Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Takarazuka: sexual politics and popular culture in modern Japan http://quod.lib.umich.edu.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/cgi/t/text/te... TAKARAZUKA: SEXUAL POLITICS AND POPULAR CULTURE IN MODERN JAPAN Jennifer Robertson, 2008, c1998. Contents Reviews Catalog Record Save citation « PREV NEXT » 4: Fan Pathology The cartoon: A young woman, a Takarazuka fan, lies in bed, crying. Her worried mother, wearing a kimono, stands next to her, and a mustached doctor looks on. A heart-shaped thought-bubble above the bed contains the image of an angelic musumeyaku on the silver bridge. The fan reaches out to touch her idol's shoe. Mother: Your fever is really high. Let the doctor examine you Daughter: No! I'm feverish because yesterday I touched the Waltz Princess! [1] "Takarazuka manga" 1935:59 The cartoon: A Takarazuka finale. A young couple is sitting in the audience; the woman is clapping wildly. Her boyfriend mutters: "There she goes again. I wish she were even half that excited with me." "Takarazuka manga" 1935:62 FANDOM [para. 297-299] 297 [Page 139] The discourse of fandom and its perceived pathology has a long history in Japan, and in this century it has emerged most notably in public debates about the relationship between sexuality and modernity. I shall trace the jagged contours of fandom in Japan since the 1910s, when the loanword "fan" (fuan) entered popular parlance. Others have written about Kabuki devotees in the Edo period (Matsudaira 1984; Raz 1983); but female fans in particular were a prominent site for and target of social criticism in the early twentieth century. 298 We have already seen how the return of females to the public stage prompted several contradictory but overlapping arguments about gender and sexuality whose core themes included the masculinizing influence of the all-female revue on Japanese girls and women, on the one hand, and the national vigor represented by the all-female revue on the other. We shall now consider the conditions and patterns of spectatorship that provoked such heated debate. When useful and rel [Page 140] evant, I shall draw connections between the Japanese and Euro- American analyses and theories of pathologies of fandom for the purposes of comparison—many Japanese writers themselves, past and present, have done the same. [2] 299 The operations of fandom have been described by John Fiske in terms of the semiotic productivity of fans, whereby new meanings, knowledges, texts, and identities are produced, accumulated, and circulated among fans as a form of popular cultural capital (see Fiske 1989, 1992). To paraphrase Henry Jenkins, revue fans are consumers who also produce, readers who also write, and spectators who also perform (Jenkins 1992a:2o8). I shall return to these observations in the next chapter, where I discuss fan letters and magazines, but the semiotic productivity of fandom is not limited to closed communities of fans. The history of the Takarazuka Revue has been marked by a constant struggle between competing parties of fans, Revue administrators, state ideologues, and social critics. Whereas the Revue has attempted to contain, neutralize, and incorporate the desires of fans, fans have attempted to release, recontextualize, and "excorporate" the Revue's many registers of symbolic and allegorical meaning (Fiske 1992:47). DISCIPLINING AUDIENCES [para. 300-302] 300 In 1916, two years after Takarazuka's inaugural stage show, an article was published in Fujin Zasshi (Women's Magazine) on theater etiquette for women. The author, Matsumoto Haruko, resurrects the theater as a legitimate social space for women but decries the rude behavior of female theatergoers, a theme echoed over the next several decades by social critics, some of whose commentaries we examined in the previous chapter. While lauding theater attendance as an efficacious way for Japanese women "to expand their interests, soften their emotions, and cultivate character," Matsumoto sharply criticizes these women for their "shameful manners": Today, the most obvious bad habit of female theatergoers is now often they leave their seats during a performance. To be sure, they may be leaving to take care of an urgent condition; nevertheless, they block everyone's view when they get up and walk brazenly across the stage. This is extremely rude both to the actors, who are deeply involved in the performance, and to the director.... When Westerners cross in front of someone they always excuse themselves...; [Page 141] Japanese women never utter a word of apology.... Just because someone has bought a ticket does not mean that she has a right to do whatever strikes her fancy. The theater is a society in its own right whose social order cannot be maintained unless members of the audience practice self-respect and show some concern for others. (Matsumoto H. 1916:131,133) 301 Like many of her contemporaries, Matsumoto regarded the theater as both a microcosm of 1 of 16 16-03-03 6:41 PM Takarazuka: sexual politics and popular culture in modern Japan http://quod.lib.umich.edu.