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Aguisíní Appendices Aguisín 1: Comóradh Céad Bliain Ollscoil Na Héireann Appendix 1: Centenary of the National University of Ireland
Aguisíní Appendices Aguisín 1: Comóradh Céad Bliain Ollscoil na hÉireann Appendix 1: Centenary of the National University of Ireland Píosa reachtaíochta stairiúil ab ea Acht Ollscoileanna na hÉireann, 1908, a chuir deireadh go foirmeálta le tréimhse shuaite in oideachas tríú leibhéal na hEireann agus a d’oscail caibidil nua agus nuálaíoch: a bhunaigh dhá ollscoil ar leith – ceann amháin díobh i mBéal Feirste, in ionad sean-Choláiste na Ríona den Ollscoil Ríoga, agus an ceann eile lárnaithe i mBaile Átha Cliath, ollscoil fheidearálach ina raibh coláistí na hOllscoile Ríoga de Bhaile Átha Cliath, Corcaigh agus Gaillimh, athchumtha mar Chomh-Choláistí d’Ollscoil nua na hÉirean,. Sa bhliain 2008, rinne OÉ ceiliúradh ar chéad bliain ar an saol. Is iomaí athrú suntasach a a tharla thar na mblianta, go háiriithe nuair a ritheadh Acht na nOllscoileanna i 1997, a rinneadh na Comh-Choláistí i mBaile Átha Cliath, Corcaigh agus Gaillimh a athbhunú mar Chomh-Ollscoileanna, agus a rinneadh an Coláiste Aitheanta (Coláiste Phádraig, Má Nuad) a athstruchtúrú mar Ollscoil na hÉireann, Má Nuad – Comh-Ollscoil nua. Cuireadh tús le comóradh an chéid ar an 3 Nollaig 2007 agus chríochnaigh an ceiliúradh le mórchomhdháil agus bronnadh céime speisialta ar an 3 Nollaig 2008. Comóradh céad bliain ón gcéad chruinniú de Sheanad OÉ ar an lá céanna a nochtaíodh protráid den Seansailéirm, an Dr. Garret FitzGerald. Tá liosta de na hócáidí ar fad thíos. The Irish Universities Act 1908 was a historic piece of legislation, formally closing a turbulent chapter in Irish third level education and opening a new and innovational chapter: establishing two separate universities, one in Belfast, replacing the old Queen’s College of the Royal University, the other with its seat in Dublin, a federal university comprising the Royal University colleges of Dublin, Cork and Galway, re-structured as Constituent Colleges of the new National University of Ireland. -
Irish Labour Party Contents.Indd
10. LABOUR AND THE MEDIA: THE PROMISE OF SOCIALISM, NEGATIVE CAMPAIGNING AND THE IRISH TIMES KEVIN RAFTER On 28 May 1969 – six days into that year’s general election campaign – Sir Frederick Sayers from Camlagh, Greystones in County Wicklow, wrote to The Irish Times. The correspondence, printed on the ‘Letters to the Editor’ page, was headed ‘Irish Labour’s Intellectuals’.1 Sir Frederick was concerned about the newspaper’s recent editorial direction and what he saw as a trend in favour of ‘any form of Government which is not F.F.’ The Wicklow voter wanted in particular to warn ‘the plain people of Ireland’ about the Labour Party’s ‘extreme socialism’ and ‘utopian doctrines’. Sir Frederick’s letter continued: ‘I regard those extreme socialists as people who want a job themselves in parliament in order that they may spend other people’s money, extracted from all grades in society, on people who, for the most part, do not want such help, but now find that they are better off sitting idle and, probably spending national assistance in the locals.’ 2 The 1969 contest was predicted as Labour’s breakthrough election. The party was not only running more candidates than it had done previously but it had also succeeded in recruiting several high-profile individuals including Conor Cruise O’Brien, David Thornley and Justin Keating. Many were well-known television figures, although the main political parties were still adapting to the new medium: the 1969 contest was only the second Dáil election since the arrival of a national television service. Newspapers remained the most influential news medium – possibly, however, the last time they held this position. -
Five Days in Labour Party History by Brendan
SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS IN LABOUR PARTY HISTORY Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 By Brendan Halligan 1 SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS OF LABOUR PARTY HISTORY By Brendan Halligan Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 1. The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 2. The Day Labour almost came to Power: Tuesday, 16 August 1927 3. Why Labout Put DeValera in Power: 9 March 1932 4. Giving the Kiss of Life to Fine Gael: Wednesday, 18 February 1948 5. The Day the Party Died: Sunday, 13th December 1970 2 No. 1 The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 William O’Brien Fifteen hundred delegates jammed the Mansion House. It was a congress unprecedented in the history of the Labour Movement in Ireland. Or, in the mind of one Labour leader, in the history of the Labour movement in any country in Europe. The euphoria was forgivable. The Special Conference of the Irish Labour Party and Trade Union Congress (to give it its full name) was truly impressive, both in terms of its size and the vehemence with which it opposed the conscription a British government was about to impose on Ireland. But it was nothing compared to what happened four days later. Responding to the resolution passed by the Conference, Irish workers brought the economic life of the country to a standstill. It was the first General Strike in Ireland. Its success was total, except for Belfast. Nothing moved. Factories and shops were closed. No newspapers were printed. Even the pubs were shut. -
