RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION and ITS RELATION to HOUSING CRISIS in SOUTHERN AFRICA: a Case Study of Namibia by SAMUEL SHIKONGO

RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION AND ITS RELATION TO HOUSING CRISIS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA: A Case Study of Namibia BY SAMUEL SHIKONGO

A MINI-THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE JOINT AFRICAN MASTERS IN COMPARATIVE LOCAL DEVELOPMENT (M. TECH) AT TSHWANE UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY IN PRETORIA, SOUTH AFRICA & UNIVERSITA DEGLI STUDI DI TRENTO, TRENTINO ALTO ADIGE/SÜDTIROL IN ITALY

SUPERVISOR: DR OLUSANYA OLUFEMI OSHA

SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE

Institute for Economic Research on Innovation (IERI)

November 2014

APPROVAL

RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION AND ITS RELATION TO HOUSING CRISIS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA: A Case Study of Namibia

Samuel Shikongo

(Student Number: 212481092)

A mini-thesis submitted to the school of economics and finance in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Joint African Masters in Comparative Local Development (M. Tech) at Tshwane University of Technology in Pretoria, South Africa & Universita Degli Studi Di Trento, Trentino Alto Adige/Südtirol in Italy

______DR OLUSANYA OLUFEMI OSHA DATE (Supervisor)

DECLARATION

By submitting this mini-thesis I declare that the entirety of the work contained herein is my own, original work; that I am the sole author hereof except explicitly otherwise indicated; that reproduction and publication hereof by the Tshwane University of Technology will not infringe any third-party rights, and that I have not previously, in its entirety or in part, submitted it for obtaining any qualification.

November 2014

______Samuel Shikongo Date (Student number: 212481092)

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DEDICATION

This thesis is dedicated to the memory of my late parents; Mr Albanus Naboth Nicanor (1943

- 1991) Mrs mother Saima Elifas (1952 - 2000) who taught me that the best kind of knowledge to have is that which is learned for its own sake, and that even the biggest task can be accomplished if it is done one step at a time. Though decades gone, memories live on. I further extend my dedication to all the people who never stop believing in me.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

 This thesis is the end of my journey in obtaining a Master’s degree – to this realisation I have not travelled in a vacuum.  Foremost, I would like to thank God the Almighty whose words have been a light for my feet and a lamp for my path, and for the wisdom, strength, support and knowledge He has bestowed upon me – Glory be Thy Name.  I am greatly indebted to my supervisor, Dr Olusanya Olufemi Osha for the outstanding supervision, input, feedback and valuable discussions, and for being the source of deep inspiration throughout the thesis.  I am most thankful for all the support during the study and accordingly acknowledge both the Joint Africa Masters in Comparative Local Development (M.Tech) and the Joint European Masters in Comparative Local Development colleagues, as well as my countryman Patrick Masiziani.  My profound appreciation to the JAMP coordinator at the University of Trento in Italy, Helen Licata, her husband Professor Italo Trevisan, and – most of all – to my African-Chadian brother, Nestor Djimtolum, for your warm convivial reception during our stay in Trento, ‘Grazie mille‟.  Special thanks to SO1 Chief System Security – Lieutenant Colonel Helvi Shekupe Shikongo, SO1- C3 Communication Command and Control – Colonel K.N. Shikufa and the entire Directorate of Information Communication and Technology at the Ministry of Defence. As a result of your contributions and unconditional support I have realised the completion of this herculean task. I thus salute you all.  Words are limited to express my sense of gratitude towards my friends. My deepest appreciation for your immeasurable support during this long and winding, yet fulfilling road. In particular, my gratitude to Dr Ismael Awala, Mr Mathanael Damono Festus, Mr Joshua Pahukeni Shimpulu, Mr David Elago Amon, Mr Johannes „Big John‟ Nashapi, Mr Nathanael Aipinge Amadhila, Mr Simson Anghuwo, Mr Benny Nuuyona, Mr Nicanor „Tico-Tico‟ Uunona, Mr Matheus Negumbo, Mrs Eunice Mukulu, Mr Philip Iiyambo, Mr Josef Alugodhi and Mr Jocef Nandago. You all kept me positive and gave me many reasons to persevere with this programme.  I appreciate the love of my life, my fiancé Hanghome Nanye-Osheni Linea, ‘Natasha’. Without your love, caring, encouragement, data collection and editing assistance, I couldn’t have completed this thesis.

 I would also like to thank my entire extended family, with special thanks to Emilie Indongo and Simon Shilongo for your unconditional support during my study.  Finally, credit to the editor Dr Jannie J de Beer of Ye Olde 3Rs Acadame in Pretoria, many thanks for your kind contribution to the thesis review.

ABSTRACT

The main aim with the current study was to explore the complexity and mobility of rural- urban migration, as well as its relation to the housing crisis and many other rural-urban socio- economic implications in Namibia. The features of rural-urban migration were analysed, alongside the migration processes and socio-economic complications.

The study was conducted in three areas: Windhoek, the central and capital city, the coastal town of Walvis Bay and the northern town of Oshakati, due to their geographical size, rapid economic growth, fast-growing informal settlements, diversified cultures, industrial bases and the ever-increasing population size as result of the influx of migrants from all over Namibia.

