View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS EXAMINING TOURISM AS POWER & PERFORMANCE Diane Tay Shan Mei (B. Soc. Sci (Hons). NUS) A Thesis Submitted for a Degree of Masters of Social Science Department of Sociology National University of Singapore 2006/2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements i Summary ii - iii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Bintan Resort – Singapore’s Pleasure Periphery 1 1.2 Defining the Site 5 1.3 Riau: Singapore and Indonesia 8 1.4 Research Methodology 11 1.5 Conclusion 19 CHAPTER 2: TOURISM AS POWER AND PERFORMANCE 2.1 Peripheries and Enclaves 21 2.2 Performance in Tourism: Locating Social Control 29 2.3 Touristic Performance – Acting Like a Tourist 35 2.4 Constructing the Image of Paradise 38 2.5 Conclusion 41 CHAPTER 3: DEVELOPING BINTAN RESORT: SINGAPORE’S PLEASURE PERIPHERY 3.1 Singapore and the Regional Imperative 43 3.2 Developing a Pleasure Periphery 48 3.3 Touristic Imagery by Tourist Literature and Travel Agents 55 3.4 Conclusion 64 CHAPTER 4: BINTAN BEACH INTERNATIONAL RESORT: AN ENCLAVIC SPACE 4.1 Bintan Resort as a Site of Social Control 65 4.2 Creating and Administering an Enclave 67 4.3 The Resort as a Site of Social Control 75 4.4 Conclusion 95 CHAPTER 5: SITE OF INTERACTION AND TOURISTIC PERFORMANCE 5.1 “Everyone is a Performer” 96 5.2 The “Performance Stages”: Sites of Interaction within the Resort 101 5.3 “Performing “ Outside the Resort Compound 121 5.4 Conclusion 138 CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION 139 Bibliography iv-xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This journey has been long and not without its difficulties, but the completion of this journey would not have been possible without the support, encouragement understanding and care from my parents and my thesis supervisor. Dr. Maribeth Erb. Thank you. ~ Diane i SUMMARY The concept of power, or more accurately power differential, brings about many diverse and complex issues in tourism. This thesis utilizes the two concepts of “tourism as power” and “tourism as performance” to examine the power, inherently found in the tourism context and its effects on how tourists ‘perform’ amongst themselves, as well as when they interact with locals, thereby locating these various interactions within different contexts. Focusing on Bintan, Indonesia, the first part of the thesis will look mainly at physical configuration of the island – the main town area of Tanjung Pinang vis-à-vis Bintan Beach International Resort. Dealing with the concepts of tourism and power, I argue that the resort can be considered as a “pleasure periphery” of the main city – a sub- set of Singapore’s tourism periphery, where the formers is more often than not, subjected to the control of the latter. This is evidenced by how the resort’s tourist traffic and other aspects relating to its tourism are subjected to control on the Singapore side. The island is targeted to visitors from Singapore and overseas, who are being encouraged to view it as an exotic destination – positively peripheral – rather than one that is difficult to get to – negatively peripheral. Bintan Beach International Resort is hence a “tourist bubble”, a place designed exclusively for tourists and those who serve them; where the tourists and the staff at the resort are the actors; and where the activities by tourists and staff are scripted, scheduled and closely monitored (Weaver, 2003: 270-275). ii The thesis will go further to argue that this relationship, like most relationships in tourism, involves the use of power and that the resort functions as a site as well as an agent of social control. The main focus of my thesis is on the tourists’ experiences with the island: how they view Bintan as a tourist destination, and how they interact with each other, as well as with the locals living and working on the island. I will examine how the separating of the resort area of Bintan from the rest of the island has an effect on the way tourists, as well as locals behave amongst and with each other. This analysis will then be followed by more detailed accounts of tourists’ experiences with the resort and/or island as a whole – on how their perceptions of the island are being shaped and influenced by existing tourism promotional literature, and that these perceptions are being perpetuated by the staff of the resort and sometimes by the locals on the island. The theoretical framework used for this later part is the combination of “tourism as power” with the concept of “tourism as performance” to show the struggles that take place within tourism between tourists and locals on the island. iii Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 BINTAN RESORT – SINGAPORE’S PLEASURE PERIPHERY This thesis deals with the concepts of ‘tourism as power’ and ‘tourism as performance’. I will look at how the power, inherently found in the tourism context, affects how tourists ‘perform’ amongst themselves, as well as when they interact with locals, thus locating these various interactions