182 Chapter 12 Hibernia: Voices of Dissent, 1968–80 Brian Trench for at Least the Last Decade of Its Existence, Spanning the 1
Chapter 12 Hibernia: voices of dissent, 1968–80 Brian Trench For at least the last decade of its existence, spanning the 1970s, Hibernia had a strong presence in Irish media as an independent, frequently dissenting voice. It provided a platform for a wider range of opinion than was represented in daily and weekly newspapers and in broadcasting. It was a springboard for young graduates into significant careers in journalism. It is often fondly remembered in anecdote but it has not been the subject of extended analysis or even of a personal memoir that offers a broader appraisal or account of its place in Irish media and society.1 In his history of Irish media, John Horgan offers a packed paragraph that recounts: [John] Mulcahy … turned it into a lively, irreverent and often well-informed magazine which specialised in an eclectic but highly marketable mix of political gossip and features, book reviews, and authoritative business and financial journalism. Its tone was crusading and investigative: by 1973 it was already carrying articles alleging conflicts of interest and possible corruption in relation to the activities of local politicians in the Greater Dublin area – an issue which resurfaced with dramatic effect, at the end of the 1990s.2 There are passing references in other works of history and reference, such as MacRedmond’s Modern Irish Lives, which refers to its ‘searching liberal critique of Irish society’ and Morash’s history of media, which describes Hibernia as ‘robustly critical … [and] … in some respects [setting] the agenda for the magazines that would follow it in the 1980s’.3 Journalists’ books covering the 1960s and 1970s, including those by Tim Pat Coogan, T. -
NO SALE! 244/246 GRAYS INN ROAD, WC1 Sustentation Fund YOU Might Think That £326 Is a Good Figure-Until We Tell You That It Covers Two Months
>r FOUNDED 1939 / Organ of the CoaaoDy Association BUY BOOKS WHILE YOU CAN! RAT The Tories are planning a 15% VAT on books so as to spread their cult of Ignorance. No 490 DECEMBER 1984 30p BUY NOW at the FOUR PROVINCES BOOKSHOP NO SALE! 244/246 GRAYS INN ROAD, WC1 Sustentation fund YOU might think that £326 is a good figure-until we tell you that it covers two months. We could paper a fair-sized wall with bills and reminders and we MRS T. WANTS IT really need £300 a month. For there are wages to be found, rest, electricity and water to be paid for, plus the materials required for political activity. If you figure that out you'll see that £300 a month is only part of what we need, the rest having to be met in other ways. FOR NOTHING However, we keep going, and our thanks to: M. Brennan £5, S. Clarke £2, C. LONDON SUMMIT FIASCO Remember O'S. £5, J. D. Bolton £15, S. S. Watts £10, G.Ward £1, J. Mavanagh £3.20, A. Noone £4, C; They'll go on chattering Republican Moloney £8, South London CA £55,1. Linehan £1, J. Harmon £3, FROM all accounts the London "summit" (other people have meetings, big shots have J. McDonald £11, R. J. Tolhurst summits) between Mr Fitzgerald and Mrs Thatcher, produced a big nothing. But they'll go on prisoners £5, Anon £50, I. Moody £5, B. Farrington £2.50, M. O'Donnell chattering, and things will go on as they are, which will suit them fine. -
Citation for Brendan Halligan Delivered by Prof Brigid Laffan
Introductory address by Professor Brigid Laffan, Principal, UCD College of Human Sciences, University College Dublin on 13th of December 2010, on the occasion of the conferring of the Degree of Doctor of Literature, honoris causa on Brendan Halligan. President, Distinguished Guests, Colleagues, UCD Graduates It is a personal honour for me to present Brendan Halligan, a distinguished UCD Alumnus, for an Honorary Doctorate at UCD today December 13th 2010. Brendan Halligan was born in Dublin in 1936. We celebrate his long, prominent and varied career as public servant, political director, politician, activist, educator and business man. Brendan is truly a ‘man for all seasons’, a man who is too active to write his memoirs because in his own words he is ‘too busy doing things’. The concept of retirement is alien to Brendan. Brendan, although at home in any international milieu, loves the city of his birth and his country. He was brought up in the vibrant community of Rialto, bounded by the canal and the South Circular Road. Part of a large extended family, Brendan’s great grandfather, father and later brother worked for Guinness, a company that took care of its employees and their families from cradle to grave. Brendan attended St. James CBS and enjoyed school. After St. James, Brendan went to Kevin Street to train as a scientist. There under the influence of Tom Dowling, Brendan launched his first student magazine The Alchemist. His first job as a man in a white coat, a chemical analyst, in the CIE Depot in Inchicore developed his lifelong interest in science and engineering. -
