Socialism Pacifists
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Membership of the Independent Labour Party, 1904–10
DEI AN HOP KIN THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY, 1904-10: A SPATIAL AND OCCUPATIONAL ANALYSIS E. P. Thompson expressed succinctly the prevailing orthodoxy about the origins of the Independent Labour Party when he wrote, in his homage to Tom Maguire, that "the ILP grew from bottom up".1 From what little evidence has been available, it has been argued that the ILP was essentially a provincial party, which was created from the fusion of local political groups concentrated mainly on an axis lying across the North of England. An early report from the General Secretary of the party described Lancashire and Yorkshire as the strongholds of the movement, and subsequent historical accounts have supported this view.2 The evidence falls into three categories. In the first place labour historians have often relied on the sparse and often imperfect memoirs of early labour and socialist leaders. While the central figures of the movement have been reticent in their memoirs, very little literature of any kind has emerged from among the ordinary members of the party, and as a result this has often been a poor source. The official papers of the ILP have been generally more satisfactory. The in- evitable gaps in the annual reports of the party can be filled to some extent from party newspapers, both local and national. There is a formality, nevertheless, about official transactions which reduces their value. Minute books reveal little about the members. Finally, it is possible to cull some information from a miscellany of other sources; newspapers, electoral statistics, parliamentary debates and reports, and sometimes the memoirs of individuals whose connection 1 "Homage to Tom Maguire", in: Essays in Labour History, ed. -
The Problem of War Aims and the Treaty of Versailles Callaghan, JT
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Salford Institutional Repository The problem of war aims and the Treaty of Versailles Callaghan, JT Titl e The problem of war aims and the Treaty of Versailles Aut h or s Callaghan, JT Typ e Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/46240/ Published Date 2 0 1 8 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non- commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected] . 13 The problem of war aims and the Treaty of Versailles John Callaghan Why did Britain go to war in 1914? The answer that generated popular approval concerned the defence of Belgian neutrality, defiled by German invasion in the execution of the Schlieffen Plan. Less appealing, and therefore less invoked for public consumption, but broadly consistent with this promoted justification, was Britain’s long-standing interest in maintaining a balance of power on the continent, which a German victory would not only disrupt, according to Foreign Office officials, but replace with a ‘political dictatorship’ inimical to political freedom.1 Yet only 6 days before the British declaration of war, on 30 July, the chairman of the Liberal Foreign Affairs Group, Arthur Ponsonby, informed Prime Minister Asquith that ‘nine tenths of the [Liberal] party’ supported neutrality. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
Arthur Henderson As Labour Leader
R. I. McKIBBIN ARTHUR HENDERSON AS LABOUR LEADER Arthur Henderson1 was the only member of the industrial working classes to lead a British political party.2 He was the only trade unionist to lead the Labour Party, and, as well, one of only two active Christians to do so. In the history of the Labour Party's first thirty years he seems to have a centrality shared by no other man.3 But what constitutes his centrality is a genuine problem, and both his contemporaries and his colleagues were aware of it. J. R. Clynes once wrote: "I would not class Mr. Henderson as a type, but as one quite unlike any other of his colleagues."4 In this article I would like to test this judgement, to examine both Henderson's "typicality" as a historical figure in the labour movement, and the significance of his career as a labour leader. I Henderson's personality and habits tell us something about the psycho- 1 Arthur Henderson (1863-1935), born in Glasgow, but moved to Newcastle-on-Tyne in 1871. Apprenticed as an iron-moulder. Joined the Friendly Society of Ironfounders in 1883, and eventually became a union organizer. 1893 circulation manager of the New- castle Evening News. 1896 secretary-agent to Sir Joseph Pease, Liberal MP for Barnard Castle (Durham). Elected to both Durham and Darlington Councils as a Liberal. Mayor of Darlington, 1903. MP for Barnard Castle (Labour), 1903-18, and MP for Widnes, Newcastle East, Burnley and Clay Cross, 1918-35. Three times chairman and chief whip of the Parliamentary Labour Party; secretary of the Labour Party, 1911-34; leader of the Labour Party, 1931-32. -
