Slavery and the Civil War
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Sample Slavery and Human Trafficking Statement
KASAI UK LTD Gender Pay Report At Kasai we are committed to treating our people equally and ensuring that everyone – no matter what their background, race, ethnicity or gender – has an opportunity to develop. We are confident that our gender pay gap is not caused by men and woman being paid differently to do the same job but is driven instead by the structure of our workforce which is heavily male dominated. As of the snapshot date the table below shows our overall mean and median gender pay gap and bonus pay based on hourly rates of pay. Difference between men and woman Mean (Average) Median (Mid-Range) Hourly Pay Gap 18.1% 20.9% Bonus Pay Gap 0% 0% Quartiles We have divided our population into four equal – sized pay quartiles. The graphs below show the percentage of males and females in each of these quartiles Upper Quartiles 94% males 6% females -5.70% Upper middle quartiles 93% male 7% females -1.30% Lower middle quartiles 87% male 13% females 2.39% Lower Quartiles 76% male 24% females 3.73% Analysis shows that any pay gap does not arise from male and females doing the same job / or same level and being paid differently. Females and males performing the same role and position, have the same responsibility and parity within salary. What is next? We are confident that our male and female employees are paid equally for doing equivalent jobs across our business. We will continue to monitor gender pay throughout the year. Flexible working and supporting females through maternity is a key enabler in retaining and developing female’s talent in the future business. -
Religion of the South” and Slavery Selections from 19Th-Century Slave Narratives
National Humanities Center Resource Toolbox The Making of African American Identity: Vol. I, 1500-1865 ON THE “RELIGION OF THE SOUTH” AND SLAVERY SELECTIONS FROM 19TH-CENTURY SLAVE NARRATIVES * In several hundred narratives, many published by abolitionist societies in the U.S. and England, formerly enslaved African Americans related their personal experiences of enslavement, escape, and freedom in the North. In straight talk they condemned the “peculiar institution” ⎯ its dominance in a nation that professed liberty and its unyielding defense by slaveholders who professed Christianity. “There is a great difference between Christianity and religion at the south,” writes Harriet Jacobs; Frederick Douglass calls it the “the widest, possible difference ⎯ so wide, that to receive the one as good, pure, and holy, is of necessity to reject the other as bad, corrupt, and wicked.”1 Presented here are four nineteenth-century African American perspectives on the “religion of the south.” Frederick Douglass “the religion of the south . is a mere covering for the most horrid crimes” I assert most unhesitatingly that the religion of the south ⎯ as I have observed it and proved it ⎯ is a mere covering for the most horrid crimes, the justifier of the most appalling barbarity, a sanctifier of the most hateful frauds, and a secure shelter under which the darkest, foulest, grossest, and most infernal abominations fester and flourish. Were I again to be reduced to the condition of a slave, next to that calamity, I should regard the fact of being the slave of a religious slaveholder the greatest that could befall me. For of all slaveholders with whom I have ever met, religious slaveholders are the worst. -
Uncertainty and Civil War Onset
Uncertainty and Civil War Onset Iris Malone∗ Abstract Why do some armed groups escalate their campaigns to civil war, while others do not? Only 25% of the 960 armed groups formed between 1970 and 2012 became violent enough to surpass the 25-battle death threshold, often used to demarcate \civil conflict.” I develop a new theory that argues this variation occurs because of an information problem. States decide how much counterinsurgency effort to allocate for repression on the basis of observable characteristics about an armed group's initial capabilities, but two scenarios make it harder to get this decision right, increasing the risk of civil war. I use fieldwork interviews with intelligence and defense officials to identify important group characteristics for civil war and apply machine learning methods to test the predictive ability of these indicators. The results show that less visible armed groups in strong states and strong armed groups in weak states are most likely to lead to civil war onset. These findings advance scholarly understanding about why civil wars begin and the effect of uncertainty on conflict. ∗Department of Political Science, 100 Encina Hall West, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305. ([email protected], web.stanford.edu/~imalone). 1 Introduction Why do some armed groups escalate their campaigns to civil war, while most do not? Using an original dataset, I show that only 25% of the 960 armed groups formed between 1970 and 2012 became violent enough to surpass the 25-battle death threshold, often used to demarcate \civil conflict.”1 Only 8% of armed groups surpassed the higher \civil war" threshold of 1000 fatalities per year. -
Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and The
Historical Materialism 19.4 (2011) 129–168 brill.nl/hima Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and the Origins of the US Civil War: Towards a New Social Interpretation* Charles Post City University of New York [email protected] Abstract The origins of the US Civil War have long been a central topic of debate among historians, both Marxist and non-Marxist. John Ashworth’s Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic is a major Marxian contribution to a social interpretation of the US Civil War. However, Ashworth’s claim that the War was the result of sharpening political and ideological – but not social and economic – contradictions and conflicts between slavery and capitalism rests on problematic claims about the rôle of slave-resistance in the dynamics of plantation-slavery, the attitude of Northern manufacturers, artisans, professionals and farmers toward wage-labour, and economic restructuring in the 1840s and 1850s. An alternative social explanation of the US Civil War, rooted in an analysis of the specific path to capitalist social-property relations in the US, locates the War in the growing contradiction between the social requirements of the expanded reproduction of slavery and capitalism in the two decades before the War. Keywords origins of capitalism, US Civil War, bourgeois revolutions, plantation-slavery, agrarian petty- commodity production, independent-household production, merchant-capital, industrial capital The Civil War in the United States has been a major topic of historical debate for almost over 150 years. Three factors have fuelled scholarly fascination with the causes and consequences of the War. First, the Civil War ‘cuts a bloody gash across the whole record’ of ‘the American . -
Compromise of 1850 Earlier You Read About the Missouri Compromise and the Wilmot Proviso
Compromise of 1850 Earlier you read about the Missouri Compromise and the Wilmot Proviso. Keep them in mind as you read here What is a compromise? A compromise is a resolution of a problem in which each side gives up demands or makes concession. Earlier you read about the Missouri Compromise. What conflict did it resolve? It kept the number of slave and free states equal by admitting Maine as free and Missouri as slave and it provided for a policy with respect to slavery in the Louisiana Territory. Other than in Missouri, the Compromise prohibited slavery north of 36°30' N latitude in the land acquired in the Louisiana Purchase. Look at the 1850 map. Notice how the "Missouri Compromise Line" ends at the border to Mexican Territory. In 1850 the United States controls the 36°30' N latitude to the Pacific Ocean. Will the United States allow slavery in its new territory? Slavery's Expansion Look again at this map and watch for the 36°30' N latitude Missouri Compromise line as well as the proportion of free and slave states up to the Civil War, which begins in 1861. WSBCTC 1 This map was created by User: Kenmayer and is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported license (CC-BY 3.0) [http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:US_Slave_Free_1789-1861.gif]. Here's a chart that compares the Missouri Compromise with the Compromise of 1850. WSBCTC 2 Wilmot Proviso During the Mexican-American War in 1846, David Wilmot, a Democratic congressman from Pennsylvania, proposed in an amendment to a military appropriations bill that slavery be banned in all the territories acquired from Mexico. -
Slavery Past and Present
fact sheet Slavery past and present Right: Slaves being forced below What is Anti-Slavery International? deck. Despite the fact that many slaves were chained for the voyage it The first organised anti-slavery is estimated that a rebellion occurred societies appeared in Britain in the on one out of every eight slave ships 1780s with the objective of ending that crossed the Atlantic. the slave trade. For many people, this is the image In 1807 the British slave trade was that comes to mind when they hear abolished by Parliament and it the word slavery. We think of the became illegal to buy and sell buying and selling of people, their slaves although people could shipment from one continent to still own them. In 1833 Parliament another and the abolition of the finally abolished slavery itself, trade in the early 1800s. Even if we both in Britain and throughout know little about the slave trade, the British Empire. we think of it as part of our history rather than our present. In 1839 the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society was created, In fact, the slave trade continues to representing a new organisation for have an impact today. Its legacies the new chapter of the anti-slavery include racism, discrimination Mary Prince struggle. It gave inspiration to the and the development and under- abolitionist movement in the United development of communities and “Oh the horrors of slavery! - States and Brazil, and contributed countries affected by the trade. How the thought of it pains my to the drawing up of international And slavery itself is not a thing of heart! But the truth ought to standards on slavery. -
Religion and the Abolition of Slavery: a Comparative Approach