Secondary aims were to explore concerns such as: To what extent does decentralisation impact on rural-urban migration and consequently, on informal settlements? What are the causes of rural-urban migration and the challenges to migrants? Given the current 29.6% of unemployment in Namibia, to what degree can unemployment be linked to rural-urban migration? Is there effective government provision in place for public housing strategies and policy reforms?

The findings inter alia revealed that, in addition to a lack of employment opportunities – the main cause of rural-urban migration – there are a number of other stimuli that impact as triggers to the migrant process: Climate change patterns; a weakening agricultural sector; the absence of innovation and entrepreneurial incentives in rural areas; centralisation of services by the central Government; lack of employment opportunities; the unavailability of institutions of higher learning; the lack of adequate essential basic services and proper

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sanitation; formal housing; proper health facilities and weaknesses in the responsive policies and security measures.

The conceptual and policy implications on the above topics were analysed, such as the manageability of social protection programmes vis-à-vis subsidies, the promotion of decentralisation, enhancement of Government projects in rural areas, fostering innovation and entrepreneurial development in rural areas.

Moreover, the study exposed a positive association between rural-urban migration and the severe housing crisis. As a result, the migrants have no place to live and then erect illegal structures on an equally illegal plot of grabbed land. As a result, all three towns in the study expressed their concerns about the high influx of rural-urban migrants and the consequent rapid increase in the number of shacks.

Finally, town Councillors expressed trepidations that the rural-urban migration has made their financial and infrastructure planning exceptionally difficult, making it almost impossible to plan ahead without exact figures – resulting from uncontrolled migration. They requested a comprehensive renewed migration policy for Namibia.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Approval……………………………………………………………………………………….ii Declaration…………………………………………………………………...……………….iii Dedication…………………………..…………………………………………..…..….……..iv Acknowledgements……………...….…………………………………………..…………...... v Abstract...……………………………..…………………………………………..………….vii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background……...………………….………………………………..………...…...... 1 1.2 Significance of the study...……..………….……...……………………………………….2 1.3 Research problem ………………………..………..………………………………………3 1.4 Study localities.………………………………………..…………………………………..3 1.5 Research questions…………..……………………………..…………………….………..4 1.6 Postulation …………………………..……………………..………………….…………..5

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction……………………………………………………….….……………………6 2.2 Rural-urban migration and housing in Namibia……………………...……………………7

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction………………………………..…………………………………..…………15 3.2 Research design……………………………..……………………………………….…...15 3.3 Population ………………..…………….………………………………………………...16 3.4 Sample design…………………….…………..…………………………………………..16 3.5 Data collection ………………………………...…………………………………………17 3.6 Limitation of the study………………………..………………………………………….17

CHAPTER 4: DATA ANALYSES AND RESEARCH RESULTS

4.1 INTRODUCTION……………..…………………………………………………………18

4.2 SAMPLE ATTRIBUTES…..…………………………..……………..……...…………..18 4.3 HOUSING AND LIVELIHOOD FEATURES…………………………………………..19 4.4 ASSUMPTIONS…………………………………………………………………………28 4.5 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS …………..……………………………………….……...29 4.4.1 Rural-urban migrations in the northern Namibia (Oshakati town)..…………………… 29 4.5.2 Uupindi location dwellers‟ opinions………………………………………………………….30 4.5.3 The Oshakati Town Council‟s voice………………………………………………… … …...33 4.5.4 Rural-urban migration in the central region (Windhoek)………………………………….35 4.5.5 Okahandja park informal settlement – the dwellers‟ views……………….……………….37 4.5.6 City of Windhoek Council‟s views…………………………………………………………….41 4.5.7 Rural-urban migrations on Namibia coastal towns (Walvis Bay)………………………..45 4.5.8 Tutaleni residents' views……………………………………………………………………….49 4.5.9 Municipality of Walvis Bay‟s response……….…………………..………………………….53

CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary…………………………………………………………………………....……57 5.2 Conclusions…………………………………………………..…………………...... 59 5.3 Recommendations………………………………………………………………………..62

REFERENCES…………………………………………….…………………...…………...71

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 2.1 Urban population by census years (2001 and 2011)……………………………..8 TABLE 4.1 Sample attributes………………………………………………………………..18

TABLE 4.2 How long ago did you move to this town? ……………………………………..19

TABLE 4.3 Reasons for leaving hometown…………………………………………………20

TABLE 4.4 Housing status…………………………………………………………………..21

TABLE 4.5 Legal status……………………………………………………………………...21

TABLE 4.6 Service provision………………………………………………………………..22

TABLE 4.7 Socio-economic challenges……………………………………………………..23

TABLE 4.8 Employment status……………………………………………………………....24

TABLE 4.9 Time it took to find a job? ……………………………………………………...24

TABLE 4.10 Nature of employment…………………………………………………………25

TABLE 4.11 Subsidised accommodation……………………………………………………25

TABLE 4.12 Highest education……………………………………………………………...26

TABLE 4.13 Involvement in further education………………………………………………26

TABLE 4.14 Contentment with new location………………………………………………..27

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 2.1 Urban population pyramid…………………………………………………………………………11 FIGURE 2.2 Rural population pyramid………………………………………………………………………….12 FIGURE 4.1 Rural population pyramid………………………………………………………………………….41

LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS

PHOTOGRAPH 1 Some of the residents pictured next to one of ten shacks marked 'ILLEGAL REMOVE‟ by the town council after residents put them up on illegally-acquired plots at the location……32