The Papers of John Turner Walton Newbold, 1888-1943: an Introductory Guide
THE PAPERS OF JOHN TURNER WALTON NEWBOLD, 1888-1943: AN INTRODUCTORY GUIDE ROBERT DUNCAN WORKERS' EDUCATIONAL ASSOCIATION (SCOTLAND) The radical and socialist aspects of the complex political life of Walton Newbold have, directly or indirectly, attracted the attention of several historians of the British and international labour movement in recent years. While the secondary literature on Newbold is not extensive, the frequency of references to him in historical publications is hardly surprising, as this Lancashire-born, university-educated, 'birthright' Quaker from a wealthy Liberal background, with inherited private means at his disposal, was involved in a range of significant interests and causes for over thirty years, during which time he was associated, sometimes closely, with many leading public figures. To date, the extent and results of scholarly interest in the political career of Newbold have been uneven. There is no biography or major study, but a review of the relevant historiography reveals that serious attention has at least touched on the following concerns and roles: as a Quaker and Independent Labour Party investigative journalist in the pre-1914 peace movement, his exposure of the threatening influence of the private armaments industry and of capitalist militarism;1 his emergence as a Marxist intellectual and revolutionary propagandist from 1917, including defence of the Russian Revolution;2 his promotion of independent working-class education via the Plebs 1 For a brief critique of Newbold's expose journalism see Clive Trebilcock, 'Radicalism and the Armament Trust', in A.J.A. Morris (ed.) Edwardian radicalism 1900-1914 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974), 180-201; also Douglas J. -
Bertrand Russell and Industrial Democracy 63 Inciting Industrial Disaffection to Stop the War.’ the Meeting Went Ahead, and Smillie Spoke
Ken Coates.qxd 10/07/2013 14:21 Page 61 61 Bertrand Workers’ control lit a flame that burnt throughout the 1960s and beyond, and Russell and influenced a number of the publications of Industrial the earlier years of the Russell Foundation. Ken Coates worked non-stop to advance Democracy democracy at work, as he was later to reflect in Workers Control: Another World is Possible, a retrospective volume Ken Coates published in 2003. Russell himself was a passionate advocate of democracy in the workplace, as this essay makes plain. It was originally published in May 1970, in a special issue of The Spokesman ‘in memory of Bertrand Russell’, who had died earlier in the year. *** It was in 1914 that Bertrand Russell joined the Labour Party. Before that date he had been involved in a large number of radical causes, including a whole series of crusades against different aspects of imperialism, and, of course, the movement for women’s suffrage. His first published book had been a study of German Social Democracy, originally prepared for a series of lectures, in 1896, at the recently established London School of Economics. His exposure to Ken Coates worked with socialist ideas and socialist acquaintances Russell in the 1960s, began very early, and was not always edited The Spokesman for painless. His friendship with Bernard Shaw 40 years, and was involved him, in 1895, in being run over by instrumental in the sage’s bicycle, during a trip to Tintern establishing the Institute Abbey. ‘If you hear rumours of my death’ for Workers’ Control in wrote Shaw to Pakenham Beatty, 1968. -
The Challenge of Britain's Jeremy Corbyn
JANUARY 2015 THE CHALLENGE OF BRITAIN’S JEREMY CORBYN By Jeremy Black Jeremy Black is a professor of history at the University of Exeter and a senior fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He is author of over 100 books, most recently Other Pasts, Different Presents, Alternative Futures (Indiana University Press, 2015) and A Short History of Britain (Bloomsbury, 2015, 2nd ed.). To be congratulated by Hamas, Russia and Syriza on your election may not be what most of us would want, nor to celebrate by singing the Red Flag and making clear one would not bomb ISIS militants in Syria. It is not surprising, however, if you are pro-Russia, pro-Hamas, pro-Hizbullah and pro-IRA. The election of a new head for the Labour Party in Britain, however, raises major questions about the future not only of that party but also of British politics and foreign policy and thus of Britain’s relations with the remainder of the European Union, with the United States, and more generally. The tone of British politics has also radically changed. The Prime Minister’s comment that Jeremy Corbyn posed a clear threat to Britain’s security reflected the hard-left, indeed Marxisant, character of the new Labour leader. The chairman of the Stop the War Coalition has made a range of comments over the years indicating a degree of hostility to the United States and to Britain’s defense profile that are deeply troubling. They are also totally out of line with the tradition of the Labour Party. Not only did it join a coalition government during World War Two, but Labour governments also negotiated the establishment of NATO and the development of the British atom bomb. -