Religions and the abolition of slavery - a comparative approach William G. Clarence-Smith Economic historians tend to see religion as justifying servitude, or perhaps as ameliorating the conditions of slaves and serving to make abolition acceptable, but rarely as a causative factor in the evolution of the ‘peculiar institution.’ In the hallowed traditions, slavery emerges from scarcity of labour and abundance of land. This may be a mistake. If culture is to humans what water is to fish, the relationship between slavery and religion might be stood on its head. It takes a culture that sees certain human beings as chattels, or livestock, for labour to be structured in particular ways. If religions profoundly affected labour opportunities in societies, it becomes all the more important to understand how perceptions of slavery differed and changed. It is customary to draw a distinction between Christian sensitivity to slavery, and the ingrained conservatism of other faiths, but all world religions have wrestled with the problem of slavery. Moreover, all have hesitated between sanctioning and condemning the 'embarrassing institution.' Acceptance of slavery lasted for centuries, and yet went hand in hand with doubts, criticisms, and occasional outright condemnations. Hinduism The roots of slavery stretch back to the earliest Hindu texts, and belief in reincarnation led to the interpretation of slavery as retribution for evil deeds in an earlier life. Servile status originated chiefly from capture in war, birth to a bondwoman, sale of self and children, debt, or judicial procedures. Caste and slavery overlapped considerably, but were far from being identical. Brahmins tried to have themselves exempted from servitude, and more generally to ensure that no slave should belong to 1 someone from a lower caste. -
Religion, Race, and Slavery in the Americas
RELIGION, RACE, AND SLAVERY IN THE AMERICAS As part of the Department of Religion’s 2020-2021 series of events on race and the study of religion, these three virtual lectures will explore the connections among religion, race, and slavery in the early Americas. Lecture 1 Tuesday, February 9, 2021 @ 4:30 pm ET What to the Slave is Religion?: Women, Race, and Reproduction in the Definition of a Category A l e x i s W e l l s - O g h o g h o m e h Assistant Professor in the Religious Studies department at Vanderbilt University. A historian of African-American religion, her teaching and research examine the religiosity of enslaved people in the South, religion in the African Atlantic, and women’s religious histories. She received her B.A. in English from Spelman College, and Master of Divinity and Ph.D. from Emory University. Lecture 2 Wednesday, February 10, 2021 @ 4:30 pm ET Bearing the Burden of Ownership: Slavery, Religion, and the University A l p h o n s o F . S a v i l l e , I V Postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Theology and Religious Studies at Georgetown University. A scholar of American religious history, his teaching and research interests include American religious history, slavery and religion in America, and leadership development for faith and community leaders. He earned his B.A. at New York University, an M.A. at Memphis Theological Seminary, and a Ph.D. from Emory University. Lecture 3 Tuesday, February 23, 2021 @ 4:30 pm ET Spiritual Racialization: Theologies of Race and Slavery in the Colonial Atlantic World K e l s e y C h r i s t i n a M o s s Assistant Professor of Religion at the University of Southern California. -
Ancient Slavery & Modern Ideology
5) ANCIENT SLAVERY AND MODERN IDEOLOGY^ M. I. FINLEY o THE VIKING PRESS NEW YORK PREFACE Although slaves have been exploited in most societies as far back as any records exist, there have been only five genuine slave societies, two of them in antiquity: classical Greece and classiral Italy. This book is about those two societies, examined not in isolation but, in so far as that is meaningful, in comparison I with the other three (all in the New World), I consider how the I ancient slave societies came into being and how they were trans- I formed in the long process that brought about medieval feud- I alism; how slavery functioned within the ancient economy and I in ancient political systems, and how it was judged socially and I morally; what modern historians have made of ancient slavery, f and why. These topics are interwoven throughout: the book is I not arranged along conventional chronological lines but pur- p sues four major themes one at a time. In other words, although I the inquiry is both historical and historiographical, these 'lapters do not constitute a history of ancient slavery. Over the past twenty-five years, the study of slavery in the nited States, the Caribbean and Brazil has reached an tensity without precedent. The debate has often been bitter, id it has become a public debate, not merely an academic one. is clear why that should be so: modem slavery was black avery, and therefore cannot be discussed seriously without ipinging on present-day social and racial tensions. Obviously, icient Greek and Roman slavery has no such immediate sig- ficance. -
BP Labour Rights & Modern Slavery Principles