PHOTOGRAPH 2 A skyline view of Windhoek shows some of the historical and new structures of the African, so-called, cleanest city……………………………………………………………..36

PHOTOGRAPH 3 A mother with a baby on her back walks away disappointedly after pleading with the driver of the bulldozer to spare het shack from demolition………………………………………...39

PHOTOGRAPH 4 A furious illegal settler in the Goreangab Dam area of Windhoek trying to stop the police from demolishing their shacks………………………………………………………………39

PHOTOGRAPH 5 An illegal occupant’s message „NO BODY 2 TOUCH THIS place‟ [sic]. Sending a clear message to the CoW’s authority not to temper with his plot. Okahandja Park, Windhoek....42

PHOTOGRAPH 6 The Municipality of Windhoek’s bulldozers destroying a shack…………………………..44

PHOTOGRAPH 7 An aerial photo of Walvis Bay harbour…………………………………………………….46

PHOTOGRAPH 8 A view of Kuisebmond’s increasing backyard shacks……………………………………48

PHOTOGRAPH 9 A Tutaleni house showing backyard shacks…………………………………………...….50

PHOTOGRAPH 10 A current view of the Tutaleni location 13 years after its inception……………………...52

PHOTOGRAPH 11 The remains of a brick house and six shacks completely destroyed by fire in the Tutaleni Location……………………………………………………………………………………...55

PHOTOGRAPH 12 Bystanders watch the raging fire destroying two brick houses and more than 20

shacks at Kuisebmond location…………………………………………………………….....56

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LIST OF ACRONYMS

ALAN Association of Local Authorities in Namibia BoN Bank of Namibia CBS Central Bureau of Statistics CEO Chief Executive Officer CoW City of Windhoek EPZ Export Processing Zone ICT Information Communication Technology MDGs Millennium Development Goals MoE Ministry of Education MoHAI Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration MoHSS Ministry of Health and Social Services MTI Ministry of Trade and Industry MRLGHD Ministry of Regional and Local Government, Housing and Rural Development NDPs National Development Plans NHE National Housing Enterprise NHP National Housing Policy NPC National Planning Commission NSA Namibia Statistics Agency NSI National System of Innovation SADC Southern African Development Community SDFN Shack Dwellers’ Federation of Namibia SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences TIC Targeted Implementation Committee TIPEEG Targeted Intervention Programme for Employment and Economic Growth UNDAF United Nations Development Assistance Framework USAID United States Agency for International Development WHO World Health Organisation

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND

Throughout Southern Africa, most countries are experiencing a rapid rise in urbanisation.

Moreover according to Byerlee (cited in Andrew Niikondo 2008), the African continent has the highest urban growth rate in the world, totalling 7% annually. This disconcerting urban growth rate has for years been attributed to labour migration – a result of a lack of job opportunities in the rural areas and increased urban demands of low-wage workers. The situation has led to a multitude of jobseekers – particularly the youth – pursuing work opportunities, mostly in urban areas, in order to support themselves and their families back at their places of origin. Ever since African countries gained independence, the rate of rural- urban migration has kept rising and remained a critical factor in metropolitan planning.

In the present research project, current approaches to rural-urban migration, as well as migration’s relation to the housing crisis in Namibia were explored. In addition, the conceptual and policy implications to migration were analysed, resulting in some policy recommendations. The migration of the labour force – from colonial times to the present – has been particularly important in socio-economic development processes. Seckelmann

Astrid (2001) argues that Namibian men migrate from their villages for long periods to work in mines, plantations and factories, sometimes at considerable distances from their homes.

However, they are constrained from taking their families along, as they live in tightly- controlled single quarters. During pre-independence periods, such workers did not serve longer than six-months before returning home. Such contracts were underwritten by circulatory migration policies which allowed for temporary – and usually repetitive – movement between their rural homes and host areas. In a typical post-independence scenario

– under the communal land-tenure system – migrants generally claim their land, even when residing in towns (Niikondo, 2010). However, after retirement, many migrants retire to their home area, where their hearts and spirits reside. This is one of the main reasons why many migrants refuse to buy costly formal houses and pay exorbitant municipal services in towns.

Instead, they opt to live in shacks on the outskirts.

Within this historical and contemporary context, the purpose with the current study was to examine the fundamental reasons for rural-urban migration in Namibia, with the intention of identifying and examining rural-urban motivation, as well as to study migration in relation to the housing crisis Namibia is faced with.

1.2 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The rationale with the present study was to identify the factors responsible for the rural-urban migration in Namibia and to investigate migration mobility patterns. In addition, policy implications were explored with the aim of formulating a possible new migration policy, as well as to offer recommendations to protect urban migrants’ socio-economic status.

Furthermore, the current rural-urban migration patterns and imbalances in housing – which has led to the illegal erection of informal settlements around towns and cities – were uncovered.

Additionally, an attempt was made to assemble potential measures for the Namibian government to harmonise and practice good governance, sound management and client- centred services in rural areas – in an effort to curb and discourage rural-urban migration.

Finally, during the study, the Government, local authorities and communities were engaged in an effort to inculcate both sides’ demands, grievances and expectations.