P29 John De Courcy Ireland Papers
John de Courcy Ireland Papers P29 UCD Archives School of History and Archives archives @ucd.ie www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 F + 353 1 716 1146 © 1977 University College Dublin. All rights reserved ii CONTENTS Introduction iv A. LABOUR PARTY 1942-74 I Secretary of Central Branch, Dublin, 1942-3 1 II General Labour Party Business, 1966-74 1 III Local Matters 8 IV Newspapers 11 V Pamphlets 11 B. EDUCATION 1949-74 I Vocational Education Committee 12 II Teaching Career 15 C. CONTEMPORARY ISSUES AND ORGANISATIONS, 1945-74 24 D. JOURNALISM, 1945-74 I Articles 37 II Correspondence 40 E. MARITIME 1964-74 44 F. PRINTED MATERIAL 1937-74 46 G. PERSONAL MATERIAL 1939-75 50 iii Introduction John de Courcy Ireland, the only child of a British army officer, was born in India on 19 October 1911. His father was killed fighting in World War One. The de Courcy Ireland family was formerly of Robertstown, Co. Kildare. John de Courcy Ireland was educated at a Church of Ireland school in London and at Marlborough College. Both school experiences proved unhappy and at the age of seventeen, John de Courcy Ireland left school in search of adventure. He obtained a job as a steward on a cargo-ship bound for South America and did not return to England until c. 1930. It was this experience which stirred the forces which were to dominate his life –the sea, socialism and a feeling of internationalism with its allied interest in history, culture and languages. John de Courcy Ireland speaks six languages. -
Tony Heffernan Papers P180 Ucd Archives
TONY HEFFERNAN PAPERS P180 UCD ARCHIVES [email protected] www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 F + 353 1 716 1146 © 2013 University College Dublin. All rights reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Administrative History iv Archival History v CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and Content vi System of Arrangement viii CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access x Language x Finding Aid x DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note x ALLIED MATERIALS Published Material x iii CONTEXT Administrative History The Tony Heffernan Papers represent his long association with the Workers’ Party, from his appointment as the party’s press officer in July 1982 to his appointment as Assistant Government Press Secretary, as the Democratic Left nominee in the Rainbow Coalition government between 1994 and 1997. The papers provide a significant source for the history of the development of the party and its policies through the comprehensive series of press statements issued over many years. In January 1977 during the annual Sinn Féin Árd Fheis members voted for a name change and the party became known as Sinn Féin the Workers’ Party. A concerted effort was made in the late 1970s to increase the profile and political representation of the party. In 1979 Tomás MacGiolla won a seat in Ballyfermot in the local elections in Dublin. Two years later in 1981 the party saw its first success at national level with the election of Joe Sherlock in Cork East as the party’s first TD. In 1982 Sherlock, Paddy Gallagher and Proinsias de Rossa all won seats in the general election. In 1981 the Árd Fheis voted in favour of another name change to the Workers’ Party. -
Conor Cruise O'brien and Northern
Irish Historical Studies (2021), 45 (167), 101–121. © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/ihs.2021.23 ‘I was altogether out of tune with my colleagues’: Conor Cruise O’Brien and Northern Ireland, 1969–77 STEPHEN KELLY* Liverpool Hope University ABSTRACT. This article critically re-assesses Conor Cruise O’Brien’s attitude to Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1977. It argues that O’Brien’s most significant contribution to public life was the ability to deconstruct many aspects of Irish nationalism, specifically his rejection of the Irish state’s irredentist claim over Northern Ireland. In doing so, it contends that O’Brien was one of the most important, and outspoken, champions of so-called ‘revisionist nationalism’ of his generation. The article examines three themes in relation to O’Brien’s attitude to Northern Ireland: his attack on the Irish state’s anti-partitionism; his rejection of Irish republican terrorism; and his support for the ‘principle of consent’ argument. The article illustrates that O’Brien was criticised in nationalist circles and accused of committing political heresy. Indeed, his willingness to challenge the attitude of most mainstream Irish politicians on Northern Ireland invariably left him an isolated figure, even among his own Labour Party comrades. Writing in his Memoir, O’Brien neatly summed up the difficult position in which he found himself: ‘I was altogether out of tune with my colleagues over Northern Ireland’. -