Arthur Henderson As Labour Leader
R. I. McKIBBIN ARTHUR HENDERSON AS LABOUR LEADER Arthur Henderson1 was the only member of the industrial working classes to lead a British political party.2 He was the only trade unionist to lead the Labour Party, and, as well, one of only two active Christians to do so. In the history of the Labour Party's first thirty years he seems to have a centrality shared by no other man.3 But what constitutes his centrality is a genuine problem, and both his contemporaries and his colleagues were aware of it. J. R. Clynes once wrote: "I would not class Mr. Henderson as a type, but as one quite unlike any other of his colleagues."4 In this article I would like to test this judgement, to examine both Henderson's "typicality" as a historical figure in the labour movement, and the significance of his career as a labour leader. I Henderson's personality and habits tell us something about the psycho- 1 Arthur Henderson (1863-1935), born in Glasgow, but moved to Newcastle-on-Tyne in 1871. Apprenticed as an iron-moulder. Joined the Friendly Society of Ironfounders in 1883, and eventually became a union organizer. 1893 circulation manager of the New- castle Evening News. 1896 secretary-agent to Sir Joseph Pease, Liberal MP for Barnard Castle (Durham). Elected to both Durham and Darlington Councils as a Liberal. Mayor of Darlington, 1903. MP for Barnard Castle (Labour), 1903-18, and MP for Widnes, Newcastle East, Burnley and Clay Cross, 1918-35. Three times chairman and chief whip of the Parliamentary Labour Party; secretary of the Labour Party, 1911-34; leader of the Labour Party, 1931-32. -
The British and French Representatives to the Communist International, 1920–1939: a Comparative Surveyã
IRSH 50 (2005), pp. 203–240 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859005001938 # 2005 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis The British and French Representatives to the Communist International, 1920–1939: A Comparative Surveyà John McIlroy and Alan Campbell Summary: This article employs a prosopographical approach in examining the backgrounds and careers of those cadres who represented the Communist Party of Great Britain and the Parti Communiste Franc¸ais at the Comintern headquarters in Moscow. In the context of the differences between the two parties, it discusses the factors which qualified activists for appointment, how they handled their role, and whether their service in Moscow was an element in future advancement. It traces the bureaucratization of the function, and challenges the view that these representatives could exert significant influence on Comintern policy. Within this boundary the fact that the French representatives exercised greater independence lends support, in the context of centre–periphery debates, to the judgement that within the Comintern the CPGB was a relatively conformist party. Neither the literature on the Communist International (Comintern) nor its national sections has a great deal to say about the permanent representatives of the national parties in Moscow. The opening of the archives has not substantially repaired this omission.1 From 1920 to 1939 fifteen British communists acted as their party’s representatives to the à This article started life as a paper delivered to the Fifth European Social Science History Conference, Berlin, 24–27 March 2004. Thanks to Richard Croucher, Barry McLoughlin, Emmet O’Connor, Bryan Palmer, Reiner Tosstorff, and all who participated in the ‘‘Russian connections’’ session. -
Peace 'Politics'