1.3 RESEARCH PROBLEM

African urbanisation has the highest rate in the world (Derek B. 1998). Rural-urban migration has become an eminent aspect of urbanisation with serious socio-economic implications. It has resulted in a dire housing crisis – due to the rapid increase in informal settlements in

Namibia. During the South African colonial occupation of Namibia, the country was divided into manageable segments and movement beyond the area of residential origin was forbidden

(Andreas Niikondo, 2010). As part of the movement restrictions, it prevented citizens from accessing better services and opportunities elsewhere outside their areas of origin. In

Namibia, rural-urban migration is quite common, particularly in the northern and north- eastern regions.

Migrants who move to towns and cities are faced with formal housing challenges and are forced to live in shacks, which are illegally erected and have no proper sanitation. However, employed rural-urban migrants – with lucrative incomes – automatically demand urban housing similar to their rural dwellings back at their villages. Pro-active receptive actions and policies from the Government have proven futile in addressing the rural-urban migration. The need, therefore, arose to find alternative procedures for alleviating Namibia’s rural-urban migration, migration challenges and migration’ effects on the housing backlog. The study at hand is an effort to assuage this grave concern.

1.4 STUDY LOCALITIES

As the present research project is aimed at rural-to-urban – as well as urban-to-urban migration – three towns were selected, namely Windhoek (the central and capital city), the coastal town of Walvis Bay and the Oshakati in the far north. Furthermore, the towns were

identified for their population size, rapid economic growth, fast-growing informal settlements, diversified cultures, industrial bases and ever-increasing inhabitant sizes. Other factors taken into consideration were whether the rural-urban migration in the country could be associated with unemployment opportunities, or was it a result of climate-change patterns, a weakening agriculture sector, absence of innovation and entrepreneurial incentives in rural areas, or a centralisation of services by the central Government. Additionally, an assessment was made on the social protection programmes by the Government towards migrants in the three towns, as well as their institutional bases and financing mechanisms.

1.5 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The current study’s focus can be summarised with the following interrelated rural-urban migration predicaments, as well as the worsening conditions in the informal settlements:

 To what degree does decentralisation impact on rural-urban migration, and

consequently to informal settlements?

 What are the causes of rural-urban migration and what are the challenges and

implications to migrants in Namibia?

 Given the current 29,6 % (NSA, 2013) unemployment figure in Namibia, to what

extent can unemployment be attributed to rural-urban migration?

 Are there strong government provisions and public housing strategies in place for

broad institutional and policy reforms in the country?

 How effective are the Government’s socio-economic protection mechanisms for

migrants?

1.6 POSTULATION

It was conjectured that the motivation of individuals – who migrate from villages to urban areas – are inter alia triggered by:

 climate-change patterns

 a weakening agriculture sector

 the absence of innovation

 the lack of entrepreneurial incentives

 the centralisation of services

 the lack of employment opportunities

 the unavailability of institutions of high learning

 the absence of essential services and proper sanitation

 the lack of formal housing

 proper health facilities

 weak, or absence, of responsive policies and security

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 INTRODUCTION

Rural-urban migration dominates recent debates on population mobility worldwide.

Moreover, throughout Africa, migration from rural to urban areas remains a dire predicament.

The epic rural-urban migration quandary can be associated with rapid urbanisation, which is largely a function of rural poverty (Niikondo, 2008). Throughout Southern Africa, most countries are experiencing a swift rise in urbanisation, with the whole African continent recording the highest urban growth in the world, totalling 7% annually (Derek B, 1998). The rapid urban growth rate has for years been attributed to economic or labour factors, such as the lack of job opportunities in rural areas, alongside urbanites’ increased demands for low- wage workers.

Soon after most Southern African countries gained independence, rural-urban migration rose distinctly and remained elevated. Namibia is a typical example in Southern Africa, as the region's last colonial entity (Niikondo, 2008). Following its independence on 21 March 1990, the perception arose that the Namibian government would instantly rectify the legacy of desperation and dissatisfaction the South African colonial government had left behind. It remained a serious and life-threatening challenge, as such a myriad of problems could not be resolved overnight. The dismal circumstances had a profound impact on the evolution of

Namibia’s fragile political economy and its urban structure, while simultaneously imposing major constraints on the post-colonial transformation.

2.2 RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION AND HOUSING IN NAMIBIA

Namibia can be classified as a lower- to middle-income country. However, according

Namibia Statistics Agency (2013), the most recent estimate of income distribution showed that Namibia is one of the most skewed in the world. A large proportion of the population lives in poverty and lacks access to essential services. The country’s 2011 census reported that urbanisation has increased from 28% in 1991 to 43% in 2011, respectively. The huge rural-urban migration can be associated with rapid urbanisation, which is largely a function of rural poverty. According to Mwinga (2010), urbanisation will continue escalating as long as

Namibia persists in its process of industrialisation.

Following the country’s independence in 1990, the rate of urbanisation was estimated by the

National Planning Commission (NPC) to be 4,5% per annum, which is higher than the average population growth of 3,3%. The urbanisation rate in Namibia is projected to rise to almost 60% in 2025 – up from the 43% in 2011 – which suggests that the challenges of orderly urban development will intensify exponentially. Most local authorities, such as the three locations in the present study – Windhoek, Walvis Bay and Oshakati – experience an influx of people beyond expectation, and are not in a position of providing basic services to urban migrants (Namibia Statistics Agency, 2013). The changes in the population of all urban areas between 2001 and 2011 are reported in Table 2.1.