From Mainstream to Minor and Back: the Irish Labour Party, 1987–1992 SHAUN Mcdaid & KACPER REKAWEK ABSTRACT This Article C
University of Huddersfield Repository McDaid, Shaun and Rekawek, Kacper From Mainstream to Minor and Back: The Irish Labour Party 1987-1992 Original Citation McDaid, Shaun and Rekawek, Kacper (2010) From Mainstream to Minor and Back: The Irish Labour Party 1987-1992. Irish Political Studies, 25 (4). pp. 625-642. ISSN 0790-7184 This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/13741/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ From Mainstream to Minor and Back: The Irish Labour Party, 1987–1992 SHAUN McDAID & KACPER REKAWEK ABSTRACT This article charts the Irish Labour Party’s (ILP) journey from a minor to mainstream political party between 1987 and 1992. This is arguably the most turbulent period in the party’s electoral history, when the ILP performed significantly below its average result, before making unprecedented electoral gains. -
Brendan Corish: a Life in Politics, 1945-77
BRENDAN CORISH: A LIFE IN POLITICS, 1945-77 by SINÉAD MÁIRE NÍ CHONCUBHAIR BA THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF MLITT DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND MAYNOOTH Head of Department: Professor R.V. Comerford Supervisors of Research: Professor R.V. Comerford and Dr Denise Dunne October 2009 SUMMARY This thesis assesses the political life of Brendan Corish, (1918-90), who was a Labour TD for Wexford from 1945 up until his retirement in 1982. He first entered politics in the December 1945 by-election, which was held due to the death of his father, Richard Corish, (1886-1945). His father played a major role in the local Labour movement and was also TD and Mayor of Wexford. Hence, the mantle of responsibility was great. Three years after entering Leinster House, Corish was promoted as Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministers for Local Government and Defence in the first Inter-Party Government, (1948-51). The coalition government was dissolved three years later. In 1954, he became Minister for Social Welfare in the second Inter-Party Government, (1954-7). The thesis demonstrates that Corish’s second experience of coalition government was negative overall and as a result, he was adamant that Labour would not enter another coalition. In 1960, Brendan Corish was elected party leader. Under his guidance, Labour was completely transformed. The party became radical, socialism was adopted, new policies were developed and new recruits were enlisted. After an improved performance by Labour in the general elections of 1961 and 1965, Corish predicted that a majority Labour Party government would be elected in 1969. -
Catholic Stakhanovites? Religion and the Irish Labour Party
Lane11.qxd 21/02/2008 12:04 Page 177 11 Catholic Stakhanovites? Religion and the Irish Labour Party NIAMH PUIRSÉIL The modern Labour Party in Ireland prides itself on its support for the ‘liberal agenda’, over recent decades. Speaking in 2007, the Labour leader Eamon Gilmore claimed that its support for socially progressive causes was one of the party’s core values and argued that ‘more than any other political movement, it was Labour and its allies which drove the modernisation of this State.’1 Nevertheless, while it is undoubtedly the case that since the 1980s, Labour has often taken a courageous stance on social issues and was in the vanguard of change on issues such as contra- ception, divorce and secular education at a time when such views were profoundly controversial, it would be wrong to suggest that support for liberalism was always a ‘core value’. In fact, for much of the party’s history, the opposite was the case. Not only did Labour shy away from anything that could have been con- strued as liberal (to be fair, so too did every other major political party2) but it tailored its policies and its language in such a way as to avoid crit- icism by the Catholic Church, which led to the somewhat unkind description of the party as the ‘political wing of St Vincent de Paul’. Of course, it is only natural that political parties should reflect the culture from which they originate and the people they aim to represent. That Labour was influenced by Catholicism is neither unusual in the Irish context (clearly both Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil are also products of this predominantly Catholic society) nor more generally – after all, it is often said of the British Labour Party that it owes more to Methodism than Marx.3 This essay explores some of the ways religion has influenced Labour in Ireland.