within different contexts. Focusing on Bintan, Indonesia, I will first look at the development of the resort area and its facilities, how it came to be ‘sold’ as a subset of Singapore’s tourism attractions. The way Bintan is being marketed and sold to tourists in turn, affects the way tourists view the destination and the people, thereby influencing touristic ways of negotiating around the site and their interactions with local people 1. The main argument put forward here then concerns the way in which the development of Bintan (especially the resort area), has affected the image of the place and how it and the local people are presented to tourists. Bintan Beach International Resorts (BBIR), planned by the governments of Singapore and Indonesia in 1990, and built in 1996 and managed since by the Singapore- based company Bintan resort Management Pte Ltd, is a good example of a tourist resort. For the purpose of this thesis, I will be utilizing King’s definition of a resort, which is: 1 The term ‘local’ in the context of Bintan island is very difficult to define as mentioned by Bunnell et al (2006) A complex of tourism facilities incorporating accommodation, food and beverage and recreational provision. The destination is incorporated in inclusive tour programmes offering the option of at least one meal per day plus other ancillary services. By offering sufficient range of activities and attractions within the resort complex, it lends itself to an extended length of stay (2001:178). The typical resort complex powerfully symbolizes the economic dualism of developing countries. They epitomize capital intensity because a resort conveys tangible evidence of international tourists, bringing the prestige of international brand names like Marriott and Hilton to developing countries and their governments. For some researchers (King, 2001), resorts exemplify stark disparity between “Western” elites who are able to enjoy leisure and conspicuous consumption in exotic locations, and the local workforce who must behave with neocolonial servility towards “White” guests in compound-like settings from which they would otherwise be excluded. Resorts, like opulent commodities such as luxury cars and jewellery, exemplify conspicuous consumption when presented ostentatiously in the media. Luxury resorts especially attract attention for their self-conscious exclusivity and are alleged to be examples of what MacCannell has described as ‘empty meeting grounds’ excluding the ‘local people out of every role except the menial positions that they have always occupied’ (1992:174). As part of the broader critic of consumerism, arguments like MacCannell’s are somewhat valid, but have tended to focus more on the part of the 2 consumers rather than the destination and the local community (King, 2001). Therefore it is important to question the meanings resorts have in the countries/regions in which they are located and the extent of their involvement or integration with their physical, socio- cultural and economic environments. The view that resort zones constitute a ‘pleasure periphery’ has played a vital role in the development of tourism theory. The concept came about when Turner and Ash (1975:127) referred to the Club Mediterranee Group, noting that those resorts were concentrated in developing countries which offered an appropriate climatic and resource base and were close to metropolitan tourism-generating countries. A more positive view regards mass tourism in the pleasure periphery as a key catalyst in improving the standards of living in these “peripheries”, bringing them closer to those in tourism- generating countries (King, 2001). It is the role of the resort in developing countries, as an “enclavic” development, that offers the most interesting perspectives of the nature and paradoxes of tourism. As will be elaborated on more in Chapter 2 “enclave tourism” is tourism developed in remote areas without consideration for the needs of the adjacent communities (Ceballos-Lascurain 1996). As King (2001:176) suggests, the reason as to why resorts in the developing world are worthy of study is because they can be examined at the micro level, as well as in the wider tourism context. To many social scientists, resorts exemplify the archetypal package tour-based tourism. This view arose as a result of the experience of 3 Mediterranean resorts during the 1960s/70s. Such resorts were geared almost exclusively to satisfying the expectations of package holidaymakers from Northern Europe. The later evolution of tourism makes the link between resorts and mass package destinations less obvious, as markets have moved away from standardized mass-produced products and placed greater emphasis on more customized holiday experiences. A number of authors have observed that resort-based tourism and tourist behaviour typify many characteristics of modern life. Krippendorf (1987:70-71) described resorts as ‘therapy zones for the masses’, referring to ‘sun-sea therapy’ in coastal resorts and ‘snow-ski therapy’ in the mountains.