TABLE 2.1 Urban population by census years (2001 and 2011)

Area 2011 2001 Difference Percentage change %

Windhoek 325 858 233 529 92 329 +39,5% Walvis Bay 62 096 43 611 18 485 +42,4% Oshakati 36 541 28 255 8 286 +29,3%

(Source: Namibia Statistic Agency, 2013)

Overall, the total urban population of Namibia country grew by 49,6% with the highest growth recorded in Outapi and Ondangwa, where the population grew by over 100%. Three of the five largest towns and cities in Namibia (in 2011) were Windhoek (325 858), Walvis

Bay (62 096) and Oshakati with a population of 36 541 respectively (Table 2.1).

Migration of labour, both in colonial times and presently, has been particularly important in the socio-economic development processes of Namibia. This is in support of Seckelmann’s

(2001) findings that Namibian men migrate from their villages for long periods to work in mines, plantations and factories – sometimes at considerable distances from their homes.

Additionally, due to a lack of knowledge about urban life, some migrants refuse to buy costly formal houses and pay for exorbitant municipal services in towns. Therefore, they opt to live in shacks on the outskirts (Niikondo, 2010).

In addition, the termination of the Angolan-South African warfare in 1989 – and the independence of Namibia on 21 March 1990 – opened up the countryside to uncontrolled migration, which resulted in a fast rise in migration throughout the country. Most notably was the increase in rural-urban migration that accompanied independence. Windhoek alone recorded an exponential growth since 1990, fuelled by rural–urban migration. Moreover,

there is an overwhelming number of informal settlements presently around urban centres, as more than 73% of Namibians do not have access to credit facilities and cannot, consequently, afford to buy urban real estate and housing (Namibia Statistics Agency, 2013). The Namibian housing sector is primarily characterised by a limited financial support for the low income groups as well as a limited capacity to meet the demands for land and housing. Low incomes and the high cost of living have excluded many inhabitants from acquiring land and subsequently a home. This dismal state of affairs has been worsened since local economies have either been stagnant or growing at low rates, limiting the abilities of urban authorities to deliver service infrastructure to keep up with the pace of real estate developers (National

Housing Policy of July 1991, as reviewed, 2009).

In the pursuit of the implementation of state policies, the Government has identified housing as one of the priority areas of development. It is part of the Government’s commitment to address the housing needs in all rural and urban areas. This obligation led to the formulation and adoption of the first National Housing Policy, approved by the Cabinet in 1991. The

White Paper on Housing is a policy and commitment response of the Namibian Government to strategically position housing to play an important and meaningful role in the implementation and realisation of Namibia’s Vision 2030.

In addition, these national policy and strategic frameworks are aimed at promoting the concept of sustainable human settlements; characterised by integrated housing development designs and habitable real estate. These frameworks further recognise the inseparability of housing and local infrastructure, and hence, promote integrated financing for housing.

Included are municipal infrastructures’ capacity towards residents, as well as promoting the right of property ownership in both urban and rural areas – as a means of empowering local

communities and individuals – to use their asset bases as security to access credit capital and build wealth.

It is the author’s desire that the current study may contribute to the strategic positioning of the housing sector in Namibia and to play a meaningful contribution in the implementation of

Vision 2030, Namibia’s economic development strategies and objectives for poverty eradication, economic growth, job creation and narrowing inequality in income and capital distribution.

The 2011 Population and Housing Census Basic Report recorded that 16% of Namibia’s population – residing in urban settings – are living in shacks, mainly in urban areas, where they constitute about 27% of the dwellings (Namibia Statistic Agency, 2013). It is further reported that about 70% of the Namibian population can neither access, nor afford conventional home-loan facilities offered by the financial sector. Moreover, they cannot access urban freehold land and professional services, due to poverty and limited disposable income. The housing provision efforts of the Government and the National Housing

Enterprise (NHE) – as well as other housing developers – have concentrated primarily on urban, and thereby neglecting rural areas. This bias has resulted in urban-rural imbalances – calling for redress. Included in the Government’s efforts – through the National Housing

Policy (NHP) – is the right to tenure in both urban and rural areas, as a means of empowering local communities to use their asset bases as security to access credit capital.

In order to compare the age composition of urban and rural populations, two age-distribution population pyramids are juxtaposed in Figure 2.1. The pyramids provide the urban and rural populations’ age categories in Namibia, according to the 2011 Population and Housing Census Basic Report. In Figure 2.1 a gender-population pyramid is presented for urban areas – in five-year age intervals. The pyramid is bulky in the 20-44 year-age group, tapering steadily down to a relatively narrow apex, indicating that urban areas have a large proportion

of potentially active and working population between 20-39 years of age, compared to a relatively smaller percentage of the elderly. In Figure 2.2 the corresponding pyramid for rural areas is shown.

FIGURE 2.1 Urban population’s pyramid Source: Namibia Statistic Agency (2013)

FIGURE 2.2 Rural population’s pyramid Source: Namibia Statistic Agency (2013)

In contrast to the urban population pyramid in Figure 2.1, the rural population pyramid indicates a substantially larger proportion of the youth under the age of 20 years, who are probably too young to seek job opportunities. It further indicates that there is an outflow in the age group of 25-59 – they are migrating from rural to urban settings, probably in search for tertiary education opportunities, employment and other economic and social challenges not found in rural areas.

