes more significant to the individual. In their study about identity work, Schwalbe and Mason-Schrock claim that when the individual proclaims an identity, "it is necessary to create opportunities for enacting and reaffirming it" (1996, p. 126). Similarly, Scott argues that identity is not something we have, but "something we do" (2015, p. 9). Indeed, after explicitly identifying as fans, interviewees took part in countless fannish practices through which they expressed and declared their fan identity, as the following section will reveal.

2. Practicing Fandom: A Labor of Love? When asked about their practices, interviewees reported a myriad of activities and expressed their desire to be active fans: "I wanted merchandise, I wanted to see the movies, I wanted to read the books as soon as they came out" (Anna, 27, France). According to Anna, being a fan is a passion translated into action and practice. Four major types of practices will be discussed here, which I have termed: (1) community-focused practices; (2) consumption; (3)

72 content-producing; (4) intellectual engagement. Though defined separately, these practices are frequently linked and practiced in conjunction. Community-focused practices serve as a curious example of the connection between identity and practice. To start, the term "fandom" is used to either describe the experience of being a fan, or a community of fans (Brough and Shresthova, 2011; Jenkins, 1992; 2018). "Fandom" inherently conceptualizes fans as social beings who engage with one another through collective activities. As Jenkins states, one becomes a fan through sharing "feelings and thoughts […] with friends, by joining a community of other fans who share common interests" (1988, p. 88). Scholarship defines fandom as a social identity that requires reaching out and actively engaging with other fans. Community-focused practices serve a significant role in the establishment of participants' identities as fans, both young and older. Interacting with other fans provided participants with an outlet to affirm and practice their identities, as well as serving as a source of comfort and belonging (Jenkins, 1988; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011). Interviewees, such as Samantha (46, UK), described the importance of engaging with other fans: Being in a community is good because I am not the only one. I was on the train, and I heard people talking about how Donna [Donna Noble, the Doctor's companion between 2006 and 2010] left the show. It was four women, they talked about how much they cried, and I said: "yes, I cried too!" I don't know anyone else who cried from that. In another example, Donna (46, UK) not only stressed the significance of belonging to a fandom community but also found it a major motivation to become a fan: When I was in university I got into Star Trek: Next Generation [...] I went through a breakup, and I felt very alone and confused, didn't have much money, and a friend of mine had heard about a Star Trek night on a Saturday night and asked me to come with him for his birthday. I kind of walked through the door, and it was the first time I experienced walking into a pub where everyone is engaging in conversation, and everyone knows everybody's name, I'm about to get into the ‘Cheers’ song [...] That was 22 years ago, I made a lot of friends that I would still call my best friends now. I married my ex- husband and father of my two children, I met him there, and my partner I married last month, I also met him there. When I got married last month, there were about 50 of the guests from those days.

Donna's story demonstrates the potential of fandom to create long-lasting, intimate bonds between members based on shared interests, as argued by scholars such as Bourdaa (2018). Like Donna and Samantha, other interviewees shared similar inclinations to interact with fellow fans and participate in community-focused practices, offline and online. The main offline platforms for fan interactions, according to interviewees, were conventions. Jane (46, UK), Emmy (42, UK), Wendy (50, UK) and Bernie (50, UK) were among the older fans who shared that conventions were one of the only public spaces where they could find and interact with other fans when they were teenagers, before the domestic use of the Internet. Generally, conventions bring fans together where they can discuss "geeky stuff" (Wendy, 50, UK), listen to lectures, take part in roleplaying games, cosplay, buy merchandise and more (Larsen and Zubernis, 20122; Rahman Wing-Sun and Cheung, 2012; Reinhard, 2018). Participating in conventions was more frequent among older fans, who relied on them in their younger years for rare opportunities to engage with other fans. However, over the years, most of the older interviewees lost interest in conventions, such as Lucy (41, UK), who felt excluded due to her age (an issue which will be developed later here and in Chapter 6). Other offline platforms reported by older fans included fanzines and fan clubs. Emmy (42, UK) and Jane (46, UK) had subscriptions to Doctor Who fanzines which also exposed them to other fans through articles, editorials, and published letters and reviews. In another example, Ally (39, UK) participated in a Star Wars society dedicated to female fans during her undergraduate studies. The group was named after a central female character in the expanded universe. Her involvement in the club waned after her graduation when she could not stay in touch. This was in part due to the inaccessibility of the Internet, which was not a household commodity at the time. While older fans reminisced about taking part in offline activities, younger interviewees mostly engaged with online fandom communities since they became fans, using platforms such as Tumblr, Facebook, Twitter, and blogs like The Mary Sue17. The opportunities that conventions, fan clubs, and fanzines provided for older fans, have been replaced by online interactions which serve the same purpose: engaging with other fans. Even though younger fans reported frequenting conventions, and engaging with other fans offline, the majority of their community-focused practices occurred online. Online practices were not exclusive to younger interviewees; they were also common among older fans, who discussed using online social platforms (they were also recruited

17 Online website featuring articles about “geeky” subjects, written by and for feminist fans.

74 online). Participants such as Jane (46, UK) and Ally (39, UK) frequented Tumblr fan pages, whereas Wendy (50, UK) ran her own online blog. Online engagement was especially significant for interviewees such as Daria (52, Switzerland), who was unable to take part in big conventions, which took place in either the UK or US. Therefore, online platforms played a significant role for young and old interviewees living outside the UK, due to their limited access to mainstream offline events. Still, when asked about the age of their online friends, most described engaging in age-homogenous interactions. Jane (46, UK) exemplified this when mentioning following a fanfiction podcast, produced by younger fans, which made her feel old: They say things like, "we're not going to go back too much into the history of fandom, so we're not going to talk about Buffy the Vampire Slayer." I thought that it means that they're not going to talk about Sherlock Holmes, but the 90s is ancient. It's strange (laughs). They had an episode about intergenerational interactions in fanfiction, and their old persons were in their late twenties (laughs). Despite the accessibility provided by online fandom communities, and the frequent use of social media by both young and older fans, generations remained divided; interviewees interacted with other fans who were close to them in age. Not all interviewees engaged with fan communities, such as Sarah (22, UK), Zoe (32, UK), and Ruby (38, UK). Scholars' awareness of "lurkers18," or what I define as “outsider fans,” has brought them to debate whether social interactions are essential to definitions of fandom (Harrington and Bielby, 2018; Sandvoss and Kearns, 2014; Van de Goor, 2015). The refining of the conceptualization of fandom is important, but goes beyond the scope of this study. Nevertheless, since this thesis searched for self-defined fans, both outsider fans and interviewees who engage in community-focused practices are equally considered and termed "fans." The second fannish practice discussed by interviewees was consumerism. Fans are considered "ideal consumers," whose avidness to engage with their fandom results in consistent patterns of consumption (Cavicchi, 1998; Fiske, 1992; Hills, 2002; Sandvoss, 2005). Fandom studies scholars argue that frequent consumption does not mean that fans are cultural dupes. They frame fans as savvy consumers who express agency and perform their identities through merchandise (Brooker, 2002; Coppa, 2014; Sandvoss, 2005).

18 "Lurker" is a common term in fandom, defining those who only read comments on forums and groups, and never take an active part in discussions.

Many interviewees owned Star Wars and Doctor Who t-shirts and wore them in public; some even wore fannish shirts to the interview (see Chapter 3). Wearing signifying features of one's fandom (such as colors of a fanned football team, or dressing similar to a fanned celebrity) is termed, “enunciative productivity” (Fiske, 1992). Fiske explains that enunciative productivity is a non-verbal practice which holds a performative and social function. Wearing a fannish t-shirt signals those surrounding the interviewee that she identifies as a fan, and wants to be acknowledged as such. Also, it provides an opportunity to summon interactions with other fans19. For instance, participants shared that when wearing a fannish t-shirt, they observe if a passerby recognizes their fandom by smiling or starting a conversation with them. Another interesting example of performing one's identity through consumption is tattoos. Eve (30, UK) and Stephanie (29, UK) both have Doctor Who tattoos, while Lucia (39, Spain) has a gaming-related tattoo. Eve clandestinely tattooed a quote on her ribcage, whereas Stephanie's tattoo was displayed on her arm. Stephanie explained that since her tattoo is not as identifiable as a Dalek (The Daleks are Doctor Who’s arch-nemeses) or the TARDIS (Doctor Who’s time machine), it will only be recognizable to people who "have a lot of knowledge of Doctor Who." Eve, likewise, took pride in her tattoo, which is also ambiguous to non-fans. Employing Durkheim's theory, Jones (2014) perceives fannish tattoos as totemic emblems, indicating one's permanent belonging to a particular community. Similar to wearing a t-shirt, the motivations of Eve, Stephanie and Lucia were to signal their identities as fans to others. Both Stephanie and Eve took pride in their tattoos, which assisted them in distinguishing between fans and non-fans. Given this, there is a clear connection between community-focused practices and consumerism. By performing fannish identity through t-shirts or tattoos, participants were able to distinguish between fans and non-fans (those who "get" the reference and those who do not), as well as prove that they were "real," dedicated fans to fellow community members. Olivia (40, UK) argued that "being a fan is so much about merch [short for merchandise]" while discussing the consumption of Star Wars action figures. Growing up in a working-class family, Olivia recalled a childhood scarce of Star Wars merchandise. When she was able to provide for herself as an adult, Olivia splurged on Star Wars Legos and action figures. The example of Olivia accentuates the somewhat neglected fact that some fandom

19 It should be stressed here that wearing graphic t-shirts of famous franchises is another practice which has become more popular and mainstream, even among non-fans. It can no longer serve as "proof" for one's authentic fan identity or distinguish between fans and casual viewers. The need and desire to create clear boundaries between "real" and "fake" fans, will be explored in following chapters.

76 practices are exclusive to those who could afford them, especially merchandise consumption (it also exemplifies that fannish merchandise is not only consumed for children). While a few older fans discussed the scarcity of fannish merchandise in their childhoods, only one of the younger participants raised a similar issue: Sarah (22, UK), who was also from a working- class background. I argue that longing for fannish merchandise does not only serve a childish enjoyment of toys and paraphernalia; it also plays a significant part in the performance of fandom, through which fans can externalize their identities for everyone to see. Like consumption, content-producing (also known in fandom scholarship as "transformative works") is considered a definite distinguisher between passive, casual viewers and active, involved fans (Tulloch and Jenkins, 1995; Bacon-Smith, 1992). Content- producing involves practices such as fanart (drawing or sculpting characters and symbols from fanned content), fanfiction (writing literature inspired by fanned content), and cosplay (creating and wearing costumes resembling fanned characters), among others (Abercrombie and Longhurst, 1998; Bacon-Smith, 1992; Brough and Shresthova, 2011; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011). Since their childhoods, interviewees took part in content-producing, such as drawing, writing to fanzines or creating their own, and playing imaginary games like pretending to be Princess Leia or one of the Doctor's companions. As they got older, these practices evolved and developed: from imaginary games to cosplaying and roleplaying games, for instance. Content-producing practices were espoused by both generations, as in the case of cosplaying. For instance, Angela (55, UK) cosplayed for the first time, when she dressed as the 10th Doctor (played by David Tenant, 2005-2010) for the show’s 50th anniversary celebrations. Among the younger participants, Anaya (19, UK), is a more frequent cosplayer, who cosplayed as different Doctor Who characters along the years, such as the 11th Doctor's companion, Amy Pond (played by Karen Gillan, 2010-2013). Angela and Anaya's choices provide interesting examples of race and gender-bending through cosplaying; Angela dressed as a male Doctor, while Anaya (originally from India) cosplayed as a white companion. Lamerichs argues that cosplaying is a performance of one's identity: "on the one hand, players actualize a narrative and its meaning; on the other hand, they actualize their own identities" (2011, n.p). Through cosplaying, fans do not only embody a beloved character but also represent themselves. However, as Gn (2011) demonstrates, cosplaying does not have to align with one's gender (or any other social category) and can allow the fan to add additional layers of meaning to her interpretations of the character. Cosplaying provided participants with opportunities to express their identities and values. In

77 their interviews, Angela stressed the importance of leading a gender-neutral lifestyle, and Anaya explained that she pays little significance to race. Therefore, it could be suggested that through cosplaying, Anaya and Angela were able to appropriate their favorite characters and provide different readings and representations of them by conveying their own social perspectives (Brown, 1997; Jenkins, 1988). One can also argue that due to the scarcity of Indian characters in Doctor Who specifically and popular media in general, Anaya had no choice but to cosplay as non-Indian characters. Another fertile ground for subversive production of meaning is fanfiction (Bacon- Smith, 1992; Bronwen, 2011; Jenkins, 1992; Tulloch and Jenkins, 1995). Fanfiction, a scrutinized and discussed fan practice, is commonly associated with female fans (Gray, Sandvoss and Harrington, 2007; Bacon-Smith, 1992; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). Larsen and Zubernis explain that female fans are "deliberately coloring outside the lines" (2011, p.11) in order to bring female characters to the forefront or imbue the canon with more emotional and sexual depth. Interviewees like Jane (46, UK) and Zoe (32, UK) referred to fanfiction writing as one of their primary practices as fans (other interviewees read fanfiction, but did not write their own). Prior to the casting of Jodie Whittaker as the first female Doctor, Jane had already written fanfiction about a female Doctor. Jane's Doctor was inspired by a fan-made theatre play (another creative practice) she attended in the past with an ensemble of new Doctors, which featured one female Doctor. Zoe also focused on representing women in her writing. As a member of a fanfiction community inspired by a detective television series with a female protagonist, she wrote a crossover fanfiction that introduced the female detective to the new female Doctor20. Zoe, who asserted that Doctor Who misrepresented women by frequently characterizing them as damsels in distress and love interests, decided to write a cross-over fanfiction between Doctor Who and the other, more feminist series. Jane and Zoe's approaches to fanfiction exemplify its power in conveying fans' voices. Through fanfiction, interviewees could rewrite wrongdoings and adjust their fandom's diegesis according to their feminist perspectives. I will further elaborate on interviewees' use of fannish practices to promote their feminist values in Chapter 7. Among the fans who took part in content-producing, three interviewees stood out because they turned these practices into semi-professions; to use a phrase from Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998), they were "petty producers." After reading fanzines in her childhood,

20 Because Zoe's other fandom community is much smaller, I anonymized identifying details and left the series’ name out of the thesis.

Emmy (42, UK) began writing an article series for a Doctor Who fanzine in her early teens. In adulthood, she kept writing books, blogs, and taking part in several audio productions. Lucia (39, Spain) runs her own YouTube channel, which has thousands of followers all over the world. On her video blogs, she talks about videogames, science fiction, and popular culture, and frequently provides a feminist angle to the contents she discusses. Anita (35, Italy) created a roleplaying game that gained popularity in Italy. She was recently contacted by an American company which asked her to create an international game for them (Anita and Lucia’s international success is an example of globalism in fandom, which crosses continents and cultures). However, Emmy, Anita, and Lucia do not exclusively work in their fannish professions, but also have "day" jobs. Their practices are still considered "petty"; these are sideline hobbies, which participants have been able to professionalize and sometimes monetize. The last set of practices, intellectual engagement, expands from curating trivia regarding the fan content to a theoretical analysis of the texts (Abercrombie and Longhurst, 1998; Brown, 1997; Hills, 2002; Reinhard, 2018). These practices were highly valued among my participants and mentioned in every interviewee's definition of fandom. For example, Stephanie (29, UK) defined fans as individuals who are "more interested in the canon [storylines accepted as an official part of the text, unlike fanfiction]. You can watch Doctor Who as a regular viewer, in contrast to watching it and understanding all the references, understanding all the details". In intellectual engagement practices, fans accumulate trivial knowledge related to their fanned contents: names, dates, differences between film cuts, plot details, and more. In order to familiarize themselves with their fandom, participants recounted dedicating their time to watching and reading every content related to their fandom. Ruby (38, UK), for instance, owned a Star Trek Encyclopedia, which she "basically memorized." Similar to Ruby, other interviewees expressed eagerness to absorb fannish trivia, like Sarah (22 UK), who described fandom as: Investment in the stories, in the characters: the extended cuts, the theatrical cuts, the Blu-ray additions, all these extra details. I feel like if I'm invested in it, that I want to know everything about it. If it means knowing the editors, the original scriptwriter, recognizing the directors' faces… Drawing from Bourdieu, Fiske (1992) explains that knowledge curation produces "cultural capital," providing prestige to fans who demonstrate connoisseurship. It can also be used as part of the fan's performance of her identity, especially in order to prove that she is a "real"

79 fan who is intellectually engaged with the content (this will be developed in the following chapters). Another motivation to curate trivia was using it for exhaustive analysis and theorization, a practice commonly termed "forensic fandom" (Scott, 2017). Here, participants gathered information so they could analyze and interpret the text: I want to know the intricate details. I remember the dialogues. I want to talk about the dialogues, "what does it mean?" I want to discuss the dialogues, the characters, how they do things. I want to look at the timeline, try to understand what fits into what. I want to know about the people, what happened to them, their background, that sort of thing (Samantha, 46, UK). Samantha clarifies that not only is it important for her to expand knowledge about her fanned content, but it is also imperative to analyze and extract hidden, sub-textual meanings from it. Likewise, Jane (46, UK) also explained that she saw fandom as an "intellectual exercise," which provided her with vast universes to explore and analyze. Fans practicing intellectual engagement strive to discover hidden meanings, understand the symbolism and come up with theories regarding current plotlines. Also, as illustrated by Samantha, these are practices that could be tied to community-focused practices; fans often discuss "fan theories" together, debating which theory will eventually come true in future movies or episodes. After chronicling affluence of fannish practices, interviewees expressed ambivalence regarding how important they are, arguing that fandom should not require particular practices. Interviewees insisted that fandom should be defined as merely an intellectual, emotional bond: "all it means is that you love something, you're fascinated about something" (Donna, 46, UK). Simultaneously, participants also revealed feelings of guilt and inadequacy to me, for "not doing enough" to qualify as fans: I'm absolutely a Doctor Who fan because I watched it, and I enjoy it, but I think some of the people expect that to be a much deeper commitment to be a fan (Karen, 38, UK). I always feel that in some way, I’m not a proper geeky fan, because I don’t know everything […] I just like the show (Wendy, 50, UK). Tensions were detected between interviewees' definitions of fandom, the practices they employed, and the evaluations of their fan identities. Participants seemed to oppose limiting the fan identity to a rigid checklist of practices, but having established this, they went on to report a wide variety of practices that they took part in over the years. Despite this, interviewees felt they were not doing enough to be accepted as "authentic" fans. This pattern

80 repeated when we discussed their feminist identities, which will be explored in the next subsection.

3. Becoming a Feminist: From Feminist Mothers to Caitlin Moran Focusing on interviewees' biographical narratives immediately reveals a significant difference between feminism and fandom. While participants became fans in their childhoods, most did not identify as feminists until their teenage years or adult lives (at the average age of 20 years old). Interviewees described three main arenas through which they were introduced to feminism: (1) the family unit, (2) higher education, (3) popular culture. Those who were exposed to feminism through families identified mothers and other female relatives, such as grandmothers and aunts, as their feminist inspiration. Nina (25, UK), for instance, chronicled being raised as feminist by her mother and grandmother: My mom is a huge feminist. She raised three feminists: me, my sister, and my brother. She kept her maiden name [...] She was very much a part of that feminist environment. My nan as well was a feminist […] She was such a strong person. Feminist scholarship frequently depicts the intergenerational passing of feminist thought as a confrontational process, where children of feminist mothers reject their outdated and rigid version of feminism (Bailey, 1997; Budgeon, 2011; Whelehan, 2007; Winch, 2015). In contrast, the participants in this study were inspired by their mothers' efforts to "pass" feminism to them: She [Jamie’s mother] is and was very politically active and very much feminist. I couldn't tell you when I was first introduced to feminism, but I've always been aware of it […] There was politics in our house, and I picked it up. But my mom specifically made sure that I was introduced to novels and stories with strong female characters. She did this whole thing with finding books with characters that had my name, especially if they were strong characters. Feminism was always there (Jamie, 39, UK). Other interviewees, especially older ones, also related their feminist identities to families but described feminism as a side effect of their upbringing. Lucia (39, Spain) recounted being raised as a boy due to her parents' disappointment at not having a son. After years of being dressed like a boy and playing football, Lucia noticed she was treated differently during puberty. When her feminine features became conspicuous, Lucia was no longer included in male-dominated practices and spaces. Understanding that society treats

81 men and women differently made her a feminist. Other older participants also argued that their family members hindered the process of their discovery of feminism. Wendy (50, UK), for instance, explained that her mother "would rather die than identify as a feminist," despite working full-time and owning her own business. Wendy, as well as other interviewees, perceived her university days as a defining time in her process of becoming a feminist. Participants described having subconscious feminist ideas since childhood, which they were later able to articulate, define, and refine thanks to their academic education. This was depicted by Ally (39, UK), who claimed: "I've never not been a feminist, but I've become a more educated and articulated feminist, far more able to actually understand the problems." Interviewees' exposure to feminist thought in their education raised their awareness and provided them with the language and tools to fight against gender inequality. While family and academia inspired younger and older participants equally, the final arena I will discuss, exclusively affected younger interviewees. Young feminists such as Courtney (29, Germany) or Anna (27, France) pointed towards popular culture as their main influence to identify as feminists. This was through popular feminists such as Caitlin Moran, Emma Watson, and Amanda Palmer: I was introduced to the real essence of feminism by Amanda Palmer and Caitlin Moran […] when Amanda is talking about it while getting undressed and being what she is; there must be something to it (Courtney, 29, Germany). I argue that exposure to feminist thought through popular culture resembles the process of consciousness raising (Chesebro, Cragan, and McCullough, 1973; Green 1979; Sowards & Renegar, 2004). In the traditional consciousness raising of the 1970s, encounters and open discussions revealed a commonality in women's experiences, shedding light on collective challenges and struggles that go beyond the personal. Sowards and Renegar claimed that popular culture contents and figures also serve as "a vehicle for feminist consciousness raising for its audiences” (2004, p. 544). They continued to argue that identification with feminism thanks to popular culture is unique to young third-wavers, an argument which is established in this study as well. Interviewees not only addressed popular culture as their feminist catalyst in general but also found the involvement with their fanned content and fan communities a significant contribution to their feminist identities. Emily (34, UK), who grew up in a small, conservative town in Northern Ireland, described that "a lot of what I learned about the history of feminism was through fandom." Interacting with other feminist fans online changed

Emily’s attitudes towards women’s rights over their bodies and opened her up to the pro- choice movement. I will later go back to this point when discussing how women negotiate between feminism and fandom; some feminist fans do not experience fandom and feminism as a contradiction but as two identities that contribute to each other (Chapter 7). Since the majority of interviewees identified with fandom first and became feminists approximately a decade later, I was interested in examining if they perceived fandom differently after becoming feminists. In Sexing Elvis, Wise (1984), who was an Elvis fan since her tweens, recounted feeling obligated to reject her fanned artist after identifying as feminist in her adulthood. Unlike Wise, none of the interviewees rejected their fandoms after becoming feminists. However, after familiarizing themselves with feminist discourse, they found it easier to articulate aspects of their fandom that had made them uncomfortable in the past. For example, Olivia (40, UK) recollected how her reading of Slave Leia changed after studying about gender: "when I first started to learn about gender theory in art […] it made me think of the Leia scene […] about how in some ways it castrated her." After becoming feminists, participants were able to think of their fandom more critically. However, contrary to Wise, interviewees did not feel forced to abandon their fandom after identifying as feminists but instead thought they could learn more about feminism through fandom and vice-versa.

4. Practicing Feminist Identity: "Before I Didn’t Care and Now it's a Lot of Work" Feminism, parallel to fandom, was defined by interviewees as an identity that does not require particular practices in order to be proclaimed. Participants construed feminist identity as merely believing in gender equality ("I think someone's a feminist if they recognize the fact that women and men deserve the same opportunities" – Eve, 30, UK), and were hesitant to tie feminism with actions ("I'm always kind of reluctant to prescribe specific things and say 'if you do this, this makes you a feminist'" – Zoe, 32, UK). I find the disinclination to define feminism for others a manifestation of the third wave's ethics of inclusion, which interviewees appeared to espouse. Inclusion was one of the three main types of feminist practices employed by participants. In the following section, I elaborate on a typology of the primary feminist practices discussed by interviewees: (1) inclusion, (2) public sphere activism, (3) private sphere activism (everyday feminism)21.

21 Inclusion was a term interviewees used themselves, the two other practices were termed by myself based on feminist literature.