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/cgi/t/text/te... society and an arena for representing the "civilizing process" and propagating social norms, concepts that were further developed thirty years later by proponents of the Citizens' Theater Movement. She nonetheless complains that theater's normalizing potential is lost on Japanese women, who have no peers in rudeness and inconsiderate behavior. As soon as the curtain closes, several hundred women dash into the hall and head for the bathroom; the sight of women fighting to get in line is a far from pretty scene. Western women never use toilets outside their homes, and, if necessary, will refrain from urinating for half and even an entire day. But Japanese women are overly attached to the bathroom; some rush just to wash their hands and dab on perfume.... Most women leave the theater before the performance is over even if there is no reason to hurry— they save five or ten minutes at most. This is thoughtless behavior. In rushing out, they often leave behind their personal belongings or injure themselves.... Some women go to the theater just to show off to others; they are the types who grow restless during the performance and spend their time gawking at other women's kimonos. (132) 302 Matsumoto contrasts Japanese women unfavorably to their Western counterparts with regard to theater protocol and bathroom practices. Of course, the "Western women" invoked do not really exist but rather constitute a fictitious foil— a local invention— against which Japanese women's poor spectatorship is measured and criticized. [3] "The West" in general appears again and again in Japanese theater criticism of the early twentieth century, invoking not particular countries and cultural areas but rather a metaphor for both desirable and undesirable social precedents and cultural transformations in Japan (cf. Takaoka N. 1943). Unlike Matsumoto, other social critics reacted negatively to what they interpreted as the "masculinizing" effect of Western institutions on Japanese women (e.g. Tachibana 189o). And [Page 142] as we read in chapter 2, one sexologist claimed in a newspaper interview that Japanese women's recent interest in assuming a masculine guise was fostered and reinforced by the revue theater and foreign films (Hori Kentarō, quoted in "Dansō hi ari" 1935). Whereas Matsumoto perceived Japanese women to be unfeminine theater spectators compared to those in the West, some of her contemporaries believed that the Western-style theater compromised the traditional femininity of Japanese women. These diametrically opposed opinions characterized the dynamics of the larger debate in which they were cast: namely, the controversy about gendered social spaces that accompanied the formal return of females to the public stage. Although Matsumoto did not single out a particular type of theater, her critique of female spectatorship was echoed in the rash of satirical reporting a few years later on zealous fans of the all-female revues. FANNING DESIRE [para. 303-306] 303 The cross-dressed Takarasiennes clinched the popular appeal of the avant-garde Revue among a very broad, multigenerational, mixed-sex audience in the first half of this century. Since the 1950s and especially today, in large part due to competing forms of mass entertainment, the Takarazuka Revue has attracted a much more specialized audience— the majority now are adult women, married and in their thirties or older. But even in the 1930s not a few revue reporters observed that "the majority of Revue fans range in age from forty to fifty years of age, and include widows and affluent married women" (Haruno 1936:242). This information about the Revue's audience calls into question the prevailing but unsubstantiated notion that the allfemale revue from the start has appealed exclusively to young, unmarried women, and especially to teenage girls. 304 Social critics regarded young women and teenage girls as the most visible and problematic of theater audiences. They were categorized under the rubric shojo, which, as discussed in chapter 2, was the term for girls and women between puberty and marriage. In my view, the novel spectacle of the players of men's roles and not actual fan practices has shaped the popular (and mistaken) perception that the allfemale revue is attractive to shojo exclusively. The benign rationale for this "fact" was that the all-female revue theater provided a safe outlet [Page 143] for the budding passions of teenage girls and young women until they were older and their sexual desires had matured and shifted "naturally" to anatomically correct men. This rationale has persisted into the postwar period among writers sympathetic to the Revue. Obviously, it was and remains more difficult for critics who take for granted both heterosexuality and the "natural" alignment of sex, gender, and sexuality to even conceive that, much less explain why, adult— and especially married— females should be attracted to the otokoyaku.