The percentage share of young people below the age of 15 in rural areas is proportionally higher than in urban settings – 44% in rural areas and 30% in urban areas respectively

(Figure 2.2). Likewise, the proportion of elderly people above the age of 60 in rural areas is comparably more than double than that of urban areas, at 9,1% compared to 4,3%

respectively. These characteristics are irrefutably a consequence of the migration by working- age people to urban areas.

Namibia is severely affected by climate change; being one of the driest countries in the region. Moreover, it is highly sensitive for climate changes, particular in the agricultural sectors, such as crops, livestock and aquaculture fishing. Climate change and environmental shocks, such as the 2012/2013 drought and floods experienced in Namibia in recent years, have accelerated and coerced the movement of more people from rural to urban settings in search of a better living. These changes have had negative effects on rural industry development, as well as the Government’s agricultural efforts to stabilise subsistence farming in the northern and north-east parts of the country. The inconsistent rainfall patterns have adversely affected the wetlands in providing water retention, flood attenuation and water purification.

In addition, the variable rainfall has negatively impacted on crop production and it has become difficult to estimate harvests and animal breeding. Likewise – with such volatile weather patterns – the country has been at risk of widespread disease outbreaks, such as cholera and vector-borne diseases, inter alia malaria, mainly confined to the northern

Namibian-Angolan border (MoHSS, December 2010). Other scholars (cited in Niikondo,

2010) found that the current urban-residential situation has not improved when compared to pre-independence. Despite the rise in rural-urban migration and the deficit in housing supply

– which failed to meet migrants’ housing demands for many years – has resulted in an increase in slums, where diseases are rampant and poverty severely entrenched, combined with the prevailing high unemployment rate.

In 2007 alone – according to the Bank of Namibia’s (BoN) 13th Annual Symposium (2011) –

Namibia had a backlog of 80 000 families in dire need of housing. It resulted in an exponentially fast-growing number of informal settlements on the outskirts of most towns. In

2013, Windhoek’s population virtually doubled. According to the chief executive officer of the National Housing Enterprise (NHE), Hailulu (cited in Edgar, 2013:9), the backlog has rapidly increased, „…to date the national housing backlog is estimated at 100 000 housing units, and this number is growing at an annual rate of about 3 700 units‟. Roughly estimated, the sub-Saharan region has more than 70% urban dwellers living in slums. Additionally, several studies (Niikondo, 2008) have recognised the overriding importance of economic motives in the decision to migrate to the metropolitan areas, causing a widening breach between rural and urban income disparities. Moreover, school drop-outs have a large share of rural-urban migration.

It is within this historical – and contemporary circumstances – that the current study was conceptualised – to examine rural-urban migration patterns, as well as identify and explore rural-urban drives and challenges.

CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 INTRODUCTION

In Chapter 2 a literature review about the rural-urban migration in Namibia was presented.

The aim was to explore and comprehend the underlying social and economic stimuli that trigger this exodus, particularly vis-à-vis the housing crisis in Namibia.

In Chapter 3 an outline of the research methodology is discussed. In addition, the geographical areas covered by the study, the study design, the population and sample design are also discoursed. Attention is also given to the measuring instruments applied to collect the data, including methods implemented to maintain the validity and reliability of the instruments.

3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN

The current study can be defined as investigative. The research design combines a literature analyses, in-depth interviews with the selected respondents, stakeholders and community members. Both quantitative and qualitative research methods were used to analyse the data.

For the quantitative component, a questionnaire was used to capture the biographical information. The variables covered were inter alia:

 Gender

 Original locality

 Provision of services at current location

 Reasons for leaving original location

 Nature and status of current employment

 Social and economic challenges at current location

 Level of education

 Level of contentment

3.3 POPULATION

Namibia’s population, estimated at 2,3 million, live in more than 30 towns and 14 regions.

For the current study, the focus was on three emerging towns: Windhoek, the capital city with

345 858 inhabitants, the coastal harbour town of Walvis Bay with 62 096, and the northern town of Oshakati with 40 541 citizens.

3.4 SAMPLE DESIGN

From each of the three locations, a random sample of 25 respondents were selected. The study was done in the following areas – considered as migration hubs – in the mentioned residential areas:

a) Okahandja Park Informal Settlement – Windhoek

b) Tutaleni Location – Walvis Bay and

c) Uupindi Location – Oshakati

The author visited the respondents personally to administer the questionnaires. The anonymity of the participants and confidentiality of the data were guaranteed.

3.5 DATA COLLECTION

The main data collection methods were semi-structured interviews, participant observation, secondary source analyses and questionnaires. Personal interviews constituted an important and valuable source of information. Questionnaires were used as guides for face-to-face interviews to gather data from the selected shack dwellers. Key informants’ questionnaires were mailed, such as the Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration, the Ministry of

Regional, Local Government, Housing and Rural Development, as well as relevant municipalities, the National Housing Enterprise, Build Together and Shack Dwellers’

Federations.

Secondary data sources, such as government publications, technical documents and annual reports were also studied. It provided valuable information that contributed to the study at hand. The Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) was used as analytical tool – mainly the crosstab.