Inclusion, one of the most repeated terms across interviews, provides an interesting example of participants' ambivalence towards the relationship between identity and practice. After the perceived dominance of the second wave's "white" feminism, one of third wave feminism's central tenets was inclusion. The concept encapsulates the embrace of diversity and complexity, rejection of ownership of the feminist experience, and engagement with post-colonial, post-modernist, intersectional, and queer theories (Aronson, 2003; Bailey, 1997; Budgeon, 2011; Butler, 1990; Dean, 2010; Gay, 2014). Interviewees described inclusionary feminism as interactions with other women and feminists, which include helping and promoting women, as well as listening to and respecting other women's opinions. They understood feminism as a collective identity, one that brings women together. This, for instance, was depicted by Stephanie (29, UK) when discussing her attendance in a feminist academic conference: That was all about being body-positive, sex-positive, and inclusive. And... that, to me, that was brilliant. Again, it was like a fandom. We had a basic interest in feminism, and it might be that some people were interested in the historical roots, and others were interested in other issues, but we shared that level of interest. In this quote, Stephanie likens feminism and fandom as identities that thrive through communal engagement based on shared interests and values. In a similar fashion, Olivia (40, UK) perceived feminism as a "sisterhood, to be supportive of each other." In alignment with their emphasis on intersectional feminism, interviewees also addressed their privilege for being white, cis-women. They stressed the importance of including women of color and transgender persons in the movement and holding an intersectional stance: If you're benefiting from the white privilege system, you should think what you're doing about that, and I think it's the same with feminism. It's also, actually, in post colonialism, with the burkini ban in France, white French feminists said that women shouldn’t be allowed to wear the burkini at the beach because they're oppressed by men, and I think… it's just "what logic is that?" (Nina, 25, UK). "I try to advocate for trans people in my department […] I don't have a personal stake here; I just think it's human decency" (Emily, 34, UK). Although interviewees referred to inclusion as a significant feminist value, it was discussed in theoretical, general terms; most did not provide examples where they have

84 practiced it. Furthermore, even though interviewees specified their sensitivities towards excluded, silenced communities, some groups were left unacknowledged, such as people with disabilities. One of the participants, Lily (31, UK), was a wheelchair user due to an illness. She shared that her disability is scarcely taken into consideration in fan or feminist social gatherings. The responsibility to find an accessible meeting place is usually laid on her. The inclusion of people with disabilities was absent in interviews, as well as in current feminist scholarship (Garland‐Thomson, 2002, 2005; Rohrer, 2005). While it is clear that there was a genuine aspiration to be inclusionary feminists, actual steps to ensure holistic inclusion in the feminist community were absent in interviewees’ narratives. The next clusters of practices – public and private sphere activism – provide a better demonstration of interviewees’ performances of their feminist identities through practice. As many scholars have argued, identifying as a feminist not only changes one's perceptions but also motivates action and social activism in order to promote equality (Ahmed, 2017; Redfern and Aune, 2010; Sowards and Renegar, 2004; Yoder, Tobias and Snell, 2010). Sowards and Renegar (2006) observe that traditional feminist activism used to be public through protests, demonstrations, and partisan movements pushing for change in legislation. Nowadays, they argue, feminist activism can also be found in the private sphere: "for modern feminists, activism need not necessarily be a public or group activity. Powerful forms of activism can be individual and private" (2006, p. 69). Based on Sowards and Renegar's argument, I distinguish between public and private sphere activisms. Public sphere activism includes practices dedicated to advancing women and feminism in the public sphere through participation in feminist organizations, communities or associations, and promotion of feminism and gender equality in the education system. Several interviewees, like Ramona (31, UK), Angela (55, UK), and Wendy (50, UK), were members of feminist organizations and networks. Angela described volunteering for a women's organization as the "university of feminism," while Eve (30, UK), an MBA student, was part of a "women in business" initiative, which promoted women in the business sector. Practices of public sphere activism also included advocating and promoting women in the education system. Zoe (32, UK), for example, introduced her students to feminist thought in her journalism and media culture lectures: I would say any time it comes up, there has been at least one female student who would say either "I'm not a feminist, but" or "I'm not a feminist because I like wearing lipstick" or "I don't think men are that bad." I usually give

them a generalized layout of the basics, at which point most people will go "oh yeah, obviously everyone thinks that it's common sense." Jane (46, UK) and Ruby (38, UK), who both worked in computer science, advocated STEM education to girls and young women. Jane took part in a program introducing girls and parents to female computer engineers, while Ruby volunteered in designing apps with young female students. While a few interviewees took part in public sphere activism, the majority practiced private sphere activism, which will also be addressed as "everyday feminism." Everyday feminism incorporates feminist practices in one's personal life and immediate social circles. This includes initiating conversations with loved ones and colleagues about gender and feminism, consumption of gender-neutral or women-empowering products (material goods and popular culture contents), and child-rearing with a feminist agenda. Similar to inclusion, everyday feminism also relates to third wave, postfeminist ideals, which promote individualization, subjectivism, freedom of choice, and agency (Baker, 2010; Genz, 2009; Gill, 2007; McRobbie, 2004; Munford and Waters, 2014; Rottenberg, 2014). These values were articulated by many participants, such as Nina and Anna: It’s just in my daily life […] I know I can live on my own without men. I lived on my own. I can do things just like men. I work in a job that mostly men do (Anna, 27, France). Being yourself, independent, being true to who you are […] you should be independent. Even if you have a family, you shouldn't give up on your career […] [and] also getting an education, mainly because that's the route to independence (Nina, 25, UK). Everyday feminism was not exclusive to younger participants, but was also discussed by older ones, such as Daria (52, Switzerland), who explained that feminism means that "you do as you feel without feeling you have to fit into a category, fit to what people think you should be." Practices of everyday feminism included raising awareness and criticizing wrongdoings in participants' immediate surroundings. For instance, Angela (55, UK), who served in the military in the past, mentioned speaking up against sexual harassments: I had a young woman in my platoon who was sexually assaulted by a bloke. The entire evening he was trying to chat women up. I was a captain, and my major asked me why she was out of sorts, and I told him, and he said: "well, it serves her right for drinking with him." I needed him to get it, he just didn't get

it […] The more I challenged officers my own rank or higher rank, my annual reports got worse, my marks got worse. I quit by then. It's exhausting. Other interviewees mentioned challenging traditional views of women and femininity, such as Anaya (19, UK), who shared: I pick up on when someone says things like "girls." I look at them like "really?" [...] I don't mind challenging people. I'm not a very aggressive person, but if someone says something... "Actually, no. That's not how it works." Despite the importance of turning the spotlight on social injustice and gender inequality, interviewees revealed the downside of being outspoken. Participants wished they could "switch off" their feminist awareness and critique, as it took a toll on them emotionally and socially, such as the case of Angela's military career. Thinking about the social price she had to pay for her feminist identity, Courtney commented (29, Germany) "before I didn't see it, I didn't have to, and I didn't care, and now it's a lot of work." When participants stepped up against misconceptions and social norms, they were called "difficult," "grumpy," and "killjoys," or feared being recognized as such. This was also hinted at by Anaya in the quote above; she had to be careful not to sound too aggressive when arguing in favor of feminism and women. Anita (35, Italy) also described the fear of being criticized for going against the tide: Being different is difficult, it’s terrible […] If you choose to be different, you fight every day. I try not to judge anybody because fitting in is so much better sometimes. “OK, you made a sexist joke." I don’t feel like always standing up and saying, "this isn’t right.” Sometimes you’re just tired. Participants' accounts parallel arguments made by feminist scholars such as Roxane Gay (2014) and Sara Ahmed who depict feminists' vulnerable position in society, where "you feel wronged by being perceived as in the wrong just for pointing out something is wrong" (Ahmed, 2017, p. 38). Due to concern about being chastised for their feminist outlooks, some interviewees stressed the importance of mitigating their feminist messages. Sharon (39, UK), for example, asserted that feminists should "call people out, but still get along with them", while Karen (38, UK) warned "you have to be careful not to play up, or play into the narrative about feminism, because ultimately it's not helpful and it's annoying." Feminist fans' feelings of being pressured to silence or moderate their critiques will be explored in the following chapters, especially in the discussion on conditional belonging in male-dominated fandoms.

Other spheres in which participants practiced everyday feminism were child-rearing and consumption. Nine interviewees talked about motherhood and raising their children according to their feminist perspectives. When I asked Anita (35, Italy) what makes her a feminist, she replied: "I define myself as a feminist because I have a three-year-old boy, and he asked for a tea set and a stroller, and I gave it to him." In the same manner, Donna (46, UK) dressed her daughter in dungarees and as Spider-Man for Halloween. However, she expressed guilt over not raising her son gender-neutral as well: Even as a feminist, I never picked up a dress for my son, thinking, "this has a picture of a ducky, I think he would like that." I didn't have the courage to do that. Since I've been bullied at school, I've always been sensitive that my son is not that masculine, he's not into football, sports of any kind really, and he's quite small, so I've always been wary, so I wouldn't press my beliefs on him in that extent. While many mothers raised gender-neutral daughters, only Anita provided "girly" toys to her son. Dressing a girl in dungarees or trousers is not considered transgressive and does not attract stigma or scrutiny. Dressing a boy in dresses, however, is much more frowned upon. Green asserts that being a feminist is "unconventional enough for most women" (1979, p. 366). She explains that due to their already alternative lifestyles, feminists usually balance their nonconformist identities with normative practices. This could be one explanation for participants' hesitance in raising their boys as gender-neutral by introducing them to feminine clothes and hobbies. Another reason, which will be developed in the next chapter, is interviewees' prioritization of traditional masculine characteristics over feminine ones; masculinity was a goal to aspire to and perceived as superior to femininity (Connell, 1987). In parallel to fandom, interviewees were reluctant to tie feminist identity to particular practices, whilst simultaneously feeling guilty for not being active enough. Anna (27, France), for example, shared she was "ashamed to say that I am not doing things." While studying contemporary forms of feminist activism, Sowards and Renegar argued that young feminists experience "blame for not doing enough" (2006, p. 71). They explain that contemporary feminist activists feel guilty when comparing their actions to traditional forms of activism (protests, campaigns, etc.), undertaken by their predecessors. Despite being active and promoting feminism in different arenas, interviewees felt they were not "good" feminists. Even interviewees who practiced both private and public activism felt inadequate, such as Angela (55, UK). After sharing stories about stepping up against sexual assaults in

88 the army and volunteering in a women's organization, Angela expressed feeling ashamed for not being a "good enough" feminist: I have my everyday feminism. But there are those, and we need them, who are campaigning, who are more… […] more livid. I go along in my life, and I have a wife, being a Doctor Who fan, doing police work, bringing awareness, and so my feminism comes along with me, but it's not... I don't campaign for it, I don't work towards it, I don't write about it. Other people are really working for it, promoting feminism all the time, that's their life, that's their role. Like Angela, many participants placed themselves on the lower levels of an imagined feminist hierarchy. In this hierarchy, there were the ones who “deserve” to be accepted as feminists, and those who did not. Participants identified themselves with the latter group.

5. Conclusions This chapter has focused on the relationship between identity, biographical narratives, and practice. Reviewing feminist fans' biographies revealed that once an identity is adopted, it is reinforced and performed through practices. Retrospective narratives were constructed to demonstrate continuity in participants' lives in which fandom and feminism evolved in accordance with their age, life trajectories (academia and motherhood), and technological advances (from fanzines to online forums). The differences between older and younger feminist fans’ biographies and practices were not as significant as presumed because older interviewees seemed to espouse current fan and feminist practices and values. Despite practicing fandom in a pre-Internet time period, older fans caught up with contemporary practices, such as engaging with social media platforms, online fanfiction communities, and writing blogs. Moreover, even though studies depicting animosity between younger and older feminists, older feminists in this study embraced newer feminist strands such as third wave feminism, discourses of inclusion and intersectionality, and practices of everyday feminism. Nevertheless, older fans expressed feeling alienated from younger fans, an issue which will be expanded on in the following chapters. Significant differences were found between feminism and fandom. Fandom was a long-lasting identity, embraced by interviewees since their childhoods, while feminism was the more recent of the two identities, developed during participants' young adulthood. Interviewees were more motivated to take part in countless fannish practices, expressing feelings of enjoyment and fulfillment. When discussing feminism, participants focused on

89 values and perceptions rather than practices, and took part in fewer feminist practices than fandom. Participants feared that their feminist identities would attract stigma and ridicule, and were therefore reluctant to "reveal" their feminist inclinations through practice and performance. I argue that interviewees took part in more fannish practices in comparison to feminist ones because, ultimately, they found fandom fun and fulfilling. Feminism, in contrast, was “tiring” and felt like an uphill battle, because it required a strong sense of moral obligation and attracted criticism and ostracism. Thus, since feminist practices, especially public sphere activism, were found highly demanding and frustrating, participants engaged less with them. I presume that since interviewees identified as both fans and feminists, they were more inclined to engage with everyday feminism (instead of public sphere activism), and used their fandom as a platform to develop and express their feminist identities. The forms through which participants engaged with feminism and fandom simultaneously will be unpacked in Chapter 7. Interviewees’ feelings of guilt were not only due to an insufficient quantity or quality of their fannish and feminist practices. As the following chapters will reveal, feminist fans’ feelings of guilt, shame, and frustration also derive from their engagement with their fanned content and fan communities. In the next chapter, I review feminist fans’ readings of the female characters featured in their fandoms, Star Wars and Doctor Who, and their frustration with the sexist and ageist writing of their favorite characters.

Chapter 5: Feminist Icon Needed - Feminist Fans’ Readings of Doctor Who and Star Wars' Female Characters In Star Gazing: Hollywood Cinema and Female Spectatorship (1994), Jackie Stacey argues that women are frequently absent in academic inquiry of film audiences. Even though the book was released 25 years ago, I assert that female audiences are still missing in the scholarship, and their voices remain silenced and marginalized. This chapter, therefore, focuses on unheard feminist female fans by exploring their readings of female characters in Doctor Who and Star Wars, characters who are also frequently discounted. As established in the literature review, fans identify with their fanned content, aspire to resemble favorite characters, and develop and articulate their political stances through discussions about their fandoms (Jenkins, 1992; Kligler-Vilenchik, 2015; Reinhard, 2018; Sandvoss, 2005). Sandvoss (2004), for instance, maintains that fans make sense of their fandoms in relation to themselves. In other words, fans are subconsciously attracted to elements in the fandom they recognize in themselves, or, alternatively, project themselves and their interpretations onto the canvas that is their fanned content. Metz (1982), who espouses a psychoanalytic approach to cinema spectatorship, claims that there is a "double movement" of projection and introjection among audiences; the viewer sees herself in the content in order to make it more familiar (projection), and simultaneously absorbs the values and themes seen on-screen (introjection). Metz’s theory is particularly useful for my research due to the symbiotic relationship I detected between feminist female fans and their fanned female characters in Doctor Who and Star Wars. This symbiosis encompasses four elements: identification, aspiration, projection, and introjection. As will be developed throughout this chapter, feminist female fans identify with their fanned female characters. For instance, interviewees drew parallels between their own exclusion and silencing in fan communities and the secondary, belittling roles female characters are given in fanned contents. Despite female characters' traditional peripheral parts in the diegesis, participants attributed a significant role in their biographical narratives to characters such as Princess Leia (Star Wars) and Sarah Jane (Doctor Who). These characters inspired participants to become fans and feminists, and even pursue careers in politics and journalism, similar to their beloved characters. In their symbiotic relationship, female fans also projected and introjected meanings onto female characters. Through a dialogue about the characters I was able to learn about the feminist values and ideas interviewees projected onto the characters and the reasons why they found them "good" feminist role models. Similarly,

91 discussing female characters in Doctor Who and Star Wars shed light on the values and gender norms that feminist female fans absorb through the contents. This chapter establishes that female characters hold great importance to female audiences. It is through female characters that female viewers can develop their own identities as women, fans, and feminists. Female characters not only have the power to inspire female audiences, but also provide recognition of the existence of female audiences and their value. This is another example of the symbiotic relationship between female fans and characters. On the one hand, female fans need female characters in order to be inspired and prove that women can lead successful franchises. On the other hand, female characters exist and receive popularity because female audiences push for more representations of women on screen, and actively support it. This chapter focuses on four female characters that are important in interviewees’ biographical narratives and their engagement with their fanned franchises: Princess Leia (Star Wars), Sarah Jane Smith (Doctor Who), 13th Doctor (Doctor Who), and Rey (Star Wars). Even though many other characters were discussed with interviewees, these characters were chosen because they best embody feminist female fans' urge to find positive feminist role models in their fandoms, and their disappointment when these characters are misused, stereotyped, written in order to cater to male audiences, or exposed to backlash and criticism when they do not appease men. Through reviewing these four characters, I also begin to unpack the stigma and policing female fans experience in male-dominated fandoms. Feminist female fans feel that their exclusion from male-dominated fan communities is realized in the diegesis through male-centered storylines. They blame producers for accommodating male fans’ interests through writing male-centered storylines and including sexualized secondary female characters. Interviewees feel disregarded not only by the producers but also by male fans who only accept those who agree with their reading of the diegesis. Before delving into the analysis of feminist female fans’ readings of the female characters in Doctor Who and Star Wars, I examine the literature about both fandoms, especially academic works focusing on female characters and fans.

1. Star Wars and Doctor Who This chapter explores how feminist female fans engage with Doctor Who and Star Wars, the franchises chosen as case studies for this thesis due to their male-dominated fan communities and male-led storylines. Literature suggests that both franchises, especially Star Wars, have been dedicated to male audiences since their debut (Brooker, 2002; Jowett 2014; Proctor,

2013; Widmayer, 2017). Brooker, for instance, comments that Star Wars has "little to offer a female fan […] even if she found a way into the films, the whole culture surrounding them is traditionally male" (2002, p. 200). Brooker and other scholars argue that franchises such as Star Wars might not be appealing to female audiences because of their lack of female protagonists. Star Wars has an "imbalance in the Force [term used in the movies to describe an invisible, omnipresent field of energy], and it’s not the one that concerns the Jedi ", muses Bowman, "there's an imbalance of gender roles in everyone's favorite space saga, with the vast majority of characters played by males while the female parts are minimized at nearly every turn" (2005, p. 161). Indeed, the first trilogy of Star Wars, which includes a plethora of human and non-human characters, features just four female characters with a speaking role (some with only one line of dialogue), an issue which attracted feminist critique (Bowman, 2005; Brooker, 2002; Wood, 2016). In contrast to the scarcity of female characters in Star Wars, more than 50 female companions appeared on Doctor Who over the years. This is a significant number, especially in comparison to the 12 male Doctors who have starred in the show so far. While this might seem like a generous representation of women, certain scholars argue that this merely indicates that female companions have a disposable role: “each new companion thinks herself ‘special’ and unique, when she is simply the latest in a long series” (Jowett, 2014). The idea of naming most of the female characters “companions” or “assistants” implies their unequal relationship with the male Doctor (Britton, 2011). Female companions are characterized by Winstead (2013) as women seeking to escape the humdrum of everyday life. Even though traveling with the Doctor helped many companions to find their inner confidence and independence, “once [they get] too close [to the Doctor], they are forced to move on” (ibid, p. 234), as the Doctor continues in his journeys alongside a new companion. Despite their scarcity (Star Wars) or their subsidiary role (Doctor Who), there are those in fan and academic communities who assert that the female characters featured in both franchises are empowering feminist icons (Bowman, 2005; Tulloch and Alvarado, 1984; Widmayer, 2017; Wood, 2016). Wood, for example, comments that Star Wars’ female characters are “in a position of power and influence” and are not treated differently because they are women” (2016, pp. 64-65). She further asserts that the reading of female characters as feminist icons or not depends on the viewers’ feminist, subjective stance (2016, p. 68). After decades of playing secondary roles, Star Wars and Doctor Who are both currently led by female characters. Star Wars was first to feature a female protagonist, Rey, in the third trilogy (2015-2019) and Jyn Erso, who starred in the stand-alone film Rogue One:

A Star Wars Story (2016). Doctor Who announced its first female Doctor in 2017, with actress Jodie Whittaker who took the role of the 13th Doctor in the latest season that aired in 2018. The casting announcement received massive backlashes, as many Doctor Who fans protested against their fandom becoming “too politically correct,” a protest which continued during the airing of the series (Blay, 2017; Duff, 2017; Gold, 2018). The critique surrounding Rey, in contrast, focused on her being “too” perfect, and therefore dull and uninspiring (Framke, 2015; Kain, 2017). Some male fans were so irritated with Rey and other female characters that they released their own versions of the new movies where all female characters were edited out (Belam, 2018). Based on the literature, it is safe to argue that Star Wars and Doctor Who fandoms are sites of backlash, controversy, discrimination, and exclusion of women. However, what is missing in the books, papers, and news reports written about the franchises’ female characters are the voices of the female fans who consume these franchises and want to continue to do so despite being excluded and disregarded. Therefore, I now focus on feminist female fans’ engagement with the content of their fandoms, particularly the female characters featured in Doctor Who and Star Wars.

2. From Slave Leia to General Organa: Feminist Female Fans' Engagement with Princess Leia Leia Organa, played by the late Carrie Fisher (1977-1983, 2015-2019), was the most beloved female character among Star Wars’ feminist fans. The analysis of feminist female fans' engagement with Leia will be divided into three subsections: Princess Leia, Slave Leia, and General Organa. Each section probes a different "persona" of Leia; these will provide insights into interviewees' perceptions of feminism, femininity, sexuality, and age. Also, through exploring participants’ engagement with the character of Leia, I begin to unpack feminist female fans' feelings of exclusion from the fandom community.

2.1. The Feminist Inspiration of Princess Leia As mentioned in the previous chapter, interviewees compared becoming a fan to falling in love; something caught their attention in a particular popular culture content, and their fascination with it grew and intensified over time. Many Star Wars fans participating in this study identified Princess Leia as the main source of attraction to the franchise, appointing her their childhood's feminist icon:

Pretty much my all-time hero (laughs). She [Leia] was incredibly important to me growing up […] she was pretty much the only character that had agency, that was actually doing things, she had a political role (Jamie, 39, UK). When I was seven, I went to see Snow White and then the week after I saw Star Wars and I thought that if I could be a princess, I'd like to be Princess Leia because she always argued with everybody (Samantha, 46, UK). In another example, Ally (39, UK) reminisced about the first time she saw a Leia action figure, prior to watching the films. She described it as a profound moment which awakened her interest in inspiring female characters: When I was five or six […], I have a distinct memory of playing at a friend's house with Star Wars toys and stuff, and the figure of Leia had a helmet. It was a particular moment when I took the helmet off, and it was a girl. It blew my mind to a point where I remember it very vividly. It was a whole thing where I thought Princess Leia could do anything the boys can do. The commonality of these excerpts is the overwhelming, lasting impression Leia left on participants in their childhoods. Each feminist fan provided a striking, almost picturesque account of her first encounter with Leia and the remaining impact this pivotal, formative moment had on the rest of her life. Following findings established in Chapter 4, interviewees’ memories of Leia had a significant role in the construction of biographical narratives; when depicting the processes of becoming fans and feminists, participants referenced to Leia as a source of inspiration, who shaped the women they have become. Not only that, Leia's impact on participants' lives went beyond their feminist and fan identities, as some pursued a career in politics, inspired by Leia’s political role as a member of the Imperial Senate. These excerpts depict the development of feminist female fans’ symbiotic relationship with their fanned character, starting with feeling tremendous inspiration by Leia and striving to be as similar to her as possible. Later, as the following section will develop, participants introjected and projected feminist values onto her character in accordance with their own feminist perceptions. Even though Leia was a prominent feminist icon for many interviewees, Star Wars was frequently criticized for its historical scarcity of female characters. Lucia (39, Spain), for instance, sardonically commented that, based on Star Wars’ storyline, "there are no other women in the galaxy." The scarcity of female characters led Isabel (26, Spain) to assert that she "wouldn't consider Star Wars movies feminist even if they have Princess Leia, who is a

95 feminist icon, the movies are not feminist." Participants thought Star Wars was not a feminist franchise, not only due to its lack of female characters but also because of how existing female characters were treated over the years. The following sections will focus on participants' readings of and reactions towards two occasions in which representations of Leia created controversy in the fandom and beyond.