BP Labour Rights & Modern Slavery Principles © BP 2019 We are committed to respecting workers’ rights, in line with International Labour Organisation Core Conventions on Rights at Work and expect our contractors, suppliers and joint ventures we participate in to do the same. Our expectation is that workers in our operations, joint ventures and supply chains are not subject to abusive or inhumane practices, such as child labour, forced labour, trafficking, slavery or servitude, discrimination, or harassment. The below principles are intended to assist our businesses as they work to check performance on this expectation, including with our contractors and suppliers. 1. Terms: Workers have clear, written employment terms 8. Working time and rest: Workers are not required to before deployment in a language they understand, and in work unreasonable hours, hours beyond legal limits, or line with terms at point of recruitment, which are without appropriate breaks and defined leave periods. consistently upheld.1 9. Grievance: A grievance process is in place by which 2. Legal status: Workers are legally authorized to work for workers can make complaints, including anonymously, and their employer and possess the necessary visas, work receive appropriate responses and timely updates on the permits, and any similar legal documentary requirements. status of concerns. Concerns may be raised through any process (formal or informal) without fear of retaliation, 3. Protection of Young Persons: Workers below 15 or discrimination or harassment. the legal minimum working age (whichever is higher) are not hired, either directly or indirectly. 10. Working conditions and accommodation: Workers enjoy a safe and hygienic working environment. -
Race, Class, and Slavery During the American Civil
UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6238s7h2 Journal Journal of Classical Sociology, 17(1) Author Anderson, Kevin Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Kevin B. Anderson, University of California, Santa Barbara [author’s last version of article published in Journal of Classical Sociology 17:1 (2017), pp. 24-36] As the U.S. marked the 150th anniversary of the Civil War, some attention was given to African-American resistance to slavery and to the northern radical abolitionists. Increasingly, it was admitted, even in the South, that the Confederacy’s supposedly “noble cause” was based upon the defense of slavery. Yet to this day U.S. public opinion continues to deny the race and class dimensions of the war. There is also a denial, sometimes even among critical sociologists, of the war’s revolutionary implications, not only for African-Americans, but also for white labor and for the U.S. economic and political system as a whole. And there is still greater ignorance of the fact that Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote extensively on the dialectics of race and class in the American Civil War, something I have tried to remedy in my recent book, Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies. Marx on Ireland: Class, Ethnicity, and National Liberation Sometimes, as I have tried to show in Marx at the Margins, Marx conceptualized the pathway to class-consciousness and to socialist revolution as direct rather than indirect. -
Propaganda Use by the Union and Confederacy in Great Britain During the American Civil War, 1861-1862 Annalise Policicchio
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Duquesne University: Digital Commons Duquesne University Duquesne Scholarship Collection Electronic Theses and Dissertations Summer 2012 Propaganda Use by the Union and Confederacy in Great Britain during the American Civil War, 1861-1862 Annalise Policicchio Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/etd Recommended Citation Policicchio, A. (2012). Propaganda Use by the Union and Confederacy in Great Britain during the American Civil War, 1861-1862 (Master's thesis, Duquesne University). Retrieved from https://dsc.duq.edu/etd/1053 This Immediate Access is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PROPAGANDA USE BY THE UNION AND CONFEDERACY IN GREAT BRITAIN DURING THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR, 1861-1862 A Thesis Submitted to the McAnulty College & Graduate School of Liberal Arts Duquesne University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for The Degree of Masters of History By Annalise L. Policicchio August 2012 Copyright by Annalise L. Policicchio 2012 PROPAGANDA USE BY THE UNION AND CONFEDERACY IN GREAT BRITAIN DURING THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR, 1861-1862 By Annalise L. Policicchio Approved May 2012 ____________________________ ______________________________ Holly Mayer, Ph.D. Perry Blatz, Ph.D. Associate Professor of History Associate Professor of History Thesis Director Thesis Reader ____________________________ ______________________________ James C. Swindal, Ph.D. Holly Mayer, Ph.D. Dean, McAnulty College & Graduate Chair, Department of History School of Liberal Arts iii ABSTRACT PROPAGANDA USE BY THE UNION AND CONFEDERACY IN GREAT BRITAIN DURING THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR, 1861-1862 By Annalise L.