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Revue Interventions Économiques, 52 Revue Interventions économiques Papers in Political Economy 52 | 2015 L’État social à l’épreuve de la crise financière de 2008 Pourquoi l’austérité? Perspectives comparées Thomas Collombat et Corinne Gobin (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/interventionseconomiques/2413 ISBN : 1710-7377 ISSN : 1710-7377 Éditeur Association d’Économie Politique Référence électronique Thomas Collombat et Corinne Gobin (dir.), Revue Interventions économiques, 52 | 2015, « L’État social à l’épreuve de la crise financière de 2008 Pourquoi l’austérité? Perspectives comparées » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 01 février 2015, consulté le 15 janvier 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/interventionseconomiques/2413 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 15 janvier 2018. Les contenus de la revue Interventions économiques sont mis à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International. 1 SOMMAIRE L’austérité après 2008 : quel(s) sens d’un continent à l’autre ? Corinne Gobin et Thomas Collombat Immigration, néoconservatisme et néolibéralisme après la crise de 2008 : le nouveau régime de citoyenneté canadien à la lumière des trajectoires européennes Frédérick Guillaume Dufour et Mathieu Forcier La monnaie à l’épreuve de la crise financière mondiale et ses enjeux pour la citoyenneté sociale Virgile Perret Le droit de grève et l’Union Européenne en période d'austérité: la proposition "Monti II" et ses cartons jaunes Marco Rocca Réformes nationales du droit du travail en temps de crise : Bilan alarmant pour les droits fondamentaux et la démocratie en Europe Isabelle Schömann Notes de recherche Les plans d’austérité imposés à la Grèce : impact sur les droits sociaux et syndicaux et réactions syndicales Christina Karakioulafis État québécois, crise et néolibéralisme Philippe Hurteau et Francis Fortier Hors thème L’action internationale des organisations syndicales québécoises Sid Ahmed Soussi Financiarisation des entreprises et rémunération des dirigeants au Québec et au Canada Audrey Laurin-Lamothe et François L’Italien In memoriam Bernard Maris Reflecting on the Legacy of Economist Bernard Maris: A Call to Action Karim Errouaki Revue Interventions économiques, 52 | 2015 2 Comptes rendus Paul Vermeylen (2014). Le temps de la métropole. Agile, créative, solidaire, durable. Parcours en Europe. Paris : L’Harmattan. 286 pages Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay Christophe Everaere (2014). Les emplois atypiques. Quelles réponses au besoin de flexicurité ? Paris : Editions Liaisons sociales. 164 pages Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay Revue Interventions économiques, 52 | 2015 3 L’austérité après 2008 : quel(s) sens d’un continent à l’autre ? Corinne Gobin et Thomas Collombat 1 Il est de ces mots qui se diffusent à un échelon mondial dans les médias et dans les discours politiques comme le feu sur des traînées de poudre. « Crise », « austérité », « rigueur »… Répétés à l’envie, le plus souvent sous une forme abstraite (introduits par un article déterminé sans aucun adjectif pour les qualifier), ils disent tout et rien à la fois (Durand, 2007). 2 Ils font partie de ce vocabulaire que l’on peut qualifier « d’expert » (Rist, 2002 ; Cussó, Gobin, 2008 ; Gobin, 2010), diffusé à l’échelle mondiale, largement relayé par les organisations internationales à vocation économique, et s’emparant de plus en plus des discours politiques. Lorsque ces termes deviennent dominants dans les discours politiques, il revient à la sociologie politique de comprendre quels en sont les ressorts. Et dès lors qu’ils circulent mondialement, il est important de comprendre s’ils recouvrent la même chose d’un bout à l’autre de la planète. Crise et austérité 3 La crise ! La crise financière de 2008… encore une. Du côté de l’Europe occidentale1, il suffit d’être âgé de moins de 40 ans pour avoir l’impression qu’être en « crise » est devenu l’état normal de l’économie, et plus généralement des sociétés politiques. Effectivement depuis 1973 et la « crise pétrolière » fut abandonnée la perception des « Trente glorieuses » d’une expansion économique constante prometteuse d’une amélioration permanente des conditions de vie et de travail. Cette perception fut remplacée par son contraire : les sociétés humaines sont désormais soumises à un développement économique chaotique, car perpétuellement en changement où des « dieux colériques » dénommés « bourses et marchés » seraient avides de plus en plus de sacrifices, de la compression des droits sociaux et collectifs à la fermeture et à la délocalisation des entreprises. Ainsi alors que la période 1970-2000 a pourtant été autant productrice de richesse économique au sein de l’Europe occidentale que celle de 1945-1970 sur le plan de Revue Interventions économiques, 52 | 2015 4 la croissance globale du PIB, l’impression générale de sa population depuis 1975 est d’être dans une situation de pénurie de ressources qui nécessiterait des coupes de plus en plus drastiques dans les dépenses publiques, car tel est l’imaginaire diffusé tant par les classes politiques que par les médias. 4 C’est aussi au nom de ces crises que le « modèle québécois » d’État social mis en place progressivement depuis la Révolution tranquille des années 1960 a été régulièrement attaqué depuis les années 1980. L’accroissement de la dette publique, la compétitivité internationale, ou même la nécessité pour le Québec de démontrer qu’il serait un État « responsable » advenant son indépendance ont été autant d’arguments avancés pour viser le « déficit zéro ». Force est de constater que les « sacrifices nécessaires » sont toujours imposés aux mêmes secteurs de la société, en particulier les fonctionnaires dont les conditions de travail et de rémunération n’ont cessé de se dégrader. La crise de 2008, si elle n’a pas été aussi vive au Québec qu’ailleurs dans le monde industrialisé, est arrivée dans un contexte politique où, depuis 2003, le gouvernement du Parti libéral cherchait à remettre en cause plusieurs pans de l’État social. Le « Printemps érable » de 2012 ne saurait ainsi se résumer à un mouvement étudiant limité dans le temps et dans ses revendications, mais doit être analysé au contraire comme un mouvement large d’opposition à l’austérité (Pineault 2012, Collombat 2014). Le simple fait que le gouvernement libéral de Philippe Couillard, élu en 2014, hésite aujourd’hui à utiliser ce terme, lui préférant celui de « rigueur », indique une évolution de la discussion politique à cet égard. 5 Il nous a semblé important d’ouvrir le débat scientifique entre chercheurs québécois et européens autour de l’analyse des effets de la crise de 2008 sur la façon dont le pouvoir politique gère la res publica, et donc l’État social, de part et d’autre de l’océan atlantique : on dit cette crise mondiale, mais ses effets s’enracinent dans des histoires et des rythmes sociopolitiques et économiques qui restent distincts. 6 Le paradigme de l’austérité mobilisé par les gouvernements « pour faire face à la crise », s’il peut être perçu à première vue comme un élément relativement neuf au Québec et plus largement au Canada, est quant à lui sans cesse réactivé en Europe depuis 1979, année correspondant au début du règne de Margaret Thatcher dont les préceptes néo- libéraux intégrèrent progressivement l’ensemble des programmes gouvernementaux européens, quels que soient les partis politiques au pouvoir. 7 Si cette nouvelle phase d’austérité est vue au Canada et au Québec comme une poursuite de l’approfondissement des politiques néo-libérales, elle représente par contre au sein de l’Union européenne une véritable rupture « qualitative » par une mise en suspension de nombreux droits démocratiques, après que ceux-ci eurent été maltraités depuis l’adoption du Traité de Maastricht en 1993. Ce dernier consacra la perte de la souveraineté nationale sur le contrôle de la monnaie au profit d’un système bancaire européen qui s’est émancipé de tout rapport de subordination au pouvoir politique (Gobin, 2014). Il ne s’agit plus seulement de réformer le domaine social au sein de l’Union européenne, mais de plus en plus de suspendre des politiques légales/des droits légaux afin d’introduire des pratiques d’exception au détriment de l’ensemble des salariés, au nom d’une « urgence » à « maîtriser » les politiques budgétaires. 8 Quel sens rechercher dans une telle démarche comparative ? Si le Québec s’est parfois explicitement inspiré de certains États européens (qu’on pense au néocorporatisme scandinave appliqué dans le domaine de la santé-sécurité du travail, par exemple) il a Revue Interventions économiques, 52 | 2015 5 également développé ses propres outils, ayant parfois mieux résisté que leurs équivalents européens aux attaques néolibérales (dans le domaine de la production et distribution d’énergie ou des congés parentaux, par exemple). Les politiques d’austérité touchant l’ensemble du monde industrialisé, l’approche comparée permet de distinguer ce qui relève de la tendance générale de ce qui touche aux particularités sociopolitiques et économiques de chaque État. En délimitant ainsi plus précisément les contours de l’austérité et de ses variations, l’on permet une analyse plus fine et approfondie de ses mécanismes, mais aussi des voies de résistance et d’alternative qui s’offrent aux peuples et aux organisations sociales. 9 Cette démarche permet ainsi d’interroger l’avenir en se demandant si la dynamique de la mondialisation économique sous la houlette de la philosophie d’un libre-échange à volonté universelle aboutirait après un certain temps d’application dans chaque
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