2.2. The Postfeminism of Slave Leia Despite her feminist icon status, Leia became a sex symbol after a few scenes from Episode VI: Return of the Jedi (1983). Return of the Jedi opens after Leia and Han Solo are captured by Jabba the Hutt, Han's foe. While Han is frozen in carbonite, Leia is enslaved by Jabba. Her iconic, fully-covering white dress is replaced with a minimal bikini. Leia is shackled to Jabba by the neck, who yanks it (thereby, choking and pulling her closer to his body) when aggravated. She later breaks free by strangling him with the chains. These are known as the “Slave Leia” scenes. Interviewees' engagements with the controversial scenes were split. Those in favor of Slave Leia found the attire irrelevant, emphasizing she killed Jabba with the very shackles used to sexualize her: All the men who drool over the Slave Leia costume tend to forget that she strangled the bastard […] I think it's not a weakness. In fact, it's a moment of strength: the one who put her in that position is killed by her with the actual chains, I mean, talk about metaphor (Samantha, 46, UK). I think the thing that I take out of that scene is that you can be dressed however you want and still be strong and in charge (Anita, 35, Italy). Feminist fans, such as Samantha and Anita, found symbolism in Leia's bikini and chains, reading the demise of Jabba as Leia taking down the patriarchy by using its own instruments. In contrast, other interviewees condemned the small bikini and degrading chains, regardless of the fact that Leia later used them to kill Jabba: Brilliant she gets to save the day in a bikini, and everyone gets to talk about how hot she is until the rest of time. For me, watching it, personally, it felt completely out of sync with the rest of the way Leia's portrayed. It's just the question of why does the female character have to be put in that position at some point in order for her to be an actual protagonist? (Olivia, 40, UK). She's got chains on her! It's not empowering to be chained up by someone, and being made to wear clothes you don't want to wear, even if you end up killing

them with chains. That's not what empowering is, choice is empowering, and her choice was taken away from her in that scene (Nina, 25, UK). Participants who argued against Slave Leia were also critical of the fact that even though both Han Solo and Leia were held hostage, only Leia was dressed in minimal clothing. They reckoned that Leia was the one sexualized because she was the only female character in an ensemble of male heroes. To develop findings from the previous chapter, it appears that younger and older respondents - supporters and opponents – all adopted a postfeminist discourse. Terms such as "strong," "choice," "empowering," and "sexy" kept recurring regardless of interviewees' stance on Slave Leia or cohort affiliation. Interviewees who supported the Slave Leia image reflected a postfeminist perspective by claiming that Leia can be sexy and strong at the same time, a common postfeminist argument (Levy, 2005; McRobbie, 2004; 2009). These participants were not disgruntled by Leia's attire but opined that she used a sexualizing situation to her advantage in order to save herself and come out empowered. Those who opposed the scenes also used postfeminist terms such as "empowering" or "choice." However, when Nina talked about choice and empowerment, it was in order to stress that Leia's freedom of choice was taken from her, and therefore these scenes cannot be empowering to female viewers. The discussions about Slave Leia focused on whether Leia has agency over her own body and sexuality, or not: if she does, then her minimal bikini cannot compromise her strong personality; if she does not, then she is objectified and disparaged. Even though participants on both sides used a postfeminist discourse, their understanding of its tenets, such as choice, differed. As part of their symbiotic relationship, Slave Leia provided an opportunity for interviewees to project their feminist stances and perceptions of feminism, sexuality, and femininity onto the scenes. Those who espoused a postfeminist point of view found Slave Leia as a continuity of Leia’s representation of a strong, feminist woman, and perhaps even a development. If in previous movies she was covered up, Return of the Jedi allowed Leia to show and celebrate her sexy side without compromising her resilience. Those who held a more radical feminist approach, read the scenes as a departure of Leia’s portrayal from a strong woman to a sexualized object. The contrast between interviewees’ readings of the scenes demonstrated that the value of the character of Leia depend on the meanings audiences imbue into her character. Interviewees acknowledged the significance and implications of the Slave Leia scenes beyond their own readings and blamed the fan community as well as the creative team behind

97 the franchise for devaluing Leia. Since 1983, Slave Leia has become a global sex symbol among teenage heterosexual boys and men. Respondents such as Daria (52, Switzerland) suggested that the motivation to sexualize Leia was based on the assumption that the majority of Star Wars’ fan base is male: "of course it was sexualized because it's a male audience watching it mainly." Indeed, Widmayer (2018), who analyzed tweets posted after Carrie Fisher’s death, found that many men expressed their mourning by reminiscing over their first sexual awakening during the Slave Leia scenes. Given this, some of the interviewees’ disapproval went beyond the content itself, to the positioning of Leia as a sex icon in popular culture and male audiences’ fantasies. Female fans were wary that the scenes gave audiences the wrong impression of who their beloved Leia "really" was: The thing that I found harder wasn't the film, because it was very brief, but wider cultural aspects outside the Star Wars fandom. It became the way that Leia was represented, every teenage boy's fantasy. I found that part more depressing than a relatively short part of the film. I feel like the film let her down (Jamie, 39, UK). I think for some people, this caused a disruption because, for some people it was all about Carrie Fisher in a bikini […] she's a very strong character, but the thing she is remembered for was the bikini (Bernie, 50, UK). Indeed, Slave Leia is frequently referenced in popular culture to this day. For instance, many interviewees mentioned a Friends (successful television comedy, 1994-2004) episode in which Rachel tries to fulfill Ross’ sexual fantasy by dressing up as Slave Leia. Some respondents and academics accused the scenes of being a “heterosexual male fantasy” (Stuller in Brown, 2018, p. 338), catering to what Mulvey famously termed “the male gaze” (1975). The male gaze, according to Mulvey, is a perspective taken by male viewers, creators, and characters, which turns female characters into an erotic spectacle, depriving them of agency and control over their own bodies and self-representation. Similarly, participants were critical of men’s reactions to Slave Leia, in which they reduced her strengths and skills to nothing more than an attractive physique. Lucy (41, UK) expressed her anger with male fans' constant sexualization of Leia: Young, creepy, old dudes, creepy fans, hanging around wanting girls to be Slave Leia. "What's your fantasy?" –"Slave Leia." They didn't get that that's what powerful men reduce women to. Some gross dude, "what's your fantasy for your girlfriend to dress up as?" –"oh, Slave Leia." So basically, you're

identifying yourself as Jabba, with no sense of irony whatsoever. She wouldn’t be interested in you. She wasn't interested in Jabba. What you should want is General Leia. Star Wars feminist fans lamented that a relatively short scene, in which a woman was enslaved and bullied, was read as a sexual fantasy, and is still so prominent and referenced in popular culture. They felt that their feminist icon was misused, objectified, and diminished into a sex icon by male directors and writers in order to cater to male audiences. Interviewees' arguments against the hegemonic masculine reading of Leia stress that when content is created from and for the male gaze, it eradicates female viewers' interpretations and engagement with the content (Cohen, 2010; Cooper, 2000; Gamman and Marshment, 1989; Stacey, 1994). Given this, in response to the male gaze, scholars constructed the "female gaze" (Cohen, 2010; Gamman and Marshment, 1989; Taylor, 2014). So far, studies regarding the female gaze have concentrated on "chick flicks" and other female-oriented materials, and the sexualization of male characters by the female viewers. In this chapter, however, I extend the definition and implementation of the female gaze by asserting that female audiences are not necessarily interested in sexualizing or romanticizing male characters but instead search to be inspired by female characters22. The perceptions of male fans' engagement with Slave Leia provide an example of interviewees' feelings of exclusion from their own fan communities. As described earlier, some participants conceded with Leia's sexualization, understanding producers' intent to accommodate their content to male audiences. As part of their symbiotic relationships, interviewees not only projected their own perceptions onto Slave Leia, they also introjected (the fourth and last element of fans’ symbiotic relationship with their fanned characters) the idea that Star Wars was not made for them, and therefore scenes with half-naked women were inevitable. Moreover, they felt that they do not get to be part of the accepted reading of Leia; popular culture, driven by male fans' interpretations, commemorated Leia as a sex icon, even though respondents felt she had much more merit than that. Interviewees criticized Star Wars' creative team for sexualizing Leia. Nina (25, UK), for instance, commented that discussions regarding Leia’s agency are unproductive because she is ultimately a fictional character, written and directed by a man: I don't think it's her choice, it's the director's choice to actually portray her like that. If that's a real person's choice to dress up like that - fine, that's what

22 Similarly, Snow (1989) argues that the male gaze ignores non-sexual male engagement with popular culture. However, studying male fans' readings of Slave Leia goes beyond the scope of this study.

feminism is about, but I don’t think that that's her choice, it's a male director creating a sexualized character, who is then shown to young boys and girls, and I think that it's kind of annoying. Participants such as Nina asserted that George Lucas, the creator of Star Wars, was uninterested in writing female characters for female audiences but wrote what Karen (38, UK) called "wish fulfillment" characters who fulfilled his own and other men’s fantasies. Donna (46, UK) further argued that Lucas "found it hard to relate to young women," and therefore did not take them into account when creating the franchise. Exploring participants' engagement with Slave Leia provides a starting point to the thesis' main theme: feminist female fans feeling excluded and disregarded in science fiction fandom communities. Interviewees acknowledged that Slave Leia was an out-of-character moment for the character and that she was written to cater to the target audience of the creators – male fans. Many interviewees felt that these scenes tainted the image of a beloved female character who inspired them to become fans and feminists and demonstrated the dismissal of the female Star Wars audience by male fans and the production team.

2.3. The Ageism of General Organa After more than 30 years, Carrie Fisher reprised her role in the new Star Wars trilogy. In Star Wars: Episode VII – The Force Awakens (2015), Leia is a middle-aged woman, general, and mother of the new villain, Kylo Ren. Since one of the last memories of Fisher until then was the slave costume, the response of fans and media to the older Carrie Fisher was harsh. Fisher was closely scrutinized, and audiences were eager to discover if she had "aged well." The overall response amongst fan communities and media outlets was that she had not (Said- Moorhouse, 2015; Tonic, 2015). Fellow male actors, Harrison Ford and Mark Hamill, who also reprised their roles decades later, did not receive the same criticism. While there was no significant difference in the reading of Slave Leia between generations, older participants were distinctively more conscious about the ageist comments Leia and Carrie Fisher received in the new trilogy. Interviewees from the older cohort, especially mothers such as Sharon (39, UK) and Lucy (41, UK), discussed the scrutiny Carrie Fisher was under when reprising her role, as she was castigated for "looking old." Lucy lamented that after being a heroine in her own right, Leia has become "someone's mom." Growing older, no longer being able to serve as eye candy, the character of Leia was disregarded and reduced to her relations to men.

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Older interviewees identified with General Organa, another sign of their symbiotic relationship with the character. Ageist comments targeted against Carrie Fisher and older Leia hit a sensitive nerve among older participants, who perhaps experienced pressure to try to hold on to their individuality and sense of worth as they grew older and became mothers. Because of their symbiotic relationship, older participants were firmly against the representation of older women as redundant, which not only damaged the portrayal of Leia but of their own lives as well. In the next chapter, I expand on older participants' personal experiences with ageism in the fandom communities, which will further strengthen my argument. Three portrayals of Leia were featured in this chapter, shedding light on different feminist and fandom debates, which I framed in the context of feminist female fans' symbiotic relationship with the character. Interviewees were first inspired by Princess Leia and wanted to be like her when they grew up. Then, when Leia’s portrayal became controversial, feminist fans projected their own feminist values onto her, finding her empowering or disappointing, according to their feminist perceptions. These scenes were also used for introjection, as participants internalized that they were not the audience that Star Wars was created for. Later, older feminist fans identified with older Leia and felt personally attacked when Leia and Carrie Fisher experienced ageism. In the next section, I demonstrate a similar process of shifting from inspiration to identification among feminist female fans of Doctor Who's Sarah Jane Smith.

3. "I Wanted to be Sarah Jane": What Makes a "Good" Doctor Who Companion? When Doctor Who fans were asked about the companions, most crowned Sarah Jane Smith (played by the late Elisabeth Sladen, 1973-1976, 1981, 1983, 2006-2011) as their most favorite. Due to the scope of this chapter, I will not review other companions discussed by interviewees and will use the case of Sarah Jane Smith as the linchpin of feminist fans’ readings of the companions. In this section, I review the similarities between feminist fans' readings of Sarah Jane and Princess Leia. Sarah Jane was also interwoven in participants' identification processes as feminists and fans, held an occupation that interviewees wanted to pursue, and experienced ageism after reprising her role. As will be soon developed, exploring feminist fans' engagement with Sarah Jane not only offers another example of fans’ symbiotic relationship with female characters but also provides insight into interviewees' strong disdain of feminine qualities associated with the "love interest" trope.

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3.1. Young Sarah Jane Much like Princess Leia, participants named Sarah Jane as one of their primary motivations for starting to follow the series and becoming a fan: When I was three years old, it's one of my first memories; I was watching Doctor Who on the television with the third Doctor and Sarah Jane Smith. She was wonderful. I wanted to be Sarah Jane (Samantha, 46, UK). Not only did interviewees become fans because of Sarah Jane, but many also acknowledged her role in influencing them to become feminists. When they talked about Sarah Jane, several participants referenced a famous scene in which she gave an inspiring, explicitly feminist speech: She had a really, really feminist speech […] there was a princess doing a damsel in distress, "oh, I am just a woman," and she turned around saying, "excuse me, there's nothing 'just' with being a woman." I quite liked that and the fact she had the confidence to say that. It's kind of refreshing" (Stephanie, 29, UK). This scene, as Stephanie explained, introduced interviewees to feminism and showed them that it is something to be proud of. In another example, interviewees also shared that they pursued (or attempted to pursue) a career in journalism and writing, like Sarah Jane: She was a journalist. I like to write, I write a website now, I blog. So I wanted to be Sarah Jane Smith […] Sarah Jane Smith, she was a journalist, she was curious, that was trying to find things out, she was independent, and I just loved her. I spent my entire life wanting to be her and failing miserably (laughs) (Wendy, 50, UK). Like Princess Leia, Sarah Jane Smith was accredited with a significant role in feminist female fans' biographical narratives. As many scholars of narrative analysis argue (May, 2003; Reissman, 2005), it does not matter whether the exposure to Leia or Sarah Jane was indeed a defining moment in interviewees' lives. The fact that participants chose to elaborate on the moments they were first introduced to these characters is significant enough to illustrate that feminist fans decided to develop their biographical narratives by stressing the importance of female characters featured in their fandoms. The pivotal role interviewees gave to Leia and Sarah Jane in their biographical narratives is indicative of the profound symbiotic connection feminist fans share with their fanned content. Interviewees were not only impressed by these characters; they wanted to be them.

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3.2. Older Sarah Jane Despite being embraced by fans in her younger years, participants were displeased with Sarah Jane's reprised role in her older years. Sarah Jane was so beloved in the fandom, she was brought back for the reboot and later received her own spinoff show. Interviewees disapproved of Sarah Jane's spinoff show, The Sarah Jane Adventures, because of its ageist, conservative subtext. Similar to Leia, the older Sarah Jane was reduced to a maternal role in which she lost the independence and individuality she had in her youth. As Lucy (41, UK) explained, "she came back with a magic lipstick and was someone's mom." Again, older participants were the ones who were conscious of and offended by ageist representations of their peers. However, younger participants also voiced criticism of the portrayal of the older Sarah Jane which made her seem like an abandoned ex-girlfriend. Interviewees found it unfortunate that Sarah Jane was brought back to Doctor Who only to be put into situations in which she was presented as irrelevant and outdated. For instance, in one episode, Sarah Jane gets into a whimsical banter with the current, much younger companion, Rose. The argument was written to resemble a squabble between an ex and a current girlfriend. Zoe (32, UK) found the scene "really cringy. The two female companions are pitted against each other, fighting over the Doctor. I hate that trope so much!" Later on, it was also revealed that the older Sarah Jane is "a lonely woman who's never had a boyfriend since the Doctor and been wandering around being miserable for years" (Emmy, 42, UK). The portrayal of Sarah Jane as an "old maid," especially after engaging in a platonic relationship with the Doctor in her younger years, hit a nerve among younger and older feminist fans alike, who protested against companions serving as love interests. Interviewees favored companions who they described as strong, independent, intelligent, and curious. The most beloved were the companions who did not engage in a romantic relationship with the Doctor. In her analysis of Rose, the first companion in the rebooted series, Amy-Chinn explains that viewers are frustrated with infatuated female characters because when ethics of care are “carried out by women, [they] limit agency and restrict the growth of the characters who embody them" (2008, p. 231). Indeed, participants bemoaned the gradual deterioration of each companion's agency and independence as she fell in love with the Doctor. After being a young and inquisitive journalist with no romantic interest in the Doctor, Sarah Jane returned as an older woman who had never fully moved on with her life after traveling with the Doctor. She adopted an alien child and was jealous of the

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Doctor’s new young companion. According to interviewees, these two alterations in her character damaged her previous feminist icon status. Parallel to Star Wars fans, many participants agreed that Doctor Who is not particularly feminist due to its diegetic formula: old male protagonist traveling through time and space with a young, female companion who frequently falls in love with him. The mere idea of Doctor Who was found troublesome by some fans, such as Stephanie (29, UK), who jokingly stated that "when you think about Doctor Who, it is about a madman in a box who kidnaps women." The asymmetrical relationship between companions and the Doctor brought Zoe (34, UK) to conclude "if feminists don't find any problem in Doctor Who, then frankly, it's surprising." Exploring feminist fans’ readings of Sarah Jane provides insights about participants’ projection of their ideas about feminism and femininity onto the character. Interviewees appreciated Sarah Jane more when she was not tied to the Doctor. When older Sarah Jane poignantly reminisced over her past adventures with the Doctor and adopted a son, she turned into a stereotypical, uninspiring older woman. This is also an example of interviewees’ disdain for traditional femininity and the qualities attributed to it, a finding I continue to develop in the review of the first female Doctor, the 13th Doctor.

4. The 13th Doctor: "She's a Time Lord, Not a Time Lady" For more than 50 years, the Doctor was played by male actors. Rumors and requests to cast a female actress in the role were continuously shut down. For instance, Steven Moffat, Doctor Who's showrunner from 2010 to 2017, frequently commented that the audience is "dead against it" (Jowett, 2014, p. 87), and the show is not "exclusively for progressive liberals" (Walter, 2017, n.p). Interviewees saw Moffat's snub of their pleas an example of the entertainment industry's reluctance to cater to female fans or provide space for them. Once Mofatt's reign over the franchise ended, Jodie Whittaker was announced to play the first female Doctor. Casting news ignited heated discussions; many fans threatened to abandon the show, while others commended the promotion of a woman to its forefront. Casting news, and the clashes that followed provide the opportunity to explore how feminist fans navigated the backlash and their own expectations of the first female Doctor. In the following sections, I reveal interviewees' conflicted engagement with the first female Doctor. On the one hand, they eagerly supported the casting shift in heated discussions with their opponents, who were usually male fans. On the other, they expressed their hopes that the female Doctor would not possess feminine characteristics. I will later argue that despite

104 their feminist identities, interviewees valued masculine attributes over feminine ones, associating femininity with weakness and a lack of agency.

4.1. “PC Gone Mad”: Fighting Against the Backlash When casting was first announced, interviewees expressed their joy and excitement. The major cause for respondents' happiness was that a woman would now play one of the biggest role models in popular culture. Understanding the impact female characters, such as Leia and Sarah Jane, made on them as children, interviewees were excited about the new generation of feminist fans that the new female Doctor might raise: I talked to one of my cosplay friends […] she said, "finally, we get to play the Doctor" […] I'm thinking about 6, 8 year olds who will say "that’s the Doctor, I can relate to that" (Stephanie, 29, UK). However, interviewees’ celebrations of the announcement were swiftly cut short by a backlash. The casting controversy was heated and signified much more than a simple dispute over a television series. According to interviewees, it had broader implications for society’s approach to gender representations, gender roles, and openness towards female leaders in the "real" world. This was feminist female fans’ Battle of the Sexes. The primary objection against the female Doctor, raised by certain fans and media, centered on the damage caused by political correctness. Opponents opined that producers were forcing diversity on franchises as a marketing move to demonstrate their “progressiveness.” According to them, this drastic change might cost the franchise its quality and commercial success (Powell and Spencer, 2017; Szalai, 2017). Interviewees strongly contested this claim, and argued that women are merely starting to get their fair share in an arena which traditionally discriminates in favor of white men: When Jodie got the part, I said, "you know what, there are an awful lot of people in this world who get film roles solely on the basis of their gender and their race, but guess what? They're white dudes!" Those are the ones that get jobs based solely on their ethnicity and their sex (Donna, 46, UK). In order to fight against PC claims, interviewees provided carefully worked through justifications that substantiated their arguments in favor of the new female Doctor. These included providing proof-based examples from Doctor Who's canon: In "The Night of The Doctor," the Doctor is given a choice who he wants to regenerate as, and one of the choices was a woman. In "The Doctor's Wife,"

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the Doctor talks about other friends of his whom regenerated as a woman. It's not a brand new idea (Samantha, 46, UK). According to participants, if the canon justifies the existence of a gender alteration through regeneration, it is reasonable to have a female Doctor. I suggest that interviewees’ heavy reliance on the canon was a strategy to avoid criticism that they support the female Doctor because of their feminist identities, as Ramona (31, UK) explains: Putting feminism aside, there had to be a female Doctor eventually […] the fact that you can talk about it without feminism coming up and just say "this needed to happen" is something I kind of stress because, you know, people are saying, "oh, it's just PC, blah, blah" and I like to use my knowledge to say "no, this needed to happen." Establishing their arguments on the canon, instead of their feminist agenda, allowed feminist fans to provide intellectual justifications for the existence of a female Doctor and avoid being perceived as hysterical, obsessive feminists. Moreover, providing examples from the canon proved that interviewees were connoisseurs of their fandom and had a profound understanding and memory of details from previous episodes. Connoisseurship, as will be developed in the following chapter, has significant value to male fans and operates as the standard according to which interviewees' authenticity as fans is evaluated. Canon-related justifications are common in fandom backlashes against casting (Hills, 2015; Jenkins, 2018; Proctor and Kies, 2018). When reviewing the controversy regarding casting Michael B. Jordan (an African-American actor) as Johnny Storm (a white superhero) in the reboot of Fantastic Four, Jenkins explained that fans sometimes take advantage of their expertise in the canon in order to reinforce "white male entitlement" (2018, p. 17) and to resist diversity and inclusion in different franchises. Similarly, Emily (34, UK) treated the canon as a polysemic text which could be understood differently, depending on the subject reading it: There were people who were saying, "this is the canon, this is the text-book that was passed down to us, and this is what we can learn from it," seeing these long justifications for why the Doctor can't change gender or race. It's people who have their position over it and are using things in the text to support it and actually ignoring all of the things that go against it. Once again, as in the case of Slave Leia, feminist female fans felt that their readings of the text were dismissed. Despite providing examples where characters changed genders in

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Doctor Who, interviewees experienced incidents in which male fans took ownership of the canon in order to dictate how it should be read, invalidating their interpretations. A further example of male fans’ domination of the Doctor Who franchise is found in another claim against casting a female Doctor: the loss of a role model for boys. Interviewees shared that male fans tended to lament the loss of a positive male role model for young boys during arguments and discussions. Participants challenged these claims by asserting that a female heroine could be inspiring for both girls and boys: What I didn't get is the "we're losing a male role model." You have so many to choose from, all these seasons of men playing this role. Why do you need one in this role? Get a female role model. Why not? (Anaya, 19, UK). According to interviewees, women are more accustomed to relating to male characters, in comparison to men with female characters. Participants discussed a plethora of male characters and actors they looked up to over the years, from Han Solo to Bruce Lee, but asserted that men seldom appreciate inspiring female characters. Zoe (32, UK) thought the regeneration of the Doctor into a woman was an opportunity for men to learn how to relate to female characters and women in general, claiming: "women had to mentally gender-swap themselves into lead roles forever. If there are really good female characters, why wouldn't you want to be them?" This is a further example of feminist female fans' struggle to find their place in fandoms of franchises that are traditionally associated with and created for men. After quietly embracing and looking up to male protagonists for years, interviewees wanted to see themselves as protagonists. In light of the massive backlash after the announcement, some feminist fans expressed apprehension about a woman leading Doctor Who: I think that because we have a new scriptwriter, if it doesn't work and the fans stop watching the show, it won't be because the scriptwriter changed, it would be because they casted a woman and that will put into a halt any chances that any woman will be involved in a lead role ever (Stephanie, 29 UK). Wendy (50, UK) also shared this worry, explaining that since Doctor Who's ratings have been decreasing for years, "to put a woman in at this point […], she'll get the blame for taking the show down". Fans dreaded that if ratings dropped, it would deter other franchises from featuring women in leading roles, leading to repercussions beyond the Doctor Who franchise.

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When the new series finally aired, worries dissolved; ratings were solid, and the new female Doctor was beloved by critics and fans alike (Hooton, 2018; Mangan, 2018)23. Subsequent correspondences with participants revealed they were content and relieved by the generally positive reception of the 13th Doctor: She seems to have become in a very short time a beloved Doctor, and it's such a huge relief to not have to battle the 'I don't hate women, but…" crowd anymore. She's won the battle for us (Samantha, 46, UK). Samantha’s vicarious victory over antagonistic male fans through the popularity of the 13th Doctor demonstrates the symbiosis between female fans and their fanned characters. Having a female Doctor meant that female fans were acknowledged as part of the fandom community and that Doctor Who was not just a show for men, by men, with men. It proved that women were able to be in the spotlight, lead and inspire others. In his study about football fans, Sandvoss (2004) differentiates between sports and popular culture fans by asserting that football fans express identification with their fanned team by addressing them as "we," whereas popular culture fans use third person pronouns. While Samantha referred to the 13th Doctor as "she," she also used "us," which I argue demonstrates the deep identification interviewees shared with the female Doctor, similar to the one experienced by football fans. Parallel to winning a football tournament, interviewees felt they had "won" in the fandom war because fans and media embraced the 13th Doctor. If the 13th Doctor had not become well-liked, as many feminist fans initially feared, it would have been their failure too. To conclude, the initial adverse reactions to the female Doctor demonstrated the challenges feminist female fans face when trying to claim their stakes in their fandoms and push for equal representations. To them, a female Doctor signified much more than a character on television, but a step towards inclusion of women in positions of power and influence in popular culture and beyond. This section established the policing regimes female fans experience in male-dominated fandom communities, where their interpretations and expectations are only secondary to those of men's. After standing united in their support of the female Doctor, the next section reveals interviewees’ surprising expectations of her characterization.

23 However, some still argued the show became "too PC", with episodes centering on Rosa Parks or the partition of India (Hastings, 2018; Jones, 2018).

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4.2. “Please Not Girly”: Expectations of the 13th Doctor As explained in the methodology chapter, fieldwork commenced after the first female Doctor was announced and before the new series aired. During the time interviews were conducted, the first promotional shot of the female Doctor was released, uncovering her costume, which included high-waist trousers attached with suspenders and rainbow-colored stripes printed on a dark t-shirt, hinting to gay pride. The team of new companions, who are now called “friends,” was also announced: a young Asian woman, an elder white man, and a young black man. The lack of details regarding the new Doctor allowed fans to project their hopes and expectations onto her character. Similarly to the discussion on Slave Leia, examining interviewees’ expectations of the 13th Doctor also provided me with the opportunity to scrutinize their feminist stances and attitudes on femininity and masculinity. Paradoxically, after fighting against the backlash and justifying the necessity of casting a woman as the Doctor, interviewees' main demand was that she retained the masculine qualities associated with her previous male incarnations. Participants did not want the Doctor to be written differently as a woman or be too "feminine": Please, not girly! At her heart, she is a Time Lord [...] I mean she has to be an assertive kick-a** Time Lord because that's how they survive […] please don't have her falling in love (Angela, 55, UK). She's a Time Lord, not a Time Lady (Bernie, 50, UK). She's the Doctor. I don't want her to be a female Doctor. I don't want her to be a lady Doctor (Ruby, 38, UK). In parallel to their expectations of the companions, participants rejected the prospect of having a Doctor with stereotypical, traditional female characteristics. They stressed that she is a Time Lord ("not Time Lady") and were happy she would be wearing "almost an androgynous dress […] not wearing *a* dress" (Emily, 34, UK). Participants also wished that the regeneration into a woman would not be explicitly addressed or written as an extraordinary event, despite stressing the significance of having a female lead: It shouldn't be treated as a big deal. They should just say "this is the Doctor, this is the companion, this is everything you need to know" (Stephanie, 29 UK). One explanation for interviewees' aversion to a "feminine" female Doctor could be the fact that most introjected the idea that men are the ultimate heroes. Leia and Sarah Jane were (and still are) a female minority in the cadre of heroic characters in science fiction, as men still play most cinematic and literary protagonists. Therefore, after spending many years

109 consuming contents with stereotypical portrayals in which men save the day and women are the ones being saved, interviewees were unsure if a female character equipped with feminine characteristics "could work" as a protagonist. Another reasoning explores beyond representations of female characters in popular culture and argues that there is an inherent devaluation of femininity in society, even among feminist women. According to gender and feminism scholars, femininity, or what is traditionally understood as such, does not encapsulate a desired set of values and practices. In her seminal work, Simone De Beauvoir (2011) asserts that “woman” is conceptualized as man's other; her existence and definition are relational and dependent on that of the man, while he exists as an independent social agent. Femininity is simply everything masculinity is not; while masculinity offers versatile forms of expression and practice, femininity appears limited and restricting (Holland, 2004; Connell, 1987; Nicholls, 2018; Schippers, 2007). Femininity, especially a "girly" kind of femininity, is perceived as "try-hard" and inauthentic (Holland, 2004; Nicholls, 2018), whereas masculinity is automatically associated with effortless authenticity (Thornton, 1995). Femininity, as maintained by Schippers, "is always and already inferior and undesirable when compared to masculinity" (2007, p.86). The idea of femininity as inferior is also internalized in several feminist strands. Feminism has a long history of ambivalence towards masculinity and femininity, going all the way back to its first wave when feminists strived to prove their competence in masculine arenas (Pugh, 2000). The attempts to beat men in their own game followed feminism throughout its second wave and was famously embodied by the masculine power-suits women donned in male-dominated workplaces (Alcoff, 1988). "For many feminists," Hollows explains, "in becoming feminine, women are 'colonized' by patriarchy and become implicated in their own oppression" (2000, p.10). Later, despite branding feminine practices as “fun” and “attractive," postfeminism also encouraged women to take part in activities that would make them seem “cooler.” These usually include traditionally masculine practices such as drinking or frequenting strip clubs (Levy, 2005; McRobbie, 2009). Thus, despite promoting women's rights, certain feminist strands oftentimes encourage masculine attitudes, values, and practices and prioritize them over the feminine. "I don't want to be a girl," confesses feminist writer Laurie Penny, "being a girl is understood to be somewhat less than being a person" (2013, p. 5). Drawing from these scholarships crystalizes feminist fans' hesitance towards a feminine Doctor. Traditional femininity, even through certain feminist eyes, is a stigmatized identity, associated with weakness, dependency, and passivity (Budgeon, 2011; Nielsen,

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2004; Rich, 2005). Interviewees longed for an inspirational female Doctor that would be embraced by women and men alike. Therefore, she could not be feminine and her becoming a woman should not be explicitly addressed. Feminine qualities, as seen throughout this chapter, are not influential and impressive according to many participants, but attract critique or antipathy. Interviewees' expectations were met when the series featuring the 13th Doctor aired from October 2018 to January 2019. During follow-up correspondence, participants applauded Jodie Whitaker's portrayal of the Doctor. They praised her readiness to be "a bit goofy and graceless" (Jane, 46, UK) and the ability to create her own sonic screwdriver (a technological device used by the Doctor). As expected, Anna (27, France) was pleased with the nonchalant writing of the female Doctor’s regeneration, emphasizing that the Doctor's gender does not matter: It makes no difference to me to see a woman. It could have been a man as well […], and her character is not making a big deal about the fact that she's been a man for centuries […] it seems that it wasn't important to the Doctor, and it wasn't important to me. While participants were pleased with the female Doctor's masculine characteristics and behaviors, such as knowledge in STEM and being blasé about her looks, they were also supportive of the Doctor's new compassionate side. Nina (25, UK) detailed how she gradually warmed up to the Doctor's new feminine qualities: My initial approach towards the new Doctor included a concern that her character would be overly sexualized or feminized. However, after seeing how the feminine themes of humanity, compassion, and peaceful negotiation have been entwined throughout the season, I've realized the importance of showing strong, feminine traits in popular culture, rather than expecting women to 'integrate' into the brooding, angry stereotype of the masculine hero. Like Nina, other interviewees repented their worries on having a female Doctor with feminine qualities, and saluted the 13th’s Doctor fresh intake on leadership. However, the 13th Doctor was also received with skepticism by some participants. While many were pleased with the Doctor's new set of friends, others questioned why so many companions were teamed with the female Doctor. These interviewees argued that the ensemble of companions implicitly suggests that the female Doctor is unable to save the day on her own. Respondents also questioned why the female Doctor had to be the "nice" one out of the entire cadre of Doctors:

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I'm very interested by the very overt characterization of Jodie's Doctor as "nice." The way this has been stressed by the show makes it look to me like it is driven primarily by a dislike of the way previous Doctors have been characterized as, well, a bit of a d***. It looks like Chibnall [Chris Chinball, the new showrunner] very explicitly wants to say you can be a hero without riding roughshod over those around you. It's a little unfortunate this coincides with the introduction of a female Doctor since it plays into stereotypes of women being more caring and doing more emotional labor (Jane, 46, UK). Interviewees were in awe of the 13th Doctor's new style of leadership and heroism, which combined both masculine and feminine qualities while underscoring the importance of compassion and warmth. However, similar to their readings of Sarah Jane Smith, some worried that the 13th Doctor’s feminine qualities perpetuated stereotypes about women and femininity, which they were eager to eradicate. As the last character featured in this chapter will demonstrate, there is a very fine line between a female character with masculine characteristics that are inspiring and one that is too strong to be relatable to women.

5. Rey, the "Mary Sue" The new Star Wars trilogy debuted in 2015, featuring its first cinematic female protagonist, Rey. Rey (played by Daisy Ridley, 2015 - ) is a scavenger who was abandoned by her parents in her childhood. After discovering the Resistance's droid, BB-8, she embarks on a journey to defeat The First Order and discover her parents' whereabouts. Many fans found Rey a “true” strong female character, commending scenes that explicitly portrayed her as a fierce, capable woman. Karen (38, UK), for instance, fawned: "I love Rey, I really love her […] she and Finn [an ex-soldier of The First Order, who joins Rey to defeat them] are running around, and he keeps grabbing her hand, and she's like ‘why are you grabbing my hand?!’ and that was brilliant". In a different example, Samantha (46, UK) praised Rey for being skilled, “not with feminine skills. She's a pilot, an engineer, very masculine.” As with feminist fans’ expectations of the first female Doctor, certain respondents celebrated Rey’s masculine characteristics. Samantha, for instance, even applauded Rey's lack of "feminine skills." This further demonstrates interviewees’ appreciation of masculine characteristics over feminine ones. To them, an inspiring feminist icon is a woman who acts and thinks "like a man."

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Parallel to the 13th Doctor, Rey also received antagonism from many male viewers. Some critiques were similar to that of Doctor Who fans ("PC gone mad"), but others were uniquely addressed to Rey, accusing her of being a "Mary Sue" (Framke, 2015; Kain, 2017). Mary Sue is the name of a fan-made female character featured in a Star Trek fanfiction, whose “perfect” personality turned her into an uninspiring, boring character. Since then, when a female character is considered too skilled to seem like a "real" person with conflicts and faults, she is regarded as a Mary Sue. Some of the Star Wars feminist fans contested the Mary Sue claims, arguing that only female characters are criticized for being highly-skilled. Ally (39, UK), for example, proclaimed: Mary Sue is now used as a derogatory term for female characters, hero characters. Luke is allowed to be super strong and fly spaceships, and Rey isn't allowed […] films are filled with male Mary Sues, I want some female Mary Sues for a change! Interviewees felt that the Mary Sue arguments against Rey were yet another mechanism used by male fans to put female characters down. Male characters can get away with being powerful and successful, but when a female character is as competent, she is dull and unbelievable. Other participants, however, agreed that Rey is a Mary Sue, and found her impossible to relate to, such as Courtney (29, Germany): When I look for feminist movies, it's always a woman being a Mary Sue, a copy of a man. I realize that that's how I also present myself, but I wish I could be myself, my vulnerable self. According to some interviewees, "perfect," strong female characters set an ideal of a flawless, vigorous woman they cannot achieve themselves. In another interview, Anita (35, Italy) recounted how she had decided to boycott the new trilogy, because she was bored by the idea of a gender-swap character: "it sounds like a marketing move – 'let's take Luke Skywalker and make him a female because feminism is so in right now'." Interviewees such as Anita and Samantha, who enjoyed the scenes of Slave Leia, searched for female characters who did not erase femininity, fragility, and attractiveness but integrated them with their physical and intellectual strengths. Some participants acknowledged the difficulty of writing a "good" female character that would be a feminist icon who can inspire both men and women, while still appearing relatable and believable:

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You get that kind of tokenism stuff. It's that strong female character stuff where they shove her into a particular film when actually, this isn't a great female role model, this isn't actually a complex character that actually represents a real woman with complexity and depth. But actually, it's better than when the only female character is the damsel in distress (Ally, 39, UK). You don't want to be in a situation where all female characters have to fit in a particular idealized mold. We don't want all of them to be kicka** women. We want a variety of female characters. We don't want them to represent one thing (Jane, 46, UK). Characters such as Rey and the 13th Doctor carry the "burden of representation" (Hall, 1996; Tagg, 1988). As the first female protagonists in their respective franchises, they are burdened by the responsibility to represent all women and embody every female viewer's expectations. "Anything [they do] unwisely or poorly […] sends a message about all women", as Bowman asserts in his study on the female characters of Star Wars (2015, p. 168). Naomi Wolf argues that since there are not enough female leaders and role models in the "real world," "women seek for them on the screen and glossy page" (1991, p. 42). Therefore, the existence of female characters who do not portray fully-rounded and influential women means that female audiences will have even fewer role models to identify with and be inspired to emulate. The lack of agreement regarding the required characteristics of a "good" female character, especially in the case of Rey and the 13th Doctor, also reveals interviewees' attitudes towards identity, identification, and inspiration. In accordance with the postmodern conceptualization of "identity" (Bauman, 2004; Frith, 1996; Giddens, 1991; Hall, 1996; Weir, 2013), participants expected female characters to be complicated and well-rounded. To some, Rey was a "flat" character devoid of internal struggles, which made her less believable and relatable. Interviewees wanted to develop a full symbiotic relationship with characters they could identify with, as well as aspire to become. They were looking for characters who allowed them to both project and introject feminist values, characters who reflected and corresponded with their feminist values, as well as represented to them new feminist norms and behaviors they could adopt for themselves. As I develop in the Chapters 6 and 7, feminist female fans felt their own identities were flawed and in constant tension, and therefore sought on-screen characters who also demonstrated similar complexities, while remaining feminist icons.

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6. Conclusions In this chapter, I have explored feminist female fans engagement with Star Wars and Doctor Who's diegesis through four main female characters: Princess Leia, Sarah Jane Smith, 13th Doctor, and Rey. Doing so allowed me to scrutinize participants’ perceptions of feminism and femininity, feminist identity, generational differences between younger and older feminist fans, and feminist female fans’ experiences of exclusion in male-dominated fandom communities. The findings of this chapter were framed in the context of feminist female fans’ symbiotic relationship with their favorite female characters. The four elements of this relationship - identification, aspiration, projection, and introjection – were all embodied in interviewees’ responses to the different representations of Leia. Princess Leia was an inspiration for interviewees; she motivated them to become fans and feminists and to pursue influential careers in politics. Slave Leia, the most controversial image of Leia, provided participants with the opportunity to project their own feminist stances onto Leia, and see her as either a victim or a hero, in accordance to their points of view. The Slave Leia scenes also made participants introject and internalize the understanding that Star Wars was not created for them, but for male viewers. Lastly, older interviewees identified with Leia’s last incarnation, General Organa, where they felt personally attacked when the character and the actress were accepted with ageist scrutiny. In the same manner, the characters of Sarah Jane, 13th Doctor and Rey reflected a symbiotic relationship in which interviewees identified, or wanted to be inspired by female characters, and their disappointment when characters failed to live up to these expectations. Throughout this chapter, I reviewed respondents' prioritization of masculine features and rejection of feminine characteristics, such as ethics of care. I argued that this might be due to interviewees’ over-exposure to the tropes of heroic men and damsels in distress. Interviewees wanted well-rounded female characters who could break away from stereotypical representations of women. I suggested that supporting female characters with masculine characteristics might also be indicative of the predominant perception of femininity as an identity that is not well-rounded and authentic in the way that masculinity is assumed to be. Even though interviewees seemed difficult to please with female characters, I argue that this was not a case of internalized misogyny, but a deep desire to develop symbiotic relationships with female characters. Interviewees demanded more of female characters because they wanted to identify with them, be inspired, and to see women on-screen who

115 could have a positive impact on their lives and those of little girls. Therefore, they critiqued incidents in which female characters were badly written, or where characters who were previously inspirational were suddenly sexualized. Scrutinizing interviewees’ engagement with the female characters in Doctor Who and Star Wars also revealed the complexities of feminist thought. Even though most participants employed a postfeminism discourse when they debated over the characters’ agency and freedom of choice, their interpretations of these terms differed. This demonstrates the initial argument I have made in the literature review (Chapter 2); a plethora of feminist strands cause feminists to hold different, sometimes contrasting, understandings of what makes one a (good) feminist. This chapter began to unpack and reveal feminist female fans feeling like second- class citizens in the fandom community. Participants felt that their demands for more progressive, well-rounded female characters were left unanswered by male producers and that their readings of the diegesis were dismissed by male fans. This chapter has provided only a small glimpse into the discrimination experienced by female fans that was reflected by how female characters have been written. The next chapter delves deeper into feminist female fans’ exclusion from male-dominated communities and experiences of conditional belonging in their own fandoms.

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Chapter 6: Feminist Fans' Conditional Belonging in Doctor Who and Star Wars' Fandoms I am not familiar with the entire universe of Doctor Who and Star Wars. If you're asking about minor characters, I'm not going to be able to answer. I don't remember everything that's going on in those universes [...] last night when I thought about the interview; I thought to myself, “I should look up Wikipedia” because sometimes… most of the time… when being a fan comes up, you always need to… I always feel like I need to prove myself. I don’t know if it’s connected to being female, I don’t know, maybe. I kinda think it is. Anita (35, Italy) opened our interview with this unsolicited disclaimer, in an effort to prevent scrutiny over the authenticity of her identity as a fan. Like Anita, other participants also expressed anxiety about having their identities as fans challenged during the interview, such as Isabel (26, Spain): I was really nervous before our conversation, and I was thinking why I am so nervous, it's not an exam. Then I realized that, in a way, I question myself if I'm enough of a fan (nervous laugh). And then I realized it's part of the problem, that I feel like I have to prove it to you. These statements illustrate an issue that will be the focus of this chapter: female fans' fear of being perceived as not "good enough" fans, due to experiencing exclusion from their fandoms. In the previous chapter, I have briefly alluded to interviewees' recognition of Star Wars and Doctor Who as franchises dedicated to men. In this chapter, I unpack and explore interviewees' feelings of being inadequate fans by drawing upon belonging scholarship as a theoretical framework and introducing the concept of "conditional belonging." It is through our belonging to different communities and categories that we can construct our identities and perceive them as authentic (Jenkins, 2014; May, 2013; Yuval-Davis, 2011). However, our belonging to a particular community is not given as a matter of course, but instead must be earned. Some individuals, especially newcomers, will have to go through a liminal stage of conditional belonging before becoming official members of the community (Ríos-Rojas, 2014; Rutherford, 2008; Wernesjö, 2014). The concept of conditional belonging has been used in immigration studies (Ríos- Rojas, 2014; Rutherford, 2008; Wernesjö, 2014) but has not been fully explored or developed, and has yet to be implemented in other fields where belonging is discussed. In the context of this study, I define conditional belonging as a state in which individuals are

117 required to conform to the values of the desired community in order to be eligible to join it. In conditional belonging, individuals are perceived as second-class citizens by the community's founders, and their access to the community's economic and cultural resources is limited. In most cases, conditional belonging is not a mandatory process for every individual; certain persons, who appear a "natural" fit (thanks to their ethnicity, gender, age, or any other social identity category), will be automatically considered as members. Others will go through the process of conditional belonging, which might conclude with their inclusion through alignment with the community's values and cultural identity, or exclusion and rejection from being able to identify as part of the community. In this chapter, I implement the concept of conditional belonging in order to explore the complex and shifting ways in which female fans feel disconnected from male-dominated fan communities. Engaging with conditional belonging as theoretical framework in understanding female fans' navigation in male-dominated fandom communities allows me to draw a connection between identity, belonging, inclusion/exclusion, and authenticity. This will be exhibited in the chapter's main argument: feminist female fans' state of conditional belonging disrupts their ability to perceive themselves as authentic fans and therefore leads to feelings of self-doubt and practices of self-policing. Again, authenticity will be understood here as an approval given from the audience of one's performance; it is not an inherent truth found within the individual, but an attribution that is accredited to her by others (Bargh, McKenna and Fitzsimmons, 2002; Erickson, 1995; Goffman, 1959; Peterson, 2005; Rubidge, 1996). I begin by establishing female fans' internalization of science fiction fandom as a male-dominated community. This assumption places female fans as second-class citizens and exposes them to stigmatization. In order to avoid stigma and attain eligibility, recognition, and inclusion, feminist female fans are policed (by male fans and themselves) to align with values and practices set up by male fans, focusing on demonstrating connoisseurship. I later stress the distinction between belonging and inclusion, by demonstrating that even though female fans were included and allowed access to fan spaces by male fans, they did not feel like they truly belonged to the community. In addition, I revisit Mead (1972) and Cooley's (1992) theories of the self and explain that female fans' self-doubt is a result of their internalization of critique and scrutiny from their generalized others: male fans.

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1. "Someone's Girlfriend" or "Fangirl"? Fan as a Masculine Identity Women's feelings of exclusion and inadequacy must be understood within the historical and cultural context of science fiction's traditional association with men. Chapter 4 revealed that some respondents were introduced to fandom thanks to their fathers, who acquainted them with science fiction. I suspect that this type of intergenerational passing from father to daughter led interviewees to perceive science fiction fandom as men's territory. Indeed, certain respondents reminisced about growing up as “one of the boys," enjoying what they perceived as traditionally masculine practices: I self-identify as a geek, the girl who was into science fiction, and that's part of how I viewed myself [ ...] I identified myself as being into these "boys' things" (laughs) (Jane, 46, UK). I was the geeky kid. The other girls were into pop music. I was the girl who didn't fit in with the girls most of the time, the only girl in chess club (Bernie, 50, UK). Girls were into Dawson's Creek [popular teen drama, 1998-2003] and drawing flowers everywhere, and it was just not me (Courtney, 29, Germany). Interest in natural sciences, let alone science fiction, has been historically affiliated with men, as female scientists and inventors have been pushed aside and their accomplishments uncredited (Des Jardins, 2010; Kohlstedt, 1978; Schiebinger, 1987). In parallel, science fiction fandom is usually imagined and represented by white, young-adult men. Earlier studies such as Nyberg's (1995) and Brown's (1997), as well as current ones such as Proctor's (2013), illustrated the predominance of men in science fiction fandom communities, reaching up to 95% of their entire pool of participants24. However, other research has found that women make almost 50% of many science fiction fandoms, and are sometimes the majority (Orme, 2016; Widmayer, 2017; Wilson, 2018). Nevertheless, fandom is regularly presumed to be a masculine identity, practice, and community. Besides denoting fans' awareness of male-dominance in fandom, or anything "geeky," the quotes above also suggest a sense of "specialness" that sometimes accompanies science fiction fans (Yodovich, 2016). Interviewees articulated their rebellion against gender norms through their interests in "boys' things," which they perceived as a demonstration of their nonconformity. Currie, Kelly and Pomerantz (2006), who studied teenage girls, found that their participants took pride in their masculine-affiliated identities and their aversion from the

24 These studies were surveys-based and conducted by men. Perhaps women were underrepresented because they were traditionally silenced and excluded in the communities in which the surveys were taken.

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"girly" girls in school. Their participants, much like mine, prioritized traditional masculine interests over feminine ones and saw them as a symbol of their individualism. Following findings featured in Chapter 5, this is another example of participants finding masculine practices and identities more appealing or "cooler" than feminine ones. While some female fans recalled their "boyish" upbringings through engagement with science fiction and other geeky hobbies, others' attraction to science fiction was not encouraged. Samantha (46, UK) recollected the double standards she experienced in her and her brother’s upbringing: My brother came with us [her and her dad] to watch Star Wars. He enjoyed them, but he didn't become obsessed by them. He was vaguely interested, but I was the one who knew every tiny detail about it. He was the one who got all the toys. He was the one who got a Dalek, which I stole [...] I got Barbies, my brother got the sci-fi toys. He couldn't care less. It was me who loved it, I was the actual fan [...] I understood that it was boys who got these toys and the girls steal the toys. As the previous excerpts demonstrate, the internalization of "geekdom" and science fiction fandom as dominantly male was common among older feminist fans, such as Samantha. However, the upbringing of younger participants was different, as many were socialized to become science fiction fans by their parents. Nevertheless, both young and older interviewees acknowledged and commented on the presumption that science fiction fandom is a community and identity exclusive to men. Despite the consensus regarding the dominance of men in science fiction fandoms, interviewees recognized a gradual increase of women in fandom communities in recent years: The thing with Doctor Who was that something about the new series had a lot of women coming out of the woodwork, "yes, I'm a Doctor Who fan," and this was a real issue for certain people (Emmy, 42, UK). Earlier on, when you were geeky about something, people mistreated you. It was mostly boys; geeks were mostly boys. Now more girls are coming in the general public doesn't think it's so weird (Anaya, 19, UK). However, as Emmy hinted, the surge of new individuals interested in science fiction fandom, especially women, was not supported by veteran male fans. The sudden interest in what used to be an "all-boys club" caused tensions between existing male fans and new fans: They have been told probably since their childhood that this [being a fan] makes them uncool and unattractive to women, and suddenly women try to

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take over, "how dare they?! With their breasts?!" They think it's their space, and it's now taken over by women (Zoe, 34, UK). The narrative constructed by Emmy, Zoe, and Anaya depicts the shift male science fiction fans have gradually gone through over the last two decades: from social rejects who were continuously stigmatized by women to mainstream geeks who can stigmatize and defame others. The shift of male science fiction fans from stigmatized individuals to individuals stigmatizing others is well-documented in fandom literature. As described in the literature review, the 1986 Saturday Night Live skit is a well-known example of the prevalence of the stigma on male fans, in which they were depicted as socially-awkward, overly obsessed, physically unattractive, a-sexual men (Jenkins, 1992). This demeaning, emasculating stereotype of male fans haunted them for decades. In her paper, Wilson (2018) argues that male fans had been historically mocked for their inability to adjust to gender norms and hegemonic masculinity, which value physical strength, confidence, and interest in sports and athletics, among others. Due to their undesirable traits and enthusiasm for the "wrong" things, male fans were chastised by non-fans, women and men alike (Orme, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Wilson, 2018). Nevertheless, since the 2000s, and the evolvement of digital media (another "geeky" interest), male fans have produced a new type of masculinity which has broken into the mainstream (Orme, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Wilson, 2018). An example of the newfound popularity of male fans can be found in their centrality and prevalence in successful television series such as The Big Bang Theory (2007-2019), Silicon Valley (2014 - ), and The IT Crowd (2006 – 2013). After years of scorn and castigation, this stigma has ameliorated, and fandoms became popular. Geeks and science fiction male fans gradually felt more capable of shielding their identity and community from those who once taunted them and now want to join, including women. Thus, certain participants believed that their gender played against them in their effort to be included in the fandom: Just being female is enough to get a black mark. It doesn't matter how much you know, just the fact of coming in as female, automatically it's like - "take a step back," because you can never be a true fan, you came with the wrong biology for that (Lucy, 41, UK). In her book about popular misogyny, Banet-Weiser (2018) explores the "invasion" of women into geeky hobbies and professions at length. She explains that since the popularity of geek masculinity is so recent, it is fragile and in constant need of protection. Therefore, geeky men

121 cannot allow women access to their "club" because it might weaken their already unstable position in the hierarchy of masculinities. This might explain why participants recounted experiencing exclusion, disregard, and disrespect by male fans throughout their lives: Emmy (42, UK), a seasoned member of the Doctor Who fandom, detailed being purposefully ignored in conventions by male fans for decades. Isabel (26, Spain) chronicled similar coincidences where salespersons in comic-book and video games stores conversed only with her boyfriend, even if she was the one who asked a question: "it's implied that they think you're the companion." Interviewees reported being frequently referred to as male fans’ girlfriends, based on the assertion that women are not genuinely interested in science fiction. Jamie (39, UK), for example, recalled: "When I'm with my husband in conventions, or even in social events, it's presumed that he is the fan and I'm just kind of there." In another example, Anita (35, Italy) discussed the disregard of women in roleplaying communities: There's this expression, "the GM's girlfriend [Gamemaster is the organizer and moderator of a roleplaying group]." The GM's girlfriend is always the girlfriend that comes along, plays, and ruins the game because she doesn't know how to play. So I made myself a t-shirt, "I'm no GM's girlfriend." Everybody was staring at me, surprised I came because I love it. I am here alone. Anita wondered if the disrespect she customarily experiences in gaming communities is due to an aggressive Italian macho culture. However, the diminishment of female fans to the "girlfriend" trope was prevalent across countries. When a female fan attends sci-fi conventions, it is scarcely considered that she is interested in the fandom itself; she is either someone's girlfriend or on a boyfriend-hunt: "they think I'm faking it to get a guy […] to get attention. Why would I want your attention in the first place?" (Isabel, 26). The idea of women looking for a date in fandom conventions has been discussed in Bacon-Smith's seminal work, Enterprising Women (1992), as well as in studies on other male-dominated arenas such as ice hockey fandom (Crawford and Gosling, 2004), football fandom (Jones, 2008) and skater communities (Currie, Kelly and Pomerantz, 2006). Women's presence in these male-dominated spheres attracts suspicion, leading to the only "reasonable" assumption: they obviously could not be interested in the game/content, they are here because they are looking for a romantic partner. Older interviewees revealed the ageist undertone of the "girlfriend" trope, and depicted the process of transforming from "someone's girlfriend" to "someone's mother."

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Lucy (41, UK), who worked in a comic-book shop in her younger years, shared she now feels alienated when walking into one: When you're young, and you're female, especially if you're slim and pretty, people, I mean, men, they will make some amount of space for you […] even if you're not going to sleep with them, they think you might one day […] as women, we reach, probably even mid to late 20s, when you either become invisible or you're treated like a hostile… like you don't belong there. Indeed, Reinhard (2018) explained that older individuals, especially older women, seem idiosyncratic in fandom communities. Older women's presence in conventions, comic-book shops, or movie premiers is not only conspicuous, but it is also unwanted and bothersome, according to Lucy: I know that men my age can go on their own and can go as a group, and it's fine, but women my age, you're only there if you're someone's mom. When we get to conventions, I'm really aware of it as well. There's the moms, you're so irrelevant or invisible, you're just not part of it. Both terms, "someone's girlfriend" and "someone's mother," cancel women's agency as fans and pigeonhole them in a relational position. Their presence in the fandom is never from their own volition but based on their association with someone else, usually a man, who is the "real" fan. I argue that female fans being belittled and limited to the title of "someone's girlfriend" or "someone's mother" is another example of their symbiotic relationship with female characters featured in their fanned franchises. In the previous chapter, when discussing Sarah Jane Smith, I described interviewees' strong aversion against female characters serving as love interests or mothers. The findings of the current chapter provide another explanation for this aversion; female fans can identify with the feeling of being narrowed down to the role of “the girlfriend” or “the mother.” Participants were eager to watch and be inspired by female characters who were not defined by their relations to men, or their children, and wished the same for themselves. In the previous chapter, older interviewees identified with older characters who have been pushed aside in favor of younger heroines. Donna (46, UK) for instance, poignantly shared the realization that her generation is no longer the target audience of her lifelong fandom:

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You know what, they're not making it for us, it's for the next generation, we have to just kind of let it go, and accept that it's not going to be that thing we fell in love with. Interestingly, some of the participants in the younger cohort also shared a similar sentiment. For instance, Emily (34, UK), whose age is lower than interviewees' average age, situated herself "on the older end of fandom." Emily argued that people in their 30s are not visible in fandom communities. Based on these accounts, it appears that the shelf life for women in fandom is quite short, as they start feeling old and neglected as early as their 30s. In contrast to female fans being shunned due to their seniority, Lily (31, UK) indicated that male fans call her "girl" while dismissing her opinions: "they never call me a woman, even though I'm in my 30s". Lily's remark relates to the subjugation of female fans under the "fangirl" stigma. After overcoming the first hurdle of being ignored or perceived as “someone’s girlfriend,” the female fan is challenged to prove she is a “real” fan, and not just a "fangirl" or a "fake geek girl." A ubiquitous stereotype in fandom communities, the "fangirl" trope represents rabid, hysterical, obsessive female fans whose primary attraction to the fanned content is the good looks of its actors (Driscoll, 2002; Hadas, 2009; Jenkins, 1992; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; O'Day, 2013; Reinhard, 2018). The fangirl is usually prone to diverge from the canon, "ship25” random couples and write fanfictions about her niche interests (Hadas, 2009; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). Returning to the findings from the previous chapter, this might provide another explanation for interviewees’ opposition to romances in Doctor Who and Star Wars; supporting love stories, or being interested in the franchise because of the love stories, might compromise their authenticity and make them appear like "fangirls." The fangirl is accused of being interested in the "wrong" things for the "wrong" reasons (Busse, 2013). Her inappropriate enthusiasm for good-looking actors is assumed to distract her from thinking analytically or critically about her fanned content, which ultimately narrows her familiarity with the text. This stereotype is commonly used to belittle female fans' understanding and interpretation of the fanned content: "you're just a fangirl, and you're only into it because the guys are hot" (Emily, 34, UK). The idea that female fans are only interested in "hot actors" rather than the actual plot goes beyond science fiction and is prevalent also in music (Jenkins, 1992; Wise, 1984) and sports fandoms (Crawford and Gosling, 2004).

25 Short for “relationship”. Shipping means rooting for a couple in a popular culture content.

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The "fake geek girl" is another prominent trope in science fiction fandom (Orme, 2016; Reagle, 2015; Reinhard, 2018; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Simon, 2011). As discussed earlier, this stigma particularly persecutes women who attempt to join the fandom community in order to find a romantic partner or to simply feel desirable. In his paper about fake geek girls, Reagle explored male fans' suspicion of women showing interest in their "geeky" hobbies. He cites journalist John Peacock's article about fake geek girls, in which he calls them the "6 of 9" women. Inspired by a Star Trek character called Seven of Nine, Peacock claimes that women who are a "6" in the real world (on a 1-10 scale, in terms of their appearance), join male-dominated fandoms to become a "9". Peacock argues that female fans parade in sexy costumes in front of male fans, taking advantage of the stereotypical assumption that they are consistently rejected by women, in order to make themselves feel desirable (Peacock in Reagle, 2015). Since the fake geek girl is speculated to feign interest in science fiction in order to be fawned over by legions of male fans, the authenticity of her identity as a fan is questioned or completely dismissed (Reagle, 2015; Simon, 2011; Orme, 2016). Drawing from Goffman's seminal work on stigma, it appears that the tropes, stigma, and stereotypes aimed towards female fans are used to disqualify them "from full social acceptance" (1963, p. 4). It is the first step taken in setting boundaries between "us" and "them" (Link and Phelan, 2001); between male fans, who were there "first," and the female newcomers, who do not deserve to be involved. The stigmatization of female fans restricts their access to the community's social and cultural benefits and hinders their ability to identify as fans. Unlike previous ridiculing stereotypes of male fans, which have lessened as science fiction has become more mainstream, the stigma associated with being a ‘fangirl’ persists (Busse, 2013; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011). The stereotype and associated stigma are used by non-fans and by male fans, who not only mock the way women practice fandom but generally question the authenticity of their identity (Orme, 2016; Reagle, 2015; Reinhard, 2018; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). In order to prove they are not fake fangirls and solidify the authenticity of their identities, female fans have to demonstrate impeccable connoisseurship of their fandom. In the next section, I focus on the importance of connoisseurship as a prerequisite for inclusion in the fandom community.

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2. Connoisseurship-Based Inclusion Going back to Anita’s remark, which opened our interview and this chapter, many interviewees referred to knowledge (or lack thereof) about the fanned content as the primary indicator of one's authentic identity as a fan. Failing to demonstrate sufficient acquaintance with the fanned text provoked feelings of shame and inferiority among respondents and jeopardized their inclusion by existing members of the community. Lucy (41, UK) explained that fans distinguish between one another by "being really, really, really niche and knowing every tiny detail." They are required to "have that kind of encyclopedic understanding" (Anaya, 19, UK) in order to pass as authentic fans. The inquisitive initiation into the fandom community can sometimes deter the aspiring female fan from even trying to join it: I was starting to get into Star Trek and reading Marvel comics, and it was impossible to find somebody to talk to. "Oh, you haven't read all of them?" (mimicking a condescending tone), "I just started, I haven't, obviously" […] In Comic-con, my friend wanted to buy a lightsaber [The weapon used by the Jedi in Star War], she's buying it for a friend, but at the counter, the guy who sells the lightsabers kept asking her millions of questions about the movies, to see what she knows about it. She just wanted to buy something (Anaya, 19, UK). In his study on cultural capital in comic-book fandom, Brown (1997) concludes that fandom "cannot be bought" (p. 27); fans enhance their cultural capital within the community by becoming connoisseurs of their fandom. It is through fans' knowledge regarding the merchandise they put on a display that they can prove the authenticity of their identities and not the other way around. While Brown did not discuss female fans, in particular, this reasoning is evident in Anaya's story; her friend’s familiarity with it conditioned her access to consuming fandom merchandise. Connoisseurship served as a signifier to differentiate between fans and non-fans, used by existing members in sorting processes between "real" and "fake" fans, thus ensuring the exclusivity of their community. An interesting example of the distinction between fans was brought up by Emily (34, UK) while discussing Doctor Who fans' use of the discourse "We” and “Not We." Part of an episode from 1982, a tribe used “We" and "Not We" to distinguish between themselves and the rest of the world. The terms were adopted by Doctor Who fans in order to set a boundary between “real” and “fake” fans, who were not allowed or deserved to be part of the “we” (Hills, 2015; Reinhard, 2018). This segmentation is inherent in the processes of belonging (Goodin, 1996; Hall, 1996; Jenkins, 2014; May, 2013). As the collective defines itself, and

126 what “we” have in common, it is always done in opposition to those who do not belong and cannot be part of the community (ibid). In order to be included and entitled to proclaim the "fan" identity, participants reported being probed on three major subjects: familiarity with the franchise's transmedia diegesis, recollection of esoteric details, and knowledge of the technology used in the fanned content. Both Doctor Who and Star Wars are long-running transmedia franchises, expanding over decades and versatile media formats. Doctor Who, for instance, includes more than 800 episodes, while Star Wars (currently consisting of eight feature films) has a rich expanded universe, depicted in comic-books, novels, and video games26. "Real" fans are expected to be familiar with every content related to their fanned franchise. Therefore, some participants described themselves as "lesser fans" due to their lack of proficiency in their fandom, such as Nina (25, UK) who has not seen all the episodes of Doctor Who. In another example, Ramona (31, UK), shared: With Star Wars, it's a lot harder because I've seen all of the films, but I haven't seen them over and over and over again, and there's the whole expanded universe that I don't know about and stuff like that. I call myself a fan of Star Wars, but a few times [...] I was asked, "do you know this and this? ... then you're not a real fan". I just remember feeling, like, "ok, do I have to study to hang out with you guys?" (laughs). It wasn't like, "oh, you like this but don't know this, let me tell you," but more like "you just don't know." She further revealed that if she does not understand a reference to an older Doctor Who episode, she conceals it: "I am aware of the danger of somebody turning it around and being '(gasp) you don't know blah, blah, blah!'." In her paper about transmedia fan culture, Scott (2017) argues that its emphasis on forensic fandom is designed “to structurally support stereotypically masculinized modes of fan engagement such as the collection, critical analysis, and curation of narrative data” (2017, p. 1057). The prioritization of expertise in transmedia culture, an interest that is already synonymous with male fandom, automatically places female fans in an inferior position. It appears that due to the ever-growing popularity of Doctor Who and Star Wars, male fans take advantage of transmedia culture to enforce rigid rules of inclusion and exclusion in the fandom community (Van de Goor, 2015). Merely watching the movies or the series is not enough; one has to be familiar with every story-telling platform involved in the diegesis.

26 Doctor Who also includes novels, audio stories among others, but interviewees rarely addressed them as a prominent part of the canon.

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Even when participants were familiar with the entire franchise's catalog, they reported that male fans tend to "mansplain27” them about their misunderstanding of the canon and expanded universe. Ally (39, UK) referred to male fans who talk about "my Star Wars" when dismissing narratives and interpretations that were not to their liking. In the previous chapter, I also addressed participants' use of Doctor Who's canon in order to justify the existence of a female Doctor. Recognizing the importance of familiarity with the canon for male fans, interviewees pointed out previous characters in the diegesis that changed gender in order to convince male fans that it is possible. However, feminist female fans' canon-based rationales were rejected by male fans, who explained that they misremembered or misunderstood previous episodes. Besides showing proficiency in the fanned franchise's expanded universe, the female fan is required to have an impeccable memory of trivial details: There's a lot about what my husband calls "fan service," mentioning this specific thing that you'll get if you're a fan, they're there to serve the fans, to make them say "I spotted that" (Jamie, 39, UK). Jamie refers to "Easter Eggs," which are hidden or implicit intertextual references to previous occurrences within the text. The ones who detect the Eggs and understand what they are referring to are considered certified "real" fans. Many respondents recollected being “grilled” in science fiction conventions, having to prove their authenticity through connoisseurship of esoteric details: “I do remember being challenged in a Stargate convention. Because I've got this obsessive memory, I could answer their inquiry in detail, therefore prove my fandom” (Samantha, 46, UK). These impromptu interrogations are not unique among participants in this study but were also identified in other studies (Reagle, 2015; Salter and Blodgett, 2017). Moreover, some trivial knowledge is valued more than others, according to respondents. Usually, when female fans' expertise is challenged, it concerns the technology used in Doctor Who and Star Wars: You see that kind of thing happening, "how long is a freaking star destroyer?" I don't care about this stupid trivia [...] It should be fun, and people who turn it into a test or exam are missing the point (Ally, 39, UK).

27 Condescending explanations by men to women.

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I remember one of my friends was complaining in one of the episodes of Doctor Who, "those engines are far too small," and I said, "WHO CARES?!" (laughs), who cares?! (Ramona, 31, UK). Not only do female fans have to demonstrate their knowledge, but they are also required to specialize in particular subjects that are traditionally considered masculine. As I have established so far, “fans discriminate fiercely” (Fiske, 1992, p. 934). They do not only distinguish between themselves and non-fans but practice inclusion and exclusion in their communities, using connoisseurship as the main signifier of one’s authenticity (Linden and Linden, 2016; Reinhard, 2018). In her book about fractured fandoms, Reinhard (2018) explains the processes leading to segmentation and hierarchies within fandom: those who consider themselves “real” fans appoint themselves as authorities within the community, and dictate the rules according to which everyone must follow. These “codes of behavior” are internalized, practiced and preserved, until “individuals […] unconsciously perpetuate the system of structures in place and reinforce notions of proper behavior and practice” (Van de Goor, 2015, p. 280). Given this, I argue that since male fans were there “first,” or assumed to be more veteran, they had the authority to design fandom’s “ideal type,” which everyone else had to follow. Including a stereotypically masculine practice as a sign of authenticity consequently positioned men at the hierarchical apex and women, and any stereotypical feminine fannish practice, at the bottom (Busse, 2015). As the next section will develop further, female fans do not feel they are "worthy" to identify as fans, nor like they belong to science fiction fandom communities due to their conditional belonging. They assess their authenticity according to values set by men and therefore feel like they could never measure up to their standards: I have often felt that I was inadequately fannish. In my head, I connect that to being a girl. There's a correlation there. I am aware I am not as obsessive about going back and watching all the catalog of Doctor Who, I'm aware I haven't read as many Star Wars spinoff books […] I have noticed a correlation that amongst my friends, it's the men who go further, they go deeper (laughs). I sometimes feel like my lack of knowledge is a weakness. I'm a little bit sensitive to that (Karen, 38, UK). "Authentic culture," according to Thornton, is “depicted in gender-free or masculine terms and remains the prerogative of boys" (1995, p.105). Most male fans are authentic by default; they set the norm for authentic fan identity, leaving female fans with the burden of proof.

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3. Conditional Belonging, Hierarchies of Belonging and the Generalized Other So far, I have argued that in order to keep fandom exclusive to themselves, male fans restrict female fans' inclusion according to their terms and values. In this section, I claim that these criteria and restrictions lead to female fans’ conditional belonging, which cultivates feelings of inauthenticity. Since individuals are simultaneously embedded in different communities and categories, it is vital to discuss belongings, in plural, through "hierarchies of belonging" (Friedman, 1995; Henderson, 2007; Wemyss, 2006). Wemyss (2006) clarifies that “hierarchies of belonging” has two meanings. The first describes individuals’ prioritization of their versatile identities (Back, Sinha and Bryan, 2012). For instance, Griffiths declared that “there are compromises to be made if I wanted to be, simultaneously, a physicist, a philosopher, a feminist, a woman” (1995, p.23). Negotiating between different belongings, playing some of them down in different scenarios, can result in compromising one’s sense of authenticity (Griffith, 1995; Wemyss, 2006). Moreover, it can cause others to question one's eligibility to belong. Thus, the second definition of “hierarchies of belonging” focuses on the difference between those who automatically belong and those whose belonging is conditional (Griffiths, 1995; Yuval-Davis, 2011). I will first expand on the second meaning first, whilst addressing discrimination in the belonging process. As established throughout the chapter, women are not equally embraced by the fandom community as (white, heterosexual) men. Not only do female fans have to prove their eligibility to identify as fans, but they are also valued according to male fans' standards and criteria regarding what makes one a "real" fan. The terms of inclusion in the community do not take into consideration traditionally feminine practices, such as fanfiction or fanart, nor value them as much as connoisseurship, a traditionally masculine interest. Interviewees depicted the fandom community as a hierarchy that distinguishes between fans according to a specific type of knowledge. Female fans who questioned their acquaintance with their fanned content (or were questioned by others) felt shame and self-doubt regarding the authenticity of their identities as fans, as seen in the quotes opening this chapter. Conditional belonging was also concretized in interviewees’ adjustment to male fans' interests. Respondents shared that while they wanted to discuss female characters in Doctor Who and Star Wars, male fans focused on the "specification of the ship or the Daleks […] the way they talked about the companions… is talking about who is the hottest" (Samantha, 46, UK). Wendy (50, UK) encountered similar incidents:

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I wanted to talk about Sarah Jane and Ace, and everyone else wanted to talk about the Doctor. They were quite a sexist bunch, as well. I tried to introduce basic concepts of gender equality at times, and they just never heard it before, never thought about it before. It was all about the Doctor. To avoid being excluded, interviewees learned to focus on subjects that men find interesting: "I refrain myself from talking about stuff that I want to talk about" (Ally, 39, UK). According to Irigaray, women can proclaim their voice through espousing dominant masculine discourse (in Woodward and Woodward, 2009). This is found in experiences brought here. Interviewees were not explicitly, bluntly excluded from discussions. The conditions of their belonging were communicated subtly to them; if they wanted to be part of the conversation, they had to tailor their topics of discussion according to what male fans found interesting. Consequently, female fans are denied the right to articulate and define fandom's rules of conduct. Not being able to take an active part in the communities' production of meaning and values is yet another element demonstrating partial inclusion and conditional belonging (Shotter, 1993). Being implicitly forced to echo masculine interests and values in social interactions resulted in the silencing of their voices. Ally's quote raises a poignant insight about belonging: if women have to adjust or censor themselves to be included in science fiction fandoms, do they really belong? I argue that Ally's quote complicates our understanding of belonging, as practices of exclusion and policing could be detected within what seems as inclusion. Belonging must be reciprocated in order to be validated (May, 2013). Perhaps from the perspective of male fans, female fans are included, as they get to be part of the conversation, attend conventions, and gaming tournaments. However, if female fans cannot reveal their identities or discuss subjects that they are passionate about, out of fear being subjected to mockery and stigma, then they might be included, but they do not belong. In parallel to many other social arenas, such as the legal (Durako, 2000) or health systems (Wang, Jiao, Jiao, Cao and Gu, 2014), which place the masculine as the default and prioritizes men's particular needs and preferences, women are second-class citizens in science fiction fandom communities. Men are the norm, the ones who set the terms, and women have to align or else face rejection and exclusion. Interviewees have not encountered explicit threats or been physically pushed out of conventions and other social gatherings. Practices of exclusion were much more insidious than that, as participants absorbed the understanding that they do not belong until proven authentic.

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An important demonstration of female fans' conditional belonging is differences in their online and offline presence in fan spaces. Conventions are a central offline arena where patterns of implicit and explicit exclusion of female fans are practiced (Larsen and Zubernis, 2011). Previously, Anaya described the interrogation her friend went through while trying to purchase a lightsaber at a sci-fi convention. Even though Anaya's friend was "allowed" to enter the convention's space, she did not belong. In a different example, Anita's "I'm no GM's girlfriend" t-shirt, which she wore in role-playing events, exhibited the tension between inclusion and belonging of female fans in physical spaces; even though they were allowed to be physically present, their motivation to be part of the community were questioned, and they were considered uninvited pests. This is why Nyberg (1995), who studied female comic-book readers, called her participants "trespassers" as they infiltrate spaces that are not their own. In contrast to physical spaces, such as conventions, online communities provide anonymity, which can ease female fans' inclusion and belonging to fandom-related social platforms. Emily (34, UK), for instance, explained that she used a gender-neutral username in conventionally male-dominated online platforms, such as Reddit, and refrained from mentioning her gender: "the second they know you're a woman they either creep on you or shut you down28." In contrast, in LiveJournal or Tumblr, which are considered female- dominated, she revealed her gender and presented feminist critiques. In another example, Sandra (31, Spain) commented that using a microphone in online video games is "the worst thing you can do. I used it a few times, and it was toxicity everywhere." Even though Sandra chose to play as female characters (when there was an option to do so), she did not want other gamers to know she was a woman in real life, too, knowing that it would expose her to verbal abuse. The use of online platforms is frequently documented as a positive experience for female fans, a space within which they can use their voice, articulate their perspectives and bond with others who share similar interests (Bury, 2003; Linden and Linden, 2016; Penny, 2013; Widmayer, 2017). Indeed, as discussed in Chapter 4, female fans are active Internet users and members of various online fandom communities. Participants expressed a sense of comfort, intimacy, and belonging especially when discussing online spaces dedicated to women, similar to Emily's experience. However, the "darker" side of online engagement, usually the platforms that are more male-dominated, induces toxic behaviors towards women. Much like offline arenas, the Internet includes practices of policing and exclusion which

28 This is another demonstration that women can either be "someone's girlfriend" or "fangirl" in science fiction communities

132 condemn those who think differently (Brennan, 2014; Penny, 2013, 2014). This, too, demonstrates that belonging is gendered; if women have to conceal their gender in order to be part of fandom communities, then their belonging is in fact restricted and unequal to that of male fans. Participants' concealment of their gender in order to be included in online platforms exemplifies the hierarchy feminist female fans needed to create of their different identities. In order to be included, interviewees had to decide which of their identities they want, or should, prioritize and externalize over the others: are they first and foremost, fans, women, or feminists? I found that most participants prioritized their fan identity, concealed their gender and refrained from mentioning feminist critique in male-dominated discussions online. Emily, for instance, (34, UK) expressed that she "won't mention feminism on Reddit, I'll be more critical in female-dominated space." Like Emily, other interviewees explained that deliberating gender or race-related topics might end up with them feeling unwelcome by other commenters. Emmy (42, UK), who had decades of experience with the Doctor Who fan community under her belt, described the two approaches she employed when prioritizing her feminist and fan identities, the “Sansa” and the “Arya”: You had to put up with a lot of men stuff, fully aware that I was supporting the patriarchy by being quiet. With Game of Thrones, there's two models of feminism: you got the Aria, and you got the Sansa [Sansa and Aria are two female characters from Game of Thrones]. You got the woman who outwardly rejects the patriarchy, learns sword fighting, and becomes an assassin, but you also got the woman who is conventionally feminine and plays by society rules and winds up as queen of the North. I've done both in my time, but I felt that time that I was being Sansa, the woman who doesn't say "this is bulls***." Now I also put up with bulls*** but I keep suggesting female guests [in conventions], I'll write articles about women in Doctor Who, but at the same time I'll bite my tongue and let you say "women don't like Doctor Who." Looking back I wish I was more vocal, more overt in calling things out. As could be understood from Emmy’s experience, both of these tactics are effective, but each comes at a cost. The "Sansa" tactic prioritizes fandom over feminism and denotes the understanding that in order to be included and accepted, she must play down her feminist identity. This strategy can be perceived as “passing.” Described by Goffman (1963) as a destigmatization

133 strategy, passing involves silencing or concealing the stigmatized trait, as if the individual does not possess that characteristic. Different communities practice passing: gay people passing as heterosexual (Shippee, 2011), Jews passing as Christians (Sanchez and Schlossberg, 2001), people with mixed ethnicities passing as white (Ahmed, 1999), and feminists passing as not feminist (Ahmed, 2017). Undoubtedly, masking the stigmatized or undesired trait spares the individual from scrutiny and exclusion. However, Emmy's quote demonstrates that individuals who use passing might feel inauthentic (Erickson, 1995; Griffiths, 1995). Therefore, even though the “Sansa” strategy eased Emmy’s entrance to the fandom community, it erased her feminist identity when she conformed to male fans’ impositions. The "Arya" approach, in contrast, prioritized feminism over fandom and challenged male fans’ superiority. This tactic also comes with a price, as it puts the feminist fan in danger of being attacked due to her identity. Given this, Emmy’s quote exemplifies that feminism and fandom struggle to coexist in male-dominated communities, as feminist female fans feel forced to choose between them. Whenever one identity is preferred and externalized at the expense of the other, it results in interviewees feeling inauthentic. Finally, having depicted conditional belonging, I now discuss its impact on female fans’ identities drawing on Mead (1972) and Cooley's (1992) ideas about the self. Both scholars stressed the importance of the "other" in the individual's identification process, as individuals construct their identities by understanding how others perceive them. However, because Mead and Cooley did not explicitly discuss gender, I expand their theories and demonstrate how gender is fundamental to identity theories. Here, men, who are synonymous with science fiction fans, function as the generalized other; they are the perceived majority in the community, who authorize female fans' belonging to the community and validate the authenticity of their identities. The female fan evaluates her identity and her "right" to be affiliated with the fandom by observing herself through their eyes. Exposure to male fans' scrutiny, or failure in their initiation ceremony, led interviewees to doubt their own identities. The fact that female fans' generalized other is men, who are interested in keeping their communities and identities exclusive to themselves, unsettles female fans' identification processes and their ability to evaluate their identities as authentic. Therefore, gender plays an integral part in the formation of the self, especially if the generalized other is determined to preserve identities exclusive to their gender. This explains why even though interviewees argued that there should not be any requirements in order to identify as a fan (see Chapter 4), they still felt "inadequately fannish" when evaluating their identities through the eyes of their male counterparts. Female fans were so accustomed to being challenged and belittled that

134 they automatically defended themselves or felt ashamed and apologetic, as shown in their unsolicited disclaimers at the beginning of several interviews. Self-doubt regarding their belonging in the fandom community and the authenticity of their identities is so embedded in female fans' experiences that they felt defensive or defeated even in unthreatening situations, such as being interviewed for this study.

4. Including the Excluded Because interviewees experienced conditional belonging in traditional science fiction communities, they reported on their efforts to create inclusive fandom environments, where they felt that they belonged and were true to their feminist identities. Interviewees described being inclusive towards other fans and did not discriminate between fans and the practices they engaged with: When you start saying, "you're a fan, you're not a good fan," it starts becoming elited and snobbish. I don't like that idea of kind of disregarding people's opinions, disregarding them as people, just because they don't have the same knowledge. I mean, I love Doctor Who, I really do, but if someone says they have no idea who Jon Pertwee [the 3rd Doctor, 1970-1974] was, I'll just say "ok, they're that type of fan, more new Who than classic Who." There's enough room for any kind of fan (Stephanie, 29, UK). It’s become so fashionable or common these days to display your fandom, it’s the students walking around with Doctor Who jackets or Hogwarts [Harry Potter's school] hats, and sometimes you see people who say “well, it’s not real fandom, they’re just buying the stuff”, and I say “well, yeah, it’s a fandom”. They like Doctor Who enough to buy a little Funko Pop! [collectible bubbleheads], a Matt Smith [11th Doctor, 2010-2013] on their desk, and identify as a fan. As far as I’m concerned, it doesn’t matter if they can’t name all the actors, never seen the Tele-Snaps of the Dalek’s Master Plan [missing episodes from the show's third season], they’re still fans (Emmy, 42, UK). Participants reported that they opposed interrogations and discriminations, but instead encouraged newcomers to broaden their knowledge about their fandom, such as Samantha (46, UK) who maintained: "you should be welcoming to fans, if they don't know the details, teach them the details." Moreover, as reviewed in Chapter 4, respondents were reluctant to dictate any kinds of rules of conduct for the aspiring fan: "for me, it's just if somebody says

135 they are a fan of... I consider them to be a real fan. I wouldn't take that title away from them and say 'no, you're not a real fan'" (Ramona, 31, UK). Interviewees were also aware of discrimination against other sectors in the fandom, such as people of color or the LGBT+ community. Anita (35, Italy), for instance, was aware that although she was a woman, she had other privileges, such as being white and straight. She is currently in a roleplaying group with a gay player, commenting: "he never felt like he could come out as gay in the community. When he saw me, we clicked, 'you're a woman, I'm a gay man, we're both minorities in this situation'". In the same manner, Emmy (42, UK) talked about her efforts to incorporate more people of color in the Doctor Who community, especially in conventions' panels. Both Anita and Emmy, among other fans, raised their urge to promote female fans within their communities: "every time in a convention here, I see women, girls, coming up, wanting to play a game […] I jump up, 'Here! Come here'" (Anita, 35, Italy). Parallel to Chapter 4, participants used the discourse of third wave feminism when discussing the inclusion and promotion of minorities in fandoms. Respondents were aware that despite their inferiority to male fans, they were privileged in comparison to other minorities, such as people of color and members of the LGBT+ community. This demonstrates how interviewees espoused an intersectional approach, another third wave tenet (Cho, Crenshaw and McCall, 2013; Crenshaw, 1997). Interviewing Lily (31, UK), who has a physical disability, exposed that some minorities remain marginalized and overlooked: "intersectionality is both a problem and something that we need as well. As a disabled person, I'm not considered as equal to other feminists." Lily frequently found herself unable to participate in inaccessible science fiction conventions or feminist meetings. Her intake on intersectionality and inclusion brings to the somewhat poignant understanding that while the discourse appears to be popular and prevalent among feminists, inclusion has yet to come into realization for all minorities. Of course, no solid argument could be established based on only one participant with a physical disability. Nevertheless, Lily provided an important insight into her experiences in the fandom and feminist communities as a person living with a physical disability. The examples provided here feature instances where female fans practiced inclusion within the general fandom communities: pushing for female speakers in mainstream conventions, or playing with female or gay players in role-playing events. In these cases, interviewees tried to create minor changes from the inside, through mainstream social events. In the next chapter, I provide examples of interviewees' formation of alternative communities in which they can dictate their own norms and rules of conduct.

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5. Conclusions To conclude the discussion about feminist female fans' conditional belonging in male- dominated science fiction fandoms, I argue that two contrasting processes have occurred. On the one hand, the fandom community has become more mainstream and attracted new sectors, such as women. On the other hand, due to the increase of female fans, male fans have enforced rigid rules of exclusion and inclusion. Being confronted with hostile scrutiny of their identities by male fans, female fans internalized that they are not "good enough" or "real" fans, in accordance with Mead (1972) and Cooley's (1992) theories. Female fans have grown so accustomed to being judged and marginalized, that they automatically assumed their identities will be scrutinized. I argue that despite distancing themselves from practices of exclusion themselves, having experienced them in the past (firsthand or secondhand), interviewees were affected and carried inherent self-doubt about the authenticity of their identities. Participants were faced with several challenges due to their identities as women, fans, and feminists. First, female fans had to either conceal their gender (when possible) or prove their entitlement to belong "despite" it. Second, respondents had to adjust or play down their feminist identities in order to be included. Therefore, it appears that feminist female fans were both policed by male fans and themselves to gloss over their feminist perspectives to ensure their inclusion. For most feminist female fans, interactions with other fans did not raise feelings of intimacy and togetherness. The opposite is true; feminist female fans' state of conditional belonging was a source of angst and alienation. Female fan's conditional belonging might also provide another reason for their appreciation of the masculine, as discussed in Chapter 5. "Boying is about inclusion," Ahmed argued (2017, p. 51). Men are less challenged in male-dominated fandom communities (as long as they are white and heterosexual). They are in a privileged position, automatically positioned in the apex of the fandom hierarchy, while female fans are their inferior. So far, I have reviewed feminist female fans' main challenges in negotiating their identities. In Chapter 5, I introduced their ambivalent reading of Star Wars and Doctor Who's diegesis, focusing on their dissatisfaction with the female characters. I also demonstrated that the dismissive treatment female fans received from the creators and producers of their fanned franchises represented the first layer of their exclusion from science fiction fandom. This chapter has introduced a second layer. I have developed here the notion of feminist female fans' conditional belonging, which causes them to feel inferior and inauthentic due to strict

137 rules of inclusion and exclusion dictated by male fans. In the next chapter (Chapter 7), I introduce tactics feminist female fans use in order to negotiate and reconcile feminism and fandom.

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Chapter 7: "Being a Feminist Can't Stop Me from Enjoying Things" - Negotiating Feminism and Fandom In the conclusion of each interview, I asked participants if they think feminism and fandom can co-exist. One of the responses which encompassed the tensions, dilemmas, and efforts of reconciling the two identities is that of Olivia (40, UK): We're full of contradictions, I can't watch James Bond with the way he treats women, but I love Flash Gordon, and it's exactly the same. I do the thing we're not supposed to do, "oh, it was done in the 80s, I'm allowed to enjoy problematic representations of women". There are moments where it feels very important to make those decisions and times when it's not. I think it's different when people need to make a stance in terms of not watching House of Cards on Netflix29 , and I think it's important. There is something active in resisting, in such a pathetic little thing, whereas not turning the TV on Christmas day because Flash Gordon is on, I don't think it is political in the same way. I guess I want a "Get out of Jail" card to consume things that are problematic sometimes. I'm not sure it's about levels of passion, I think it's about levels of attachment, and those attachments are historical, stuff I had most of my life like Flash Gordon, I don't want to give them up because I have had them in my life for 30+ years, whereas resisting something I haven't seen is easier. I have less of an emotional attachment to it. Part of it is letting myself off. If it's pre my feminist timeline or political timeline, maybe I'm allowed to have it. Olivia’s decision-making process in determining which popular culture content to boycott or to spare is a complex one. Her contradictory and ambivalent relationship with popular culture, in which she rejects James Bond due to its misogynist diegesis, but enjoys Flash Gordon, exposes the inherent tensions between fandom and feminism. Interviewees frequently acknowledged that identifying with feminism will inevitably prevent them from enjoying popular culture. Olivia’s quote illustrates that feminist consumers feel obligated to either rebuff problematic contents or provide rational justification when supporting them. This tension was also addressed by Ally (39, UK), who commented that "being a feminist can't stop me from enjoying things; you have to live as well. If I decide to boycott everything that's problematic, there's nothing left at all."

29 The interview was conducted shortly after Kevin Spacey, then star of House of Cards, was accused of numerous sexual assaults.

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My academic journey began with the motivation to understand how women navigate, negotiate and reconcile fandom and feminism: if feminist women want to enjoy popular culture and engage with it, despite its ever-present misogynist or unfeminist contents, how do they do so without compromising their identities and values? After previous chapters established the different challenges and tensions feminist female fans experience – from lack of on-screen representation of women to exclusion from male-dominated fandom communities – this chapter will introduce the tactics developed by feminist fans to ameliorate tensions between their identities. In order to discuss how feminist fans reconcile feminism and fandom, I employ De Certeau’s notable work on tactics and strategies (1980, 1984). In The Practices of Everyday Life, De Certeau provides the consumption of popular culture as an example of the differences between the powerful and powerless in society. He argues that "confronted by images on television, the immigrant worker does not have the same critical or creative elbow- room as the average citizen" (1984, p. xvii). Identifying the lack of resources and influence of the weak, in comparison to those who are in powerful positions, De Certeau distinguishes between strategies (which serve the strong) and tactics (used by the powerless). While strategies are revolutionary acts that bring about a significant change in the social world, tactics are "the art of the weak" (1984, p. 37). Lacking means to cause a substantial change, the weak, or the "others" as he refers to them, manipulate everyday "events in and turn them into 'opportunities'" (1984, p. xix), transforming daily practices into fleeting moments of power and agency. De Certeau's work was first implemented in fandom studies in Jenkins' seminal work, Textual Poachers (1992). In this book, Jenkins draws on De Certeau's concept of "poaching" in order to establish fans as active social agents and promote the normalization of fandom. While fandom has indeed become part of the mainstream, I have demonstrated throughout this thesis that some fans are less accepted than others. Parallel to the immigrant worker's limited access to power and influence over the media, female fans are frequently challenged, or simply ignored, when they demand recognition and equality for themselves and the female characters featured in their fanned franchises (see Chapter 5, 6). Therefore, I revisit De Certeau’s work in this chapter while focusing on a marginalized sub-category in the fandom community, feminist female fans. De Certeau's tactics provide a suitable prism through which to observe how, despite their inferior position in the science fiction fandom community, feminist female fans find opportunities to exercise their agency and push for change in their fanned franchises in an attempt to reconcile feminism and fandom.

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Two clusters of tactics were identified in this research: “narrative” and “practice.” In “narrative tactics,” participants produced different justifications for and rationalizations of their fandoms, which allowed them to ignore or accept aspects in the fandom that clashed with their feminist perspectives. Through using narrative tactics, feminist fans were able to continue to enjoy their fandoms while preserving their feminist identities. "Practice tactics" re-introduce fannish practices which were reviewed in Chapter 4. This time, these practices are re-defined as channels through which female fans practice their feminist identity, whilst pushing the fandom community and fanned content towards a more equal, inclusive representation of women. The tactics discussed in this chapter coincide with each other; no tactic is efficient on its own but is joined by others in order to ensure that feminism and fandom are reconciled. As this chapter reveals, these tactics are not peripheral to feminist female fans’ experiences, but essential; without them, interviewees would not be able to remain fans. This chapter unpacks Olivia's approach to reconciling feminism and fandom, as well as other interviewees' actions, and presents the two major clusters of tactics detected among feminist female fans: "narrative tactics" and "practice tactics." I begin by reviewing feminist female fans' narrative tactics.

1. “It’s Not Perfect, But They Are Trying”: Reconciling Fandom and Feminism Through Narrative Tactics Three narrative tactics were used by interviewees: "imperfect feminism," "compartmentalization" and "guilt-free feminism30." These tactics are clustered together because they all incorporate different narratives, rationalizations, and justifications produced by participants to reconcile their fandom and feminism. They encompass the stories that feminist fans present about their identities, in contrast to what they do (which will be developed in the discussion of "practice" tactics). The first tactic, "imperfect feminism" is demonstrated by Stephanie (29, UK), who, when asked how she confronts the faults she finds in Doctor Who, responded: Yes, it's not perfect, but they are trying. I'm a feminist, I'm not perfect. I always relate to that part of the show, the trying to create that kind of equality and feminism and empowerment and also LGBT representation. Like everything,

30 These concepts were coined by myself, and are not inspired by the literature. Compartmentalization was a term used by interviewees.

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sometimes they get it wrong […] it's an ongoing development, and hopefully an improvement. Fans who espoused “imperfect feminism,” like Stephanie, acknowledged the problematic representations and storylines in their fanned contents but commended any efforts of improvement, such as incorporating female characters with agency, people of color, or characters from the LGBT+ community. Drawing on findings that were established in Chapter 5, this tactic provides yet another example of feminist fans’ symbiotic relationship with their fandom. Stephanie's appreciation of the effort that Doctor Who's team put into creating a more inclusive series, assisted her in acknowledging her own attempts to improve and become a "better" feminist. Olivia also incorporated this tactic, as she explained in the quote that opened this chapter: “I do this thing we’re not supposed to do ‘oh, it was done in the 80s’.” As an older fan, Olivia accepted that popular culture contents are created in particular historical and social contexts, and include representations and storylines which might have been acceptable at the time of their creation, but are frowned upon today. She questioned if contents she grew up adoring are still appropriate to endorse as an adult feminist woman ("if it's pre my feminist timeline or political timeline, maybe I'm allowed to have it"). As discussed in Chapter 4, interviewees did not dismiss fandoms they followed since childhood once becoming feminists, in contrast to Wise's (1984) experience as an Elvis fan. This is perhaps due to the use of this narrative tactic. Consumers and fans using this rationale were more forgiving towards older and dated materials, such as Doctor Who and Star Wars, and justified their imperfections as a sign of the times. Fans who adopted this approach were not only more tolerant, but generally described themselves as "easier to please", such as Ramona (31, UK) who commented: "my bar is really low, as long as you have female characters that are well written, I'd be very happy as a feminist". Another example is Jane (46, UK), who was pleased with Doctor Who's traditional formula of male Doctor and female companion, asserting "the alternative of having a male Doctor and male companion could have been worse (laughs)." Similar to “imperfect feminism,” respondents deliberately focused on positive aspects of their fandoms while using the second tactic, "compartmentalization.” Stephanie (29, UK) adopted this tactic as well, explaining, “I think there are fans, like myself, who compartmentalize, ‘I like X, Y, Z, but not A, B, C.’” Likewise, Anna (27, France) shared: "even if there are little things that I don't like, I can put it aside and watch the show." Here, participants did not praise efforts towards improvement, as they did in “imperfect feminism,”

142 but acknowledged their fandom’s faults. Despite their awareness, participants chose to put aside any annoyance they might experience in order to keep enjoying their favorite content without destabilizing their identities as feminists. Compartmentalization "involves willful ignorance," according to Sharon (39, UK): "ignoring the non-feminist elements […] recognizing their part in a set of institutions that are deeply flawed, but still enjoying the story.” Compartmentalization relates to hierarchies of belonging discussed in the previous chapter. In Chapter 6, I explained that feminist female fans are frequently required to prioritize their identities and choose which of the two they want to externalize when they interact with others in online and offline communities. Participants usually chose their fan identity over their feminist one to avoid criticism and exclusion from fandom communities. Likewise, some participants decided to focus on specific aspects of the franchise and intentionally ignore others in order to keep their feminist identity from jeopardy and keep enjoying their fandom. The last tactic, “guilt-free feminism,” stands in contrast to the previous ones in this cluster. In the first two approaches, respondents created narratives that justified and rationalized the tensions they experienced between fandom and feminism. With the third tactic, "guilt-free feminism," respondents did not strive to produce a cohesive narrative about their identities: I feel like I'm at this point in my life where I don't want to have internal conflicts anymore, I'm just going to say who I am, and like what I like, and if they don't fit together – too bad, they're both there (laughs). I'm not going to have this internal struggle about "can I still like whatever and call myself that" (Eve, 30, UK). Interviewees who utilized this method stressed that human beings are meant to be complicated and contradictory, and therefore did not express guilt for enjoying contents they are "supposed" to rebuff. This tactic was also found in Olivia’s rationale. Like Eve, Olivia determined that human beings are "full of contradictions" when justifying rejecting James Bond while enjoying Flash Gordon. This tactic was espoused by feminist fans who retaliated against what I define as "guilt culture." Guilt culture permeates the social and cultural worlds of feminists where they are constantly faced with questioning if “they can be a feminist and still do X” (Favaro and Gill, 2018, p. 61). In fandom, "guilt culture" was found in cases where fans (especially feminist female fans) were exhorted to feel guilty for enjoying contents that did not align

143 with their social values, as described by Jamie (39, UK): "there are conferences that have seminars about 'why women should hate Joss Whedon [creator of Buffy the Vampire Slayer]', or 'what to do if your fav [short for favorite] is problematic' and things like that." Favaro and Gill assert that debates about feminist guilt do not target patriarchy as women's greatest enemy, but instead blame feminism itself for “trying to ruin your fun!” (2018, p. 61). I relate their argument to the generalized other; feminist women in general, and feminist fans specifically, internalize the normative understanding that a "good" feminist should not consume certain contents. Feminism itself becomes an enemy they need to appease. Even if feminist fans never faced actual scrutiny and criticism of the franchises they enjoy, they still feel policed and monitored by other, "imagined" feminists. They undergo the urge to justify themselves in order to avoid feeling guilty or ashamed by their feminist generalized other. Participants who endorse “guilt-free feminism,” however, reject this burden, dismiss these debates, and push for more pluralism and less puritanism in fandom. The "guilt-free feminism" narrative tactic is consistent with postfeminist values. As previously reviewed, postfeminism encourages women to exercise their agency and individualism through freedom of choice. The mere act of choosing for oneself is empowering and liberating, regardless of what one wants to do. The postfeminist woman, therefore, celebrates her freedom while shaking off any feelings of guilt and shame that might accompany her actions (Budgeon, 2011; Genz, 2009; McRobbie, 2004; Walker, 1995). This was demonstrated, for example, when Olivia (40, UK) demanded the right to enjoy problematic representations of women: “I guess I want a ‘Get out of Jail’ card to consume things that are problematic." To further define and conceptualize "guilt-free feminism," it is important to differentiate it from the "imperfect feminism" tactic, which might appear similar. Both tactics similarly echo Roxane Gay's prominent work, Bad Feminist (2014), which depicted Gay's acknowledgment of her “flawed” feminist identity. In congruence with Gay's depiction of the "bad" feminist, participants who espoused these tactics recognized that enjoying certain popular culture contents harmed their feminist identities. What distinguishes between "imperfect feminism" and "guilt-free feminism" is that the first holds the continuous aspiration to improve, to become a "better" feminist, and reconcile inner tensions. Interviewees who espoused "guilt-free feminism," however, were uninterested in reconciling fandom and feminism and demonstrated apathy towards the idea of being perceived as "bad" feminists.

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To conclude this cluster, I explored participants’ perceptions of their feminist identities, as reflected through the three narrative tactics. To begin, narrative tactics, especially "imperfect feminism," connote the impression of identity as an on-going project. In parallel to the post-modern approach (Bauman, 2004; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2001; Lawler, 2014), interviewees understood their identities as a construct that continuously develops and advances. For instance, using the tactic of "imperfect feminism" allows feminist fans to accept that they have yet to become the "perfect" or "good" feminists they wish to be; they are as imperfect as their fandoms. Their comments are, nevertheless, evidence of their belief that they can keep improving their feminist identity and perfect it. "Imperfect feminism," as well as "compartmentalization," also implies that in order to be approved as authentic, one's identity must be coherent and "make sense." As described in the literature review, traditional approaches assess authentic identity by the correlation between one's set of values and beliefs and their expression and performance in one's daily life (Erickson, 1995; Kernis and Goldman, 2006). Observing interviewees' tactics through this definition crystalizes their attempts to demonstrate a coherent narrative about their feminist and fan identities, which reconciles tensions between them. Comparing "imperfect feminism" and "compartmentalization" with "guilt-free feminism" reveals the latter's different attitude towards identity. While the first two tactics push for coherent identity, "guilt-free feminism" perceives identity as a messy, complex, and dialectic construct (Bauman, 2004; DeNora, 1999; Giddens, 1991). Participants who employed this tactic were not concerned with reconciling feminism and fandom because they accepted that their identities did not have to co-exist or be justified. Another insight gleaned from narrative tactics regards interviewees' normative approach to feminist identity. Each narrative tactic incorporated the understanding that feminist identity is something that could be evaluated: from "bad" feminism to "good" feminism. Even "guilt-free" feminists acknowledged the existence of such a feminist scale but rejected taking part in this evaluation system. Returning to my earlier claim about the feminist generalized other, it appears that interviewees internalized the standards according to which one's feminist identity is assessed and evaluated their own feminist identities without experiencing scrutiny from others. This was evident, for instance, when Olivia (40, UK) used an apologetic tone when trying to defend why she still enjoys Flash Gordon: "I do this thing we're not supposed to do." Participants were prepared to adjudicate themselves and what they perceived as their "flawed" feminist identities. Therefore, they employed narrative tactics in order to ameliorate their inner tensions and contradictions.

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2. "Bloody Patriarchy, Let's Write Some Fanfic to Correct it": Marrying Feminism and Fandom Through Practice Tactics So far, I have introduced narrative tactics used to reconcile feminism and fandom. While these tactics provide various justifications for the conflict between feminism and fandom, practice tactics unite fandom and feminism. While participants use the first cluster of tactics in order to navigate between feminism and fandom through what they say, practice tactics incorporated feminism and fandom through what participants do. Practice tactics not only reconcile feminism and fandom, but are used to demonstrate that these identities can prosper alongside each other, as expressed by Zoe (34, UK): “being part of fandom has made me a better feminist […] it’s always part of how I see culture but made it something I express more explicitly than I did before.” Driven by the understanding that fandom and feminism can complement each other, this section will explore practice tactics in which interviewees reinforced their feminist perspectives and values, especially by tackling discrimination in the fandom and fanned franchise through actively lobbying for change and recognition. Jenkins refers to fan activism as a "form of civic engagement and political participation" (2012, n.p) where fans unite in order to influence the fandom community and beyond. Practices of inter-fandom activism include, among others, pushing for diversity and representation and preventing cancellations of series (or bringing them back on air), whereas intra-fandom involves fundraising for "real-world" causes, such as Firefly (cult science fiction series, 2002-2003) fans' fundraiser for women's rights (Bourdaa, 2018; Brough and Shresthova, 2011; Jenkins, 2012; Lopez, 2011). Through practice tactics, interviewees took part in inter-fandom activism, which enabled them to execute and articulate their feminist identities. In this section, I revisit the fannish practices developed in Chapter 4 and reintroduce them as tactics through which respondents practiced feminism within their fandom. The practice tactics that I now discuss include: (1) community-focused practices; (2) content-producing; (3) consumption; (4) intellectual engagement. As presented in Chapter 4, a few interviewees were members of all-female communities. Scholars such as Jenkins (1988) and Larsen and Zubernis (2011) argue that fandom could provide female fans with solace, a space to discuss gender, sexuality, and intimacy; issues they might not be able to develop or express outside the fandom communities. Yet, as revealed in Chapter 6, female fans are frequently policed in fandom communities by male members and implicitly or explicitly forced to adjust their topics of discussion in accordance with the latter’s interests. Consequently, establishing alternative communities of feminist female fans ameliorates the policing and exclusion they might face

146 in broader, male-dominated communities. For example, when studying for her BA, Ally (39, UK) joined a university society dedicated to female fans of Star Wars, where they could discuss female characters in Star Wars, a negligible topic among male fans. Zoe (32, UK), who is a fan of another series which is explicitly feminist, enjoys engaging with its feminist fans online as well. Similar to Ally's former Academic society, Zoe's community served as a platform for deliberations regarding female characters and the general narratives of the show, but its main purpose was sharing fanfictions. Fanfictions, as different fandom scholars state, is a practice that motivates the formation of significant social bonds through creative mentoring and feedback (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011, 2012; Scodari, 2003). Engaging with fanfiction and content-producing, the second practice tactic, was one of the significant channels facilitating participants' feminist identities. As mentioned in Chapter 4, fans infuse fanfiction writing with a feminist agenda. Zoe (34, UK), for instance, was unsettled with Doctor Who's gender politics in recent years and was tired of the love- struck female companions and blasé male Doctors. Therefore, when the first female Doctor was announced, she wrote a fanfiction piece that introduced the first female Doctor to the protagonist of a feminist show she was a fan of: I wanted to set it up as slightly antagonistic, sisterly relationship between them, where the Doctor has all the knowledge of time and space, but has never experienced things like gender oppression before […] X's31 entire shtick is that she uses her femininity and her sexuality to be able to do what she damn well pleases, which is to fight crime […] I thought it would be a nice thing to have that kind of setup where she has that kind of aspect of knowledge about what it's like to be female, the positive section of it, and the Doctor has knowledge about everything else. And they have a male companion that they rarely ever listen to. Jane (46, UK) also wrote about a female Doctor in her fiction before a real one was announced. She also ensured that her fanfiction passed the Bechdel test32. In another example, one interviewee33 among the older participants published two novels based on a

31 Because Zoe's other fandom community is much smaller, I anonymized identifying details, and simply named the show's leading protagonist, X. 32 The Bechdel test examines if a script features women conversing with each other on any topic other than a man. The test has gained popularity in the past decade and is utilized to examine equal gender representation. 33 Further details regarding this participant are left out in order to ensure her anonymity.

147 famous franchise led by male protagonists. Her books, however, focus on female characters that played minor roles in the original franchise: To me, personally, what I like to do is tell stories about women, people of color that are oppressed, being pushed down. History has been told by white straight men […], so I tell stories about people who are not white straight men […] that's my own personal feminist interest, stories about women that need to be told and not ignored anymore, need to be brought forward so that people know them. Interviewees focused their writing on existing female characters, or on creating new ones. As feminist fans, interviewees found their fanfiction work an important feminist contribution to the franchise, through "fixing" badly-written female characters: "if Doctor Who does something problematic, I know I can go to them [her fanfiction community] […] 'yes, bloody patriarchy, let's write some fanfic to correct it'" (Zoe, 34, UK). Feminist fanfiction is an example of De Certeau’s tactics. When defining tactics, De Certeau gave the example of the Native Americans who “used the laws, practices, and representations that were imposed on them” but “made something else out of them; they subverted them from within” (1984, p. 32). In the same manner, feminist fans do not treat the diegesis as a holy, ontouchable canon, but as an opportunity for reinterpretation. Zoe’s use of fanfiction as a means to rectify her fandom and the female characters associated with it is not only an example of De Certeau’s theory but also a demonstration of one of Jenkins' most persuasive arguments about fans: Resistance comes from the uses they [fans] make of these popular texts, from what they add to them and what they do with them, not from subversive meanings that are somehow embedded within them (1988, p. 491). The text, on its own, does not necessarily have any empowering or disenfranchising features in Jenkins' opinion; the meaning fans infuse into the text is what makes it significant or subversive. While Jenkins refers to the general fandom community, his claim is extremely substantial in regards to feminist fans. When feminist fans write fanfiction that places women in the center, they suffuse their fandom with feminist values. Their fanfiction provides a different interpretation to the diegesis, revealing its feminist, diverse, and inclusive potential. Fanfiction is not the only content-producing practice through which respondents expressed their feminist values. In another example, Lucia (39, Spain) incorporated feminist

148 critique on her YouTube channel34. However, following the policing and silencing that feminist fans experience in male-dominated fandoms (see Chapter 6), she stressed the importance of mitigating feminist arguments for male viewers: I had to find a way to avoid a feminist explanation, not because I was afraid of the hate, but because I was afraid that if I use this terminology, men won't listen to that. So if I didn't make it easy for them, they wouldn't want to watch it […] I try to avoid feminist vocabulary, I try to think of other ways to say the same, in a different way. Lucia’s quote exemplifies that even when female fans explicitly encourage feminist critique, they still operate within a monolithic, male-dominated fandom community, which refuses to make room for feminist discussions. Moreover, Lucia’s experience provides an interesting insight into gendered fannish practices and their relation to feminism: since fanfiction is accepted as a feminine fannish practice (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Larsen and Zubernis, 2011; Scott, 2017), respondents openly practiced their feminist identities through it. However, when Lucia takes part in forensic fandom through her YouTube channel, a traditional masculine practice, she feels pressured to palliate her feminist critique. Moving to the third tactic, consumption, I review participants’ push for recognition in the fandom community through merchandise and content consumption. To start, many interviewees described having a complicated relationship with fannish merchandise since their childhoods, as expressed by Samantha (46, UK) in Chapter 6: I got Barbies, my brother got the sci-fi toys […] It was me who loved it, I was the actual fan […] I understood that it was boys who get these toys, and the girls steal the toys. Indeed, in his book about Star Wars fandom, Brooker addresses the rarity of merchandise produced for female consumers or featuring female characters, quoting George Lucas, “this is the boy movie” (2002, p. 200). The reluctance to acknowledge female fans, as embodied in merchandise, is twofold. First, women are assumed to be uninterested in science fiction and are therefore not recognized as potential consumers. Second, operating under the premise that only male fans consume science fiction, female characters are underrepresented in merchandise, because, as one Disney executive was rumored to suggest, “no boy wants to be given a product with a female character on it” (as cited in Boehm in Salter and Blodgett, 2017, p. 198). Samantha and other respondents realized that merchandise production and

34 Another example to the globalization of the fandom community is that Lucia's channel is in English even though she is from Spain.

149 consumption are gendered and serve as yet another site that excludes and overlooks them. With this in mind, interviewees reported practicing their feminist identities through consumption. The case of the #wheresrey (where's Rey) controversy exemplifies the exclusion of female fans through merchandise production and the feminist backlash against it. After the release of the new Star Wars trilogy, featuring a female protagonist for the first time (Rey), fans were flabbergasted and enraged over her absence from most promotional marketing, such as toys and clothing. The lack of Rey merchandise was followed by a massive Twitter campaign (#wheresrey) in which fans demanded Rey-centered paraphernalia. Following this, many interviewees reported intentionally seeking out merchandise with female characters from Star Wars, such as Donna (46, UK): We bought as many female character merchandise we could get our hands on. It is obviously frustrating and infuriating that there is so little. We only have a small Lego set with Jyn. Donna further expressed frustration over gendered marketing, where not only that merchandise was targeted at male fans, the products that were produced for female audiences were stereotypically "girly": It's frustrating that everything has to be so genderized [...] if you find a t- shirt with Rey on it, it's for girls, and usually pink. I can wear a shirt with Harrison Ford because masculinity is something to aspire to. As established throughout the thesis, even when female fans are recognized and given space in the fandom, they are still kept separate from male fans. In Chapter 4, I described the conventional conceptualization of fans as "ideal consumers" who eagerly purchase different and various kinds of their fandom’s merchandise (Cavicchi, 1998; Fiske, 1992; Hills, 2002; Sandvoss, 2005). Nevertheless, as the case of feminist female fans illustrates, women are not perceived as “ideal consumers” by manufacturers, since merchandise created with and for women is scarce. Manufacturers’ ideal consumers are male fans; they are the ones in the minds of producers and manufacturers. Donna’s example illustrates that once manufacturers acquiesce to demands for merchandise with female characters, they keep a traditionally gendered approach to the products: pink and "girly" for women, black and "cool" for men. This type of segregation also discourages male fans from engaging with female characters, due to their "feminine" branding.

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Another significant discrimination hinted at by Donna is the exclusion of older female consumers (if you find a t-shirt with Rey on it, it's for girls). Ally (39, UK) also addressed the implied ageism in Star Wars merchandise: I do like clothes, and I do like fashion, and I like expressing fandom in a way that is not just the stereotypical nerd, a nice item you'd like to own anyway. I can go to the supermarket and buy men's t-shirts, I can even go to the Disney store, they have a great Rey jacket, but it's for girls. If they did it in my size, I would buy it (laughs). Following the discussion regarding ageism in the fandom community (see Chapter 5 and 6), Ally, Donna, and other older participants regarded merchandise as another example of their invisibility and marginalized position in the fandom. Bennett (2006), who studied older punk fans, found that his participants felt forced to modify their appearance in accordance to their age; the long hair or crazy hairdos were let go in favor of a shaved, more “mature look,” while their alternative clothes were changed into more demure items. In the case of older female fans, even if they did want to keep dressing up in fannish clothing, they were unable to do so; fannish fashion was not made for them because they were not considered as potential consumers. Based on the lack of clothing and accessories made for them, older female fans learned that they were not regarded as part of the science fiction fandom anymore. Interviewees were motivated to purchase merchandise featuring female characters in order to gain visibility in what appears to be male-dominated fandoms and prove that female characters are marketable. While Linden and Linden (2012) argue that fans use their power as consumers to increase their share of the bounty, this study demonstrates this to be partly true. Participants sincerely desired to own merchandise featuring female characters, but this was not just a personal whim; it was activism. As argued by Brown, "Star Wars merchandising is not a mere fannish obsession […] it is a recognition that political elements worth fighting over permeate every facet of our modern culture" (2018, p. 338). For feminist fans interviewed in this study, fannish consumption holds political meaning that goes beyond fandom: women tire of being ignored and demand to be acknowledged and included in the public sphere. Interviewees exercised their feminist identity not only through the products they chose to consume but also through the products they chose not to consume. Interviewees commented on boycotting contents that do not align with their values: "there is something active in resisting," as Olivia (40, UK) remarked. Returning to the excerpt from the beginning

151 of the chapter, Olivia was interviewed shortly after news broke regarding House of Cards’ star, Kevin Spacey’s sexual misconduct. Given this, Olivia asserted: “I think it’s different when people need to make a stance in terms of not watching House of Cards on Netflix, and I think it’s important.” Applying Hirschman's (1970) theory on consumer engagement, fans that stop consuming contested contents use a tactic called "exit." This act of resistance, when done en masse, might damage the franchise financially and force producers and creators to acquiesce to audiences' demands. Indeed, to prevent boycott and backlash, Kevin Spacey was fired by Netflix, leaving the leading role to actress Robin Wright. Boycotting popular culture contents, similar to consuming merchandise, was experienced by feminist fans as an activist, political act with power to influence the fandom community and beyond. One might ask why interviewees chose to boycott certain contents, but not their own fandoms, despite their discontent with them. During interviews, some respondents shared they indeed no longer follow new episodes of Doctor Who: "I stopped watching Doctor Who when I was more angry than happy. I am happy with things not being perfect, but I have limits" (Ruby, 38, UK). As Jenkins explains (1992), fandom relies on fascination and frustration; fans need to be simultaneously enamored and angry with their fandom in order to feel motivated to continue and engage with it. Participants remained fans of Doctor Who and Star Wars as long as their enjoyment surpassed their frustration. While every fan's threshold is different, once the balance between fascination and frustration shifted, fans like Ruby and Lucy (41, UK) could no longer follow their fandoms. The last fannish practice, intellectual engagement, which includes curating trivia and theoretical analysis of the text, was also transformed into a feminist tactic, and utilized by participants to develop and refine feminist critical thinking. Contrary to stigma-driven assumptions regarding female fans' lack of critical thinking (Ali, 2002; Fan, 2012), feminist female fans proved that they were not only critically engaged with their fandoms but could also incorporate feminist thought in their critique and implement it on broader issues beyond their fandom. Providing critical feminist theorization of their fanned content played a significant role in the reinforcement of interviewees' identities, as respondents found fandom a platform that enabled them to polish their feminist perspectives of the world, and develop into "better" feminists. As articulated by Zoe (34, UK) earlier: “being part of a fandom has made me a better feminist […] it's always been part of how I view culture but made it something I express more explicitly than I did before.” In another example, Lucy (41, UK) shared a similar sentiment: “that's where all the fun is, in those tensions, hacking those tensions […] I feel that thinking about these conflicts makes me a better person.”

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I assert that practicing feminist intellectual engagement resembles consciousness raising (Chesebro, Cragan, and McCullough, 1973; Green 1979; Sowards & Renegar, 2004). Sowards and Renegar (2004), for instance, argued that popular culture and feminist contents, in particular, can inspire viewers to develop feminist thinking. While Sowards and Renegar focused on explicitly feminist content, it appears that polysemic texts, even those that are not considered feminist, can also cultivate feminist thinking. For instance, Pough (2002), a Black feminist woman, acknowledged that her engagement with hip hop music, which is frequently considered sexist and misogynist, cultivated her feminist identity through exercising critical thinking on her fandom. Likewise, even though interviewees did not perceive Doctor Who and Star Wars as feminist franchises, they established their feminist identities through practicing feminist critique on their fandoms. Parallel to practices of consumption, interviewees found feminist intellectual engagement as having implications that go beyond the fandom realm: It's the classical argument about "you shouldn't complain about this thing happening when there are girls in Africa who are experiencing the most intense, horrible things because they're female." But I can be pissed off about how Padmé [the main female character in the second Star Wars trilogy] is used very poorly in the films. I'm not going to say it's as important as other things in the world, but it's also a way of practicing your arguments… basically Padmé was in an abusive relationship that was romanticized. They [young feminist fans] can then take it to their lives and articulate it when they see it applied to real people when the newspaper is making up that some guy killed his girlfriend as a twisted romantic thing. I get uncomfortable when people try to minimize that kind of thing. You know it's not that important in the great scheme of things, it's just something you do for fun, but it's the same argument, really (Ally, 39, UK). The crux of Ally's argument is that fandom specifically, and popular culture in general, are a mirror of society, and a site through which fans can explore and discuss broader social issues (Kligler-Vilenchik, 2015; Petersen, 2011; Wood, 2016). Another example of fandom as a platform to ponder on “real-life” political issues was also evident in Ramona's (31, UK) critique of Donna's departure from Doctor Who. Donna's run on the show ended poignantly; after absorbing the Doctor's DNA in order to save him, Donna's brain had to be wiped to prevent it from bursting. Despite her pleas to not erase the memories she shared with him, the Doctor made it so that Donna completely forgets him and

153 their adventures together. Irish Ramona criticized the Doctor's decision, explaining she feels strongly against it, "especially with being Irish, the March of Choice, and everything." Ramona linked fictional events that occurred to Donna on the series to the pro-choice movement in Ireland. From Ramona's perspective, Donna's right over her own body and mind were taken away, similarly to women's rights in Ireland. Although other fans commented against Donna's fate, none linked it to abortions but to the general patronizing, patriarchal superiority over women in Western society. Ramona's remark demonstrates that fans' critiques are situational and context-based, as argued by Chin and Morimoto, "fandom is always performed against a backdrop of real-world events" (2017, p. 181). To conclude, interviewees who utilized intellectual engagement in order to develop their feminist identities were not burdened by guilt for enjoying non-feminist contents, on the contrary. The fact that participants could detect misogynist, sexist undertones in the diegesis and practice their critique reinforced their sense of being "good" feminists. As Zoe (34, UK) expressed: “I don’t see a contradiction [between fandom and feminism]. The feminist aspect is expressed through critique.” Respondents found an opportunity to refine and articulate feminist arguments when they engage with their fandom; these reasonings could also be used later in response to contemporary social issues.

3. Conclusions This chapter untangled the tactics developed and employed by feminist female fans in order to reconcile and marry feminism and fandom. Seven tactics were reviewed overall: three "narrative tactics," which included what women say in order to reconcile fandom and feminism, and "practice tactics," which encompassed what women do to navigate feminism and fandom. Through the examples I provided throughout the chapter, especially from Olivia’s interview, I demonstrated how feminist fans navigate and oscillate between the different tactics, providing alternative rationales and justifications to support or boycott contents. Respondents expressed feeling guilty, unapologetic, powerful, powerless, fascinated and frustrated, sometimes all at the same time. This ultimately illustrates that the feminist experience within fandom is an ambivalent one. As demonstrated by Ally's quote at the beginning of the chapter, even though interviewees adopted feminism as part of their identity, they sometimes found it disturbed their enjoyment of their fandoms. In the prioritization of their identities, fandom ultimately took precedence over feminism. Despite their struggles with exclusion and policing regimes in their fandoms, fandom was ultimately something they do for fun and identity that brought

154 them joy. Feminism, on the other hand, felt like an identity they were “stuck” with. Even though interviewees were committed to the feminist project, identified as feminists, and promoted feminist values, they acknowledged feminism as a burden that required constant reconciliation and management with other identities and practices which they enjoyed more. Utilizing tactics decreased frustration and kept participants' identities as fans and feminists unharmed. The primary four purposes for feminist female fans' tactics were: (1) reconciling tensions between fandom and feminism, (2) protecting their identities from being threatened, (3) allowing enjoyment of fandoms despite critique, and (4) incorporating feminism and fandom in order to promote equality in the fanned content and fandom community. With both clusters, interviewees evidently looked for ways that allowed them to enjoy their fandoms despite their feminist identities. Narrative tactics such as "compartmentalization" or practice tactics, such as fanfiction writing, were used in order to screen any plots or characters that frustrated them and focus on elements of the diegesis that they do enjoy: either by ignoring them (compartmentalization) or writing them out of the plot in their own fanfictions. Having solved the initial tension between their fan and feminist identities, and ameliorated their frustration with their fandoms, participants then sought to improve their fandoms through feminist activism. This was evident in the "practice" tactics, which included a demand for female characters-centered merchandise, writing feminist fanfiction, and creating feminist fan communities, among others. These practices might seem insignificant at first glance. It could be suggested that consuming Rey merchandise or writing fanfiction about the female Doctor will not make an impact on the fanned content and fandom communities; science fiction contents will continue to represent stereotypical female characters, and male fans will continue to dismiss female fans. Nevertheless, a change might come through such small-scale practices, and even impact women's lives outside of fandom. As interviewees expressed and shared, feminist fans use the feminist critique they developed with other women in the fandom community in "real life": from talking about politics and current events to raising their children as gender-neutral as possible. Similarly, narrative tactics allowed interviewees to demonstrate resistance, especially through "guilt-free feminism," which they could also implement in other arenas, outside of fandom. Regardless of whether feminist fans ultimately change the face of science fiction communities or not, they are able to reconcile feminism and fandom in a way that does not threaten their identities and allows them to exercise their agency and use their voice.

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Employing narrative and practice tactics provided feminist fans with a sense of control and created a safe space where their identities would not be contested. Finding interviewees’ agency in the tactics presented in the chapter does not, however, mean that I am taking a postfeminist stance in my analysis. As illustrated throughout the thesis, postfeminism is frequently blamed for championing conservative gender norms as empowering. Banyard (2010), for instance, warns that siding with postfeminism will lead to identifying any practice taken by a woman as one expressing “agency” and "choice." This is not the case of feminist female fans. The participants in this study acknowledged wrongdoings in their fanned franchise and fandom community and developed different tactics in order to tackle them. Through these tactics, feminist fans were able to challenge stereotypical representations of female characters, demand recognition, and ultimately find their place in male-dominated fandom communities.

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Chapter 8: Conclusions On the 21st of January 2017, a day after President Donald Trump's inauguration, women marched in protests across the United States. American women, who were later joined by others who held demonstrations in different countries around the world, protested against sexism and misogyny and demanded equal rights and governance over their bodies. Unfortunately, these causes and demands were not much different from the ones appealed by feminists in the 1960s and 1970s. Yet, one crucial addition to the Women’s March made it different: the incorporation of fandom. The original Women’s March took place just one month after Carrie Fisher's untimely death. Countless women, young and old, honored their beloved feminist symbols, Fisher and Princess Leia, as they fought for equality and justice. With an image created by graphic designer, Hayley Gilmore, women marched with posters, t-shirts, and buttons featuring Princess Leia in her white dress, holding an Imperial Blaster, accompanied by the sentence: "A woman's place is in the resistance." A sea of such posters decorated the marches, which later received media attention with headlines such as How Princess Leia Became an Unofficial Symbol for the Women's March (Gibson, 2017), or Princess Leia Gave the Women's March A New Hope (Watercutter, 2017). The use of this particular image of Leia, with her gun and fully-covering white dress, is significant because it demonstrates feminist female fans’ perceptions of Princess Leia and how they wish to remember her. Protesters paid homage to the version of Leia that inspired and encouraged them to become feminists, not the one used to cater to male fans' fantasies. I chose to begin the concluding chapter of my thesis with the Women’s March because it exhibits that fandom and feminism can be incorporated into a joint cause. Feminist women drew inspiration and references from their fandoms to get their messages across. By doing so, not only did they promote their feminist causes, but they also demonstrated that fandom is not a mindless hobby; it is a platform that develops and articulates feminist critique. Through Leia, women expressed frustration with their marginalized and disregarded position, not just in fan communities, but in society as a whole. Despite this example of beautiful synergy between feminist protests and Star Wars fandom, this thesis focused on the tensions and the confusing social climate in which women negotiate their fan and feminist identities. The current feminist movement incorporates strands such as postfeminism, popular feminism, intersectional feminism, and radical feminism (among others); each school of thought holds different perspectives about femininity, sexuality and gender equality. The simultaneous existence of contrasting feminist

157 strands causes bafflement among feminist women, who are unsure of what practices or contents they are "allowed" to enjoy and what they should renounce. Simultaneously, fandom has gradually shifted to the mainstream and appears more accessible and inclusive. However, as the participants of this research testified, many fan communities remain exclusionary, toxic, and policing. The exclusion of women from fan communities and fanned contents can raise inner conflicts among feminist female fans who are interested in being part of these fandoms. Given this, I was curious to learn about feminist female fans’ experiences in male- dominated communities and their efforts to reconcile their identities. The inner tensions, conflicts, and negotiations are not an experience unique to feminist female fans; feminist female fans provided an interesting and novel case study for the ways in which individuals negotiate complex identities. As the literature review detailed, identity is a fluid, yet fragile and intricate construct, which is in constant need of reinforcement (Bauman, 2004; Frith, 1996; Giddens, 1991; Hall, 1996; Weir, 2013). Individuals feel required to produce and represent a unified front in order to be accepted and approved by others. Therefore, when two identities we deeply relate to, do not “make sense” to ourselves and others, we are required to reorganize and negotiate between them until they appear consistent and in harmony. This thesis, then, scrutinized a common predicament that is synonymous with the human condition of individuals living in the 21st century who are defined by many different, sometimes conflicted identities. While this thesis has broad implications on identity and identity management, the case of feminist female fans was not chosen at random. These identities matter, especially today, as countless women define themselves and their feminist identities by avidly engaging with popular culture, as was evident in the Women’s Marches. Even though feminist scholarship previously engaged with popular culture (Faludi, 1991; Hollows, 2000; Waters and Munford, 2013; Radway, 1984; Whelehan, 2000; Wolf, 1990), and despite the importance of both identities for the women who proclaim them, no study has focused on the experiences of feminist female fans until this research. In this concluding chapter, I review the main arguments and key findings of the thesis and clarify how they address my research questions. This will be followed by discussions about the theoretical, empirical, and methodological contributions this thesis has made to the academic fields of identity, fandom, feminism, and beyond. I then conclude my thesis with final reflections on conflicted identities in popular culture, and the demand to present an authentic front. Finally, I discuss the new research avenues these insights open up.