3.6 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The current study is limited by its small sample size, attributable to restricted resources. Time and funding were major restrictions in the collection of data, mainly due to the distant geographical locations. In addition, many shack dwellers were not willing to partake in the project. Likewise, some municipal and government officials appeared to have too little time to respond to the questionnaires. Moreover, institutional documents were hardly accessible to the public, due to so-called ‘security reasons’; causing a lack information.

CHAPTER 4

DATA ANALYSES AND RESEARCH RESULTS

4.1 INTRODUCTION

In Chapter 4 the results and findings of the present study are presented. The results are complemented by information from the literature review, reports on the recent public housing developments in Namibia.

4.2 SAMPLE ATTRIBUTES

Presented in Table 4.1 are the demographic characteristics of the sample. It includes the locations where the participants lived, area of their residency, age, gender, number of household members and marital status.

TABLE 4.1 Sample attributes

Sample attributes Number (N) Percent (%) Location Okahandja Park 25 33,3% Uupindi Location 25 33,3% Tutaleni Location 25 33,3% Area of residence Rural 54 72% Urban 21 28% Age <25 24 32% 25-49 30 40% 50+ 21 28% Gender Male 46 61,3% Female 29 38,7% Marital Status Never married 37 49,3% Married 26 34,7% Divorced 8 10,7%

Widow/widower 4 5,3% Number of Household members < 5 members 47 62,7% 5-9 members 26 34,7% 10+ members 2 2,7%

As planned during the sampling process, equal proportions (25 or 33,3%) of the participants

in the study were drawn from each location, as shown in Table 4.1. Seventy two percent were

settled in a rural, and the rest in an urban environment. The age distribution revealed that

32% were less than 25-years-old, 40% were between 25 and 49 years and the remainder

(28%) were older than 50. The majority of the sample (61,3%) were males. Almost half

(49,3%) of the respondents were single, 34,7% were married, 10,7% were divorced and the

rest (5,3%) were either widows or widowers. Regarding the household size, 62,7% of the

participants were from households with less than five members whereas 34,7% had between

five and nine members and the remainder (2,7%) had ten or more residents.

4.3 HOUSING AND LIVELIHOOD FEATURES

TABLE 4.2 How long ago did you move to this town? How long ago did you move to this town? 0-6 months 7-12 months ago ago > a year ago TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 0 4 21 25 Park % 0 16% 84% 100% Uupindi Frequency 0 3 22 25 Location % 0 12,0% 88% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 1 2 22 25 Location % 4% 8% 88% 100% Frequency 1 9 65 75 TOTAL % 1,3% 12% 87% 100%

It is evident from Table 4.2 that a prodigious majority (86,7%) of the total sample of

respondents were staying in their housing units for more than a year. This pattern is

consistent over the three settlements: 84%, 88% and 88% from Okahandja Park, Uupindi

Location and Tutaleni Location respectively.

TABLE 4.3 Reasons for leaving hometown Reason for leaving hometown Better Poor rainfall and services and Job deteriorating proper opportunities agriculture sanitation TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 11 10 4 25 Park % 44% 40% 16% 100% Uupindi Frequency 10 9 6 25 Location % 40% 36% 24% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 10 13 2 25 Location % 40% 52% 8% 100% Frequency 31 32 12 75 TOTAL % 41,3% 42,7% 16% 100%

Respondents were asked to indicate the reason why they had left their rural hometown, in an

effort to solicit information regarding the reasons for the rural-urban migration. It is clear

from Table 4.3 that respondents mainly migrated for economic reasons – just over 41%

indicated that they had moved to the new location in search for job opportunities. Equally

important, about 42,7% had left their hometowns because of poor rainfall and deteriorating

agricultural activities. In addition, 16% highlighted that they had migrated to the new location

in search for better services and proper sanitation. It is evident that the reasons for migrating

were consistent over the three locations.

TABLE 4.4 Housing status Housing status N % Legally settled Yes 17 22,7% No 58 77,3% Ever applied for a formal house Yes 21 28% No 54 72% Ever considered renting Yes 18 24% No 57 76% Structure approved 1 1,3% Yes 73 98,7% No

As shown in Table 4.4, the majority (77,3%) of the respondents indicated that they were illegally staying at their current housing units. Besides, most (72%) of the respondents indicated that they had not exerted any effort towards applying for a formal house and three- quarters (76%) had not considered renting a proper house.

TABLE 4.5 Legal status Legal status Yes No TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 0 25 25 Park % 0 100% 100% Uupindi Frequency 4 21 25 Location % 16% 84% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 13 12 25 Location % 52% 48% 100% Frequency 17 58 75 TOTAL % 22,7% 77,3% 100%

The researcher sought information on the legality of residents across the three settlements. It is shown in Table 4.5 that all respondents from Okahandja Park were illegal settlers, whereas

84% in Uupindi were illegal and, in contrast, only about 48% of the respondents from

Tutaleni were illegal dwellers.

TABLE 4.6 Service provision Service provision Satisfactorily Fair Poor TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 0 16 9 25 Park % 0 64% 36% 100% Uupindi Frequency 0 21 4 25 Location % 0 84% 16% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 1 19 5 25 Location % 4% 76% 20% 100% Frequency 1 56 18 75 TOTAL % 1% 74,7% 24% 100%

Table 4.6 shows that service provision was evaluated as fair (74,7%) to poor (24%). This pattern is consistent over the three locations, as evidenced by respectively 64% and 36% of the respondents from Okahandja Park – citing that they didn’t approve of service delivery. In the Uupindi location, the rating of service delivery was experienced as even worse, with everybody saying it was either fair or poor. The corresponding figure for Tutaleni was just as low, with 96% rating it negatively. It is quite clear that in the three areas, almost none of the respondents deemed the services as satisfactory.