Politics (1991) 1 I(1) pp43-48 PEACE TOLITICS’ PETER BAEHa Introduction PEACE ‘POLITICS is a concept which most political theorists wiU find bizarre. One reason for this is the close association between the idea of politics and the state. Since the state, in one influential usage, is defined as that formation which legitimately monopolises the agencies of force and coercion, ‘peace’ politics sounds an incongruous, even contradictory, notion. Another reason for the apparent oddity of the expression ‘peace’ politics is the oft-stated antipathy between politics and virtue. George Kennan is only the most recent exponent of this view in his comments about V6clav Havel and other champions of the ‘peaceful revolution’ occurring in Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. For Kennan, people like Havel, however admirable their integrity and sincerity, nonetheless display: ...a certain naiveti6 about politics generally ... an obliviousness to the fact that politics is by its very nature, everywhere, even in the democratic setting, a sordid and messy atlhir, replete with disturbing moral dilemmas,paidid compromises, departures of every sort from the ideal -yet necessary @man, 1990, p.4). In such a context, ‘peace politics’, with its ethical charge, will naturally smack of utopianism. It is therefore of considerable interest to come across a book which promises to shed light on what peace politics might entail. That promise is only partially redeemed by James Hinton, the University of Warwick historian who has doubled since 1983 as a fkquent Chair of CND’s campaigns’ committee. His book, however, invites the reader to think ~therelationshpbetweenBn~hyeacemovementsandEnglish~ti~and in this it has indubitable value..’ The Legacy of Tmperialist Pacifism’ By ‘peace politics’, Hinton wishes: ...to emphasise that peace movements involve not only protests and visions, but also political effort and inteligence in oombining these and bringing them to bear on existing swof power .. -
The World Voyage of James Keir Hardie: Indian Nationalism, Zulu Insurgency and the British Labour Diaspora 1907–1908
Journal of Global History (2006) 1, pp. 343–362 ª London School of Economics and Political Science 2006 doi:10.1017/S1740022806003032 The world voyage of James Keir Hardie: Indian nationalism, Zulu insurgency and the British labour diaspora 1907–1908 Jonathan Hyslop Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa E-mail: [email protected] Abstract In 1907–1908, the British labour leader, James Keir Hardie, made a round-the-world tour, which included visits to India, Australasia and southern Africa. The support for Indian nation- alism which he expressed precipitated a major international political controversy, in the course of which Hardie came under severe attack from the Right, both in Britain and in her colonies. In southern Africa, the issue, combined with Hardie’s earlier criticism of the repres- sion of the 1906 Bambatha rising in Natal, sparked rioting against Hardie by British settlers during his visit. This article seeks to show how Hardie’s voyage illuminates the imperial politics of its moment. Hardie’s journey demonstrates how politics in the British colonies of his era took place not within local political boundaries, but in a single field which covered both metropolis and colonies. The article is a case study which helps to illustrate and develop an argument that the white working classes in the pre-First World War British Empire were not composed of nationally discrete entities, but were bound together into an imperial working class which developed a distinct common ideology, White Labourism, fusing elements of racism and xenophobia with worker militancy and anti-capitalism. -
The Fifth Commandment: a Biography of Shapurji Saklatvala and Memoir by His Daughter by Sehri Saklatvala First Digital Edition, July 2012
The Fifth Commandment: A Biography of Shapurji Saklatvala and Memoir by his Daughter By Sehri Saklatvala First digital edition, July 2012. Originally published by Miranda Press, July 1991, with ISBNs 0951827405 & 978-0951827406. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. 2 Table of Contents Editor's Note 5 Author's Preface 6 Chapter 1 - The Sun Rises in the East 8 Chapter 2 - The Plague Years 20 Chapter 3 - The Quest for Iron 31 Chapter 4 - The Sun Veers to the West 41 Chapter 5 - The Quest for a Political Solution 54 Chapter 6 - The Mind is its Own Place 66 Chapter 7 - Freedom for Me and Mine, Bondage for Thee and Thine 88 Appendix A to Chapter 7: Statement of the Workers’ Welfare League of India, 1919 112 Appendix B to Chapter 7: ‘The Call of the Third International’ 123 Appendix C to Chapter 7: Terms of Comintern Membership 129 Chapter 8 - A Communist in Parliament 135 Appendix A to Chapter 8: Report to the Labour Party Conference, 1922 147 Appendix B to Chapter 8: ‘Explanatory Notes on the Third International’ 151 Appendix C to Chapter 8: Saklatvala’s Election Addresses of 1922 159 Chapter 9 - A New Voice for the People 167 Chapter 10 - Speaking Against Imperialism 201 Chapter 11 - The Deportations to Ireland 212 Chapter 12 - The MP for Battersea and India 240 Chapter 13 - A Narrow Defeat 261 Chapter 14 - Re-election and the Red Scare 274 Chapter 15 - Banned from the USA 296 Chapter 16 - A Subversive in Parliament 314 Chapter 17 - The General Strike and a Term of Imprisonment