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1. Key Findings I explored the experiences of feminist female fans through five research questions, which motivated this study, including: (1) perceptions and practices of feminist fans, (2) definitions of a "good" feminist fan, (3) stigmatization processes within the fandom community, (4) differences between younger and older feminist fans, and, ultimately, (5) negotiation and reconciliation of feminism and fandom. This subsection will unpack the key findings for these research questions. This thesis revealed that being a feminist fan is hard work; feminist female fans are overlooked, discredited, or rejected everywhere they turn: the fanned content, the creators of the content, and the fan communities. Interviewees shared that they rarely found complex and inspiring female characters in their fandoms, and felt like their pleas from producers for more diversity in their fanned franchises were dismissed. They realized and internalized that their fandoms were not created for them, but for male fans. Male fans, on their part, enforced policing regimes, which excluded female fans from meaning-making processes that defined the values and rules of conduct in the fandom. Due to hostility in their fandoms, and frustration from the writing for female characters in their fanned franchises, interviewees were frequently left feeling like “bad feminist fans.” In parallel to Cooley’s “the looking- glass self” (1992), feminist female fans perceived themselves through the gaze of others. They internalized the frequent criticism and scrutiny and judged themselves harshly. This explains, for instance, why numerous interviewees apologized or defended themselves at the very opening of the interviews. To unpack this argument, I now highlight the crucial findings from each empirical chapter that contributed to this assertion. In the first findings chapter, Chapter 4, I began to unfold feminist female fans’ feelings of guilt and inauthenticity by discussing their definitions and practices of fandom and feminism. I found that feminist female fans felt they were not “good” enough regardless of the quantity or quality of their fannish/feminist practices. Participants compared themselves to other fans and feminists and felt that they did not reach the high standard these identities required. One of the significant findings of Chapter 4 is that younger and older feminist fans perceive and practice feminism more similarly than presumed by previous works on these communities (Bailey, 1997; Booth and Kelly, 2013; Budgeon, 2011; Hills, 2017b; Whelehan, 2007; Winch, 2015). Older participants were as tech-savvy as younger interviewees; they ran blogs, produced podcasts, and uploaded their fanfictions to online communities. Similarly, they aligned with current feminist trends and discourse by supporting values such as

159 inclusion and intersectional feminism. I suggest that because older participants were experienced Internet-users, they were more up-to-date with current feminist trends and discussions and more receptive to them35. This is the reason why no ideological disagreements or clashes between younger and older feminist fans were reported or found in the interviews. While generational differences were minimal, age and aging were significant, particularly in the case of older interviewees who experienced ageism and age-based exclusion in their fandoms. Despite “catching up” with current fannish practices and feminist strands, older participants shared feeling alienated in their fandoms and implicitly excluded by younger fans. Older feminist fans’ encounters with ageism that were introduced in Chapter 4 were then developed in Chapter 5, which revealed that they were more attentive to the ageist characterization of female characters. Chapter 5 depicted feminist female fans’ symbiotic relationships with their favorite female characters, in which they experienced the following phases: identification, aspiration, projection, and introjection. This symbiotic relationship reflected feminist female fans’ second-class citizenship in their fandoms. Even though participants loved Star Wars/Doctor Who and the female characters featured in these franchises, they were also frustrated and disappointed with how these characters were presented. This was the tension I expected to find when I chose Star Wars and Doctor Who as my two case studies; these fandoms made interviewees feel conflicted about their identities due to their misrepresentation of female characters and backlash against new leading female characters. Participants realized they were not the target audience of their fandoms through the secondary, sexualized roles their favorite female characters were given in the fanned contents. The case of Slave Leia was a fitting example of this. Interviewees felt that Leia, their feminist icon, was betrayed and misused by Star Wars’ creative team when she was forced to wear a minimal bikini in Episode VI: Return of the Jedi. Feminist female fans blamed the creator, George Lucas, for catering to male fans’ sexual fantasies, and saw it a sign of the dismissal of Star Wars’ female audience. Because of their feminist identities, I expected interviewees to value feminine characteristics and root for new, leading female characters. In reality, many respondents valued traditional masculine traits over feminine ones. This was apparent in the case of the

35 This causality can also be reversed: because older interviewees were more open to new perspectives to begin with, they participated in contemporary online communities.

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13th Doctor, where most interviewees wished she would not be written differently as a woman or receive special attention after she swapped gender. I argued that this might be due to interviewees’ internalization of the prevailing social construct of masculinity as an authentic, fully developed identity, in contrast to one-dimensional femininity (Holland, 2004; Connell, 1987; Nicholls, 2018; Schippers, 2007). The assumption that men are inherently more authentic carried into the following chapter, in which feminist female fans felt inferior to men and inauthentic in comparison to them. In Chapter 6, I conceptualized feminist female fans’ conditional belonging in science fiction fan communities. I argued that feminist female fans were placed in a liminal position in which they had to prove they were authentic fans in order to be included in fan communities. Inclusion was achieved by demonstrating impeccable connoisseurship regarding their fandoms and by silencing feminist critique. Experiencing conditional belonging eroded feminist female fans' identification process and prevented them from perceiving themselves as "authentic" fans. Male fans were keen to maintain their fan communities exclusive. To ensure exclusivity, they monitored fans’ identities and policed newcomers, such as female fans, to conform to strict rules of conduct. They attached particular stigmas to female fans, such as “fake geek girl” or the “girlfriend,” which planted doubts regarding their motivations to identify as fans. Based on Mead's theory (1972), I asserted that male fans are the generalized other of female fans: theirs is the dominant voice in the community, through which female fans assess and value their own identities. Because identity construction relied on outside validation from community members who did not want them included, feminist fans questioned the authenticity of their identities and legitimacy to openly identify as fans. I found the findings regarding the policing by male fans surprising. I was well aware of gatekeeping in fan communities through fandom scholarship and my own experiences as a fan. Nevertheless, when I formulated my research questions, as well as the interview questions, I did not plan to address male fans. Once every interviewee discussed the same experiences, I realized that female fans' interactions with male fans were the main reason for their guilt and self-doubt. These findings were revealed thanks to the nature of semi- structured interviews, which allowed me the flexibility and openness to let interviewees lead the interview and discuss the issues that were most important to them. In Chapter 7, I contended that feminist female fans had to develop versatile tactics to reconcile tensions between fandom and feminism for various reasons. These included the following: to protect their identities from being threatened, allow themselves to enjoy fandom

161 despite their critiques, and incorporate feminism and fandom in order to promote equality in the fanned franchise and fandom community. Two clusters of tactics were detected: narrative and practice. With narrative tactics, interviewees acknowledged the problematic aspects of their fandoms and perceived the relationship between their feminist and fan identities as a problem that needed to be solved. Narrative tactics, therefore, provided feminist female fans with rationales and justifications for enjoying contents that rarely included well-rounded, inspiring female characters in leading roles. Practice tactics were used when participants wanted to tie feminism and fandom together and practice them in conjunction. Interviewees imbued common fannish practices (which featured in Chapter 4), such as consumption or fanfiction, with feminist activism in order to demand recognition in the fandom or create alternatives to exclusionary communities and contents. Having discussed both clusters, I stressed that these tactics are imperative to feminist female fans; they would not be able to keep both identities without them. I asked to postpone questions about the impact that these tactics might have on the fan community and fanned contents. I argued that these tactics were significant to participants because they allowed them to exercise their agency and use their voice in a community that frequently silenced them. The empirical chapters drew the full-circle experience of feminist female fans: many of the feminist female fans I have interviewed were drawn into the fandom because of the female characters that inspired them. As they have become more involved and committed to practice and represent their identities, participants realized that they were unwelcomed in the fan community and that their fanned contents frustratingly underrepresented women and other intersectional, diverse characters. This acknowledgment and negative experiences in the fan communities made interviewees question their identities. Despite challenges and threats to their identities, participants did not reject feminism nor fandom. In order to reconcile both identities and allow themselves to continue and enjoy their fandoms without feeling guilty, feminist female fans developed tactics that relieved their inner tensions and allowed them to exercise their agency and use their voice.

2. Contributions to Knowledge 2.1. Theoretical Contributions In her recent book, Suzanne Scott (2019) argued that academic inquiry had always tied feminism and fandom. In this thesis, I argued that even though certain studies explored

162 women’s engagement with popular culture (Ang, 1984; Radway, 1984), female fans in male- dominated communities (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Orme, 2016), or feminist women's engagement with popular culture (Gay, 2014; Petersen, 2011), no study explicitly addressed the multiple challenges of feminist female fans. Therefore, my first original contribution to the literature begins with my research topic, which incorporated two identities that have yet to be explored in conjunction. Throughout this thesis, I have demonstrated and emphasized the academic merit in scrutinizing feminist female fans who avidly support unfeminist contents. Studies that only focus on one identity (either fan or feminist) miss the heightened tension that arises when the two identities are joined together: the experience of carrying stigma on both identities, or the dual silencing of women and feminists in male-dominated fan communities. Moreover, I have exhibited the importance of scrutinizing fandom and feminism as they have become significant to the ways in which women define themselves and construct their perspectives of the world nowadays. The findings of this research are meaningful not only to feminism and fandom studies but can contribute to the understanding of complex identities more broadly. For instance, the tactics that were introduced in Chapter 7, do not have to be exclusively associated with feminist fans but could be implemented in other studies. Additional research on conflicted identities can explore if tactics such as compartmentalization or developing a "guilt-free" narrative are found in other case studies, such as members of the LGBT+ community who are also religious or interfaith couples. Another theoretical contribution I have made to identity inquiries is developing the fundamental theories of Goffman (1965, 1967), Mead (1972), and Cooley (1992). To start, I have exhibited the vital contribution these theories can offer to fandom studies. Fandom is massively based on social interactions and belonging; fans rely on each other to learn more about their fandoms, share thoughts and opinions and take part in communal activities. At the same time, fans are competitive and use each other as points of reference to examine who is a “better” fan. I assert that this predominant attribute of the fan identity and community calls for the use of Goffman and Mead’s theories. Implementing Goffman, Mead and Cooley’s work as my theoretical framework allowed me to establish the importance of receiving confirmation and acceptance by other fans to the formation of the fan identity. After establishing the importance of these fundamental identity theories, I also revealed that Mead’s “generalized other” or Goffman’s “audience” were not neutral constructs. These theorists did not address gender as a factor that might impact identification processes and identity performance. Goffman, for instance, discussed the necessity of

163 receiving approval for the performance of one's identity but did not acknowledge that the audience could be inherently hostile in some cases. When women attempt to be included in male-dominated communities, they are automatically considered as a pestering nuisance because of their gender. They have to make an exceptional effort when they present their identities to male fans. Similarly, Mead and Cooley did not take into consideration the gender of the “other,” and did not consider incidents where the other and the individual were from different social backgrounds and identities36. Because male fans functioned as the generalized other for female fans, knowing that male fans did not see them as their equal, female fans judged themselves harshly. Gender should be an integral dimension to any identity theory, it cannot be disregarded or absent. The consideration of gender in the theories of Goffman, Mead, and Cooley was implemented in the case of feminist female fans in male-dominated science fiction communities, but this provided an opportunity, and a call to rethink these seminal scholarships in other studies and explore the different dimensions that could affect identification processes. I have also made a theoretical contribution to belonging scholarship by defining a concept that has yet to be defined in previous scholarship - conditional belonging – and provided a detailed description of its impact on individuals' lives. Conditional belonging offered a suitable theoretical framework to describe the liminal position of feminist female fans in male-dominated communities. Feminist female fans’ conditional belonging was manifested in their limited inclusion in most fannish activities and spaces until they proved their identities were authentic. Conditional belonging was previously featured in several immigration studies but was not defined in any of them (Ríos-Rojas, 2014; Rutherford, 2008; Wernesjö, 2014). In this thesis, I offered a detailed definition of the concept and demonstrated how it could be implemented in other studies: from migration and refugee studies to everyday life inquiries.

2.2. Methodological Contributions The method chosen for this study is one of the most common in social sciences, and yet, I argue that it is part of the originality of this thesis. As reviewed earlier, feminist methodology aims to put women’s voices in the center and provide them with a platform to share their experiences (Hesse-Biber 2007; Maynard, 1994; Ramazanoglu and Holland, 2002).

36 In this case I addressed gender, but other differences could also be taken into consideration, such as ethnicity or religion.

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Nevertheless, most scholarship that scruitinized women's experiences in male-dominated fan communities or feminist attitudes in fandoms rarely interacted directly with female fans (Ferreday, 2016; Salter and Blodgett, 2017; Scott, 2019; Wise, 1984). Employing the widespread method of semi-structured interviews was, therefore, innovative because it has been rarely implemented in this context. The accounts of my interviewees provided an in- depth, vivid depiction of the exclusion and discontent that accompanied them in science fiction communities, as well as the joy and sense of accomplishment it granted them when they fought for recognition. Espousing a feminist methodology and semi-structured interviews allowed me, and my interviewees, to challenge masculine construction of fandom, and offer alternative perceptions to how fandom could be identified and practiced, alongside other identities, such as feminism. The different platforms on which I conducted interviews also allowed me to reflect on the differences between them. Interviews took place in interviewees’ homes, cafés, at the university, over the phone, and via Skype. Conducting interviews in different locations and platforms allowed me to reflect on which one was most suitable for my study. I found that Skype interviews allowed me to see the interviewee (similar to face to face interviews) when we were both in the privacy, safety, and comfort of our own homes. I was able to get a "sneak peek" into the participant's private life and share our respective fannish merchandise, in an interaction that felt effortless and organic.

3. Limitations Despite the comprehensive findings included in this research, the conclusions are limited and cannot be applied to every feminist female fan's experience. The main limitation of the thesis is its homogenous pool of interviewees. As discussed in the methodology chapter, 29 of 30 interviewees were white, and almost all of them were abled and middle-class. I am aware that findings are restricted to the experiences of a white majority, and cannot reflect on BAME feminist fans, who might encounter different challenges or hold different attitudes on feminism and fandom. During fieldwork, I did not attempt to fill quotas and was open to interview any feminist fan above the age of 18. Having ended up with a majority of white respondents, I realized the importance of actively reaching out to a diverse pool of interviewees starting from the initial stages of recruitment. In my future studies, fieldwork will begin with this consideration in mind. Another limitation is the nationality of interviewees. While most participants were UK-based, some were from various European countries. Besides Spain, from which I have

165 interviewed three participants, every other country (Switzerland, Italy, Germany, and France) was "represented" by only one interviewee. Therefore, I was unable to draw conclusions about perceptions, practices or challenges that were particular to feminist fans from each country. In a few rare cases, respondents provided specific examples from their own cultural and social contexts, such as Ramona referencing the March of Choice in Ireland, but they all ultimately echoed each other's narratives. Many participants encountered exclusion and shared feeling guilty and inadequate, regardless of their nationality. I was able to argue that female fans' conditional belonging is not limited to a particular country; it as a prevalent phenomenon in fan communities across countries. This served as evidence and support to my earlier assertion regarding fandom being a globalized community that transcends national and cultural boundaries. Another possible limitation of the thesis is the absence of male fans’ side of the story. When I presented the findings of this thesis at conferences, I was frequently asked about male fans and received comments about men who also encounter gatekeeping and exclusion in science fiction fandoms. Since I did not interview male fans, I was unable to explore whether their experiences in fan communities were similar. While this might be true, and even though there are feminist male fans as well, my motivation was to delve into particular tensions experienced by feminist female fans. Future research can incorporate both male and female fans in order to explore the similarities and differences between their encounters with gatekeeping and feelings of guilt and inner contradictions.

4. Looking Forward This thesis highlighted the ways in which individuals negotiate contradicting identities. It focused on feminism and fandom, two identities that despite becoming more mainstream, and possibly more popular, can still cause inner tensions and conflicts when embraced individually and simultaneously. Exploring how women negotiate and reconcile feminism and fandom has demonstrated the potential of researching conflicted identities and the insights that can arise from focusing on identities relating to popular culture. As I look forward and think about the implications of this thesis and how it could develop other studies in the future, I suggest unpacking conflicted identities further. For instance, scrutinizing complex identities can shed light not only on the ones who possess them but also on the audience who observe and evaluate them. When I think about other examples of conflicted identities in popular culture, I think about celebrities such as Jay Z or M.I.A, who were faced with demands to “make sense” of their own identities and prove they

166 were authentic. The 2018 documentary Matangi/Maya/M.I.A depicted the life of M.I.A, a popular singer, producer, and activist. M.I.A, a refugee from Sri Lanka, frequently sings about refugees, capitalism, and racism. The political engagement of M.I.A’s songs bestowed her with both critical acclaim and the love of the crowd. Gradually, M.I.A became more famous, popular, and as a result – richer. M.I.A lost her credibility after marrying an American entrepreneur and son of one of the wealthiest families in the United States. According to many of her critics, M.I.A could no longer sing about war and refugees while living a life of luxury and wealth (Clarke, 2018; Hirschberg, 2010). Similarly, rapper Jay Z was recently criticized for “selling out” and betraying the Black community, when he entered into a business partnership with the NFL, an organization that reprimanded a player who protested in favor of Black Lives Matter (Berg, 2019; Lockhart, 2019). I suggest that examples such as Jay Z and M.I.A’s are linked to questions I attempted to tackle in this thesis and open up avenues for further inquiries. Parallel to these two artists, my participants felt pressured to represent a coherent identity and understood that the contradictions they experienced made their identities less authentic. I am still interested in examining why coherence is so important to prove one’s authenticity? Why does society not accept identity as a construct that is ever-evolving and changing, and demands individuals to exhibit a unified front? Why is appearing authentic so crucial to the performer and the audience? My thesis started to reveal only the tip of the iceberg of individuals’ strife to reconcile inner conflicts and appear authentic. Drawing from Mead and Cooley’s work, it revealed that individuals not only feel pressured by their surroundings to untangle their complex identities, they also police themselves. This was found among feminist female fans but is experienced by many other complex identities. Therefore, future studies should continue to untangle complex identities, their effect on the individuals who carry them, and how they are perceived and judged by others.

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Appendix 1: Recruitment Flyer

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Appendix 2: Participant Information Sheet

Project Title: Feminist fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who

Participant Information Sheet

You are being invited to take part in a research project that is aiming to understand how women navigate between their identities as feminists and fans. It is important for you to understand why the research is being done and what it will involve. Please take time to read the following information and discuss it with others if you wish. Please ask if there is anything that is not clear or if you would like more information. Take time to decide whether or not you wish to take part. Thank you for reading this.

Who will conduct the research?

Neta Yodovich (PhD Candidate), Department of Sociology, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, M13 9PL, [email protected]

What is the aim of the research?

This study will examine how women from different age groups (ranging from women who were born during the 60s, to women born in the 90s) navigate between their identities as fans and feminists, especially when the content they are fans of is male-dominated and not feminist, such as Star Wars and Doctor Who.

Why have I been chosen?

The participants selected are women, above the age of 18, who are fans of Star Wars or Doctor Who and also define themselves as feminists.

What would I be asked to do if I took part?

I will carry out an in-depth interview; it will focus upon your history as a fan and as a feminist – how you first became a fan and a feminist, how you define these identities, how you think they relate or contrast each other, what others think about you being a feminist and fan. I will also ask about your specific fandom – Star Wars or Doctor Who and your opinions about the content and its fandom. The interview will be audio-recorded, and will be aided by visuals such as personal photographs or merchandise that you think embodies your identity as a fan and a feminist.

I am looking to carry out a follow-up focus group with several of my interviewees which will raise a joint discussion about issues of fandom and feminism, with the aid of clips from Star Wars and Doctor Who which will raise important issues for the discussion. Please let me know if you will be willing to take part in the focus group.

What happens to the data collected?

The interviews and focus group will be transcribed and anonymized; I will analyze the interviews and focus group transcripts once that are all collected. After the analysis I will use quotations in the dissemination of the findings; Firstly, in my PhD thesis, and later in academic presentations at conferences and in written publications such as journals. Parts of the transcripts might also be shared with my PhD supervisors.

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How is confidentiality maintained?

All data files will be kept confidentially. Interview data will be anonymised, which will involve giving participants a pseudonym (you can choose your own if like) and any other data that could identify you will be changed.

What’s in it for you?

Many participants enjoy the interview process, as it is a chance to have your experiences and opinions heard, and a platform to talk about your passion and interest in fandom and feminism.

What happens if I do not want to take part or if I change my mind?

It is up to you to decide whether or not to take part. If you decide to take part you will be given this information sheet to keep and asked to sign a consent form. If you decide to take part you are still free to withdraw at any time without giving a reason and without detriment to yourself.

What is the duration of the research?

All participants are asked to be involved in an in-depth interview, which will last for over one hour. Later, some participants will also take part in a focus group, which will last two hours.

Where will the research be conducted?

Interviews will occur at your convenience in public places such as community centers and coffee shops or at your own personal home.

Will the outcomes of the research be published?

The research may be published in the form of a journal article or a report

What if something goes wrong or I want to make a complaint?

If there are any minor complaints or issues related to the research, your first point of contact should be the researcher. Your second points of contacts are her supervisors.

The researcher’s contact details are as follows: [email protected]

The supervisors’ details are as follows:

Dr. Sophie Woodward: [email protected]

Prof. Penny Tinkler: [email protected]

If you wish to make a formal complaint or if you are not satisfied with the response you have gained from the researchers then please contact the Research Governance and Integrity Manager in one of the following ways:

Email: [email protected]

Telephone: (+44) 161 275 2674 or (+44) 161 275 2046.

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Writing: The Research Governance and Integrity Manager, Research Office, Christie Building

University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL, United Kingdom

What Do I Do Now?

If you have any queries about the study or if you are interested in taking part then please contact the researcher at [email protected]

This project has been reviewed and approved by the University of Manchester, School of Social Sciences Ethics Committee

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Appendix 3: List of Interviewees

Name Age Year Born Country Education Occupation (pseudonym) Anaya 19 1998 India/UK BA Student Sarah 22 1995 UK MA Student Nina 25 1992 UK PhD Student student Isabel 26 1991 Spain BA Unemployed Anna 27 1990 France MA Biologist Stephanie 29 1988 UK MA Insurance Courtney 29 1988 Germany MA Computer Science Eve 30 1987 UK MBA Student Ramona 31 1986 Ireland BA Unemployed Lily 31 1986 UK BA Unemployed Sandra 31 1986 Spain MA Translator Zoe 32 1985 UK PhD Lecturer Emily 34 1984 UK/Ireland PhD Administration Anita 35 1983 Italy MA Sign Language Interpreter Karen 38 1979 UK PhD Lecturer Ruby 38 1979 Australia/Scotland PhD Student student Jamie 39 1978 UK MA Politics Sharon 39 1978 Canada/UK PhD Lecturer Ally 39 1978 UK MA Politics Lucia 39 1978 Spain BA Art director Olivia 40 1977 UK PhD Lecturer Lucy 41 1976 UK BA Stayed at home mom Emmy 42 1975 Canada/UK Professor Lecturer Jane 46 1971 UK PhD Researcher Donna 46 1971 UK MA Transcriber Samantha 46 1971 UK BA Writer Bernie 50 1967 UK MA Art Wendy 50 1967 Scotland BA Politics Daria 52 1965 Switzerland BA Librarian Angela 55 1962 UK MA Third sector

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Appendix 4: Interview Guide

Feminist fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who

Interview Guide

The following questions will be included in the semi-structured interviews:

1. Tell me about the first time you became a fan 2. What does being a fan means to you? 3. What kind of practices do you do as a fan? 4. When did you become a fan of Doctor Who / Star Wars? 5. Tell me about how you were introduced to feminism 6. What does being a feminist means to you? 7. What kind of practices do you do as a feminist? 8. Tell me about a good experience you had as a feminist and a fan 9. Has anyone ever criticized you for being a fan or a feminist? 10. Do you know other feminists? If so, how did you meet them and what do you do together? 11. Do you know other fans? If so, how did you meet them and what do you do together? 12. Do you have any merchandise of Star Wars/Doctor Who? 13. What do you think about the lack of merchandise of the female character from Star Wars/Doctor Who? 14. What do you think about the decision to have a female Doctor? What do you think about the representation of female characters in the series so far? 15. Some people are critical of the representation of princess Leia in Return of the Jedi, what do you think about that? 16. Do you think there are "rules" that make one a "good" feminist? 17. Do you think there are "rules" that make one a "good" fan? 18. Do you think you can be a feminist and a fan at the same time?

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Appendix 5: Consent Form

University of Manchester, U.K. School of Social Sciences

Feminist fans of Star Wars and Doctor Who

CONSENT FORM

If you agree to participate please complete and sign the consent form below. Please

Initial Box

1. I confirm that I have read the attached information sheet on the above project. I confirm that I have had the opportunity to consider the information and have had any questions answered satisfactorily.

2. I understand that my participation in the study is voluntary and that I am free to withdraw at any time without giving a reason and without detriment to any treatment. I understand that I can no longer withdraw when a PhD thesis and/or academic papers about the research have been submitted for publication.

3. I am aware that interviews may be audio recorded and that I am free to request the audio recording be turned off at any time.

4. I am aware that the results of this study, including quotations, may be published in an anonymized form and that I am not entitled to compensation resulting from publication.

5. I understand that any identifying data will remain confidential.

I agree to take part in the above project.

______Name of Participant Date Signature

______Name of Researcher Date Signature

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Appendix 6: Example of Coding Sheet

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