TABLE 4.7 Socio-economic challenges Socio-economic challenges Lack of basic services and Natural proper sanitation Crime Poverty hazards TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 4 7 14 0 25 Park % 10% 34% 56% 0 100% Uupindi Frequency 10 4 1 10 25 Location % 40% 16% 4% 40% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 20 5 0 0 25 Location % 80% 20% 0 0 100% Frequency 34 16 15 10 75 TOTAL % 45,3% 21,3% 20% 13,3% 100%

The study contextualize the concept of basic services to the availability of formal houses, education, health care facilities, transport and road infrastructures, electricity, water, proper sanitation and refuse and waste removal. Besides inquiring about basic service at the three locations, the author probed the respondents to identify the socio-economic challenges they had to face regarding their living conditions. Among options provided, it is clear from Table

4.7 that the lack of basic services and proper sanitation (45,3%) were their main concerns followed by crime (21,3%) and poverty (20%). In Okahadja Park in Windhoek, the situation was different from the other areas where they indicated that their main socio-economic quandary was poverty (56%).

Besides, a further 20% indicated that they were mainly troubled by the level of crime in their location. The remaining 16% indicated that their major concern was the lack of basic services and proper sanitation. For the residents of Uupindi, the lack of basic services (40%) and natural hazards (40%) were their major apprehensions. In addition, the majority (80%) of those residing in Tutaleni also mentioned that lack of basic services and proper sanitation were their main predicaments.

TABLE 4.8 Employment status Employed Yes No TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 21 4 25 Park % 84% 16% 100% Uupindi Frequency 18 7 25 Location % 72% 28% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 24 1 25 Location % 96% 4% 100% Frequency 63 12 75 TOTAL % 84% 16% 100%

In order to gain more detail about the respondents’ livelihoods, the participants were questioned about their employment status. As summarised in Table 4.8 above, the overwhelming majority (84%) of all the respondents indicated that they were employed. This pattern is consistent for the three locations as evidenced by the 84% from Okahandja Park,

72% and 96% from Uupindi and Tutaleni respectively.

TABLE 4.9 Time it took to find a job How long did you take to find current job? 0-6 months 7-12 months > a year TOTAL Location Okahandja Park Frequency 5 13 4 22 % 22,7% 59,1% 18,2% 100% Uupindi Frequency 9 11 0 20 Location % 45% 55% 0 100% Tutaleni Frequency 1 18 6 25 Location % 4% 72% 24% 100% Frequency 15 42 10 67 TOTAL % 22,4% 62,7% 14,9% 100%

To establish how long it took the respondents to secure their current employment, they were requested to describe the length of the period they had taken to search for a job about two thirds (62,7%) mentioned less than a year but more than six months between 7 and 12 months

(Table 4.9). Another 15% took longer than a year while about 22% reported it took less than six months.

TABLE 4.10 Nature of employment

Nature of employment Contractual Self- Permanent work employed TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 4 17 1 22 Park % 18,2% 77,3% 4.5% 100% Uupindi Frequency 2 15 3 20 Location % 10% 75% 15% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 6 14 5 25 Location % 24% 56% 20% 100% Frequency 12 46 9 67 TOTAL % 17,9% 68,7% 13.4% 100%

Regarding the respondents’ status of their jobs it is shown in Table 4.10 that only 18% held permanent jobs. About 69% were contractual workers whereas 13,4% were self-employed.

The pattern is consistent over the three locations.

TABLE 4.11 Subsidised accommodation

Accommodation subsidised Yes No TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 4 18 22 Park % 18,2% 81,8% 100% Uupindi Frequency 2 18 20 Location % 10% 90% 100%

Tutaleni Frequency 7 17 24 Location % 29,2% 70,8% 100% Frequency 13 53 66 TOTAL % 19,7% 80,3% 100%

As far as subsidies are concerned, close to 20% indicated they were receiving some housing subsidy while the rest did not.

TABLE 4.12 Highest level of education Highest education Primary High Tertiary school school level TOTAL Location Okahandja Park Frequency 10 11 4 25 % 40% 44% 16% 100% Uupindi Frequency 16 5 4 25 Location % 64% 20% 16% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 15 10 0 25 Location % 60% 40% 0 100% Frequency 41 26 8 75 TOTAL % 54,7% 34,7% 10,7% 100%

As far as the respondents’ educational status is concerned, it is apparent from in Table 4.12 that just over halve (54,7%) of them received some primary education; 34,% had completed high school and the remainder, 10,7% respectively, had some tertiary of education.

TABLE 4.13 Involvement in further education Current involvement in further education Yes No TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 7 18 25 Park % 28% 72% 100% Uupindi Frequency 6 19 25 Location % 24,0% 76% 100% Tutaleni Frequency 9 16 25 Location % 36% 64% 100% Frequency 22 53 75 TOTAL % 29,3% 70,7% 100%

Following on the level of education of the respondents, the researcher needed to know if any were involved in furthering their education. It is apparent from Table 4.13 that most (70,7%) of them were not involved in any form of further education, while 29,3% indicated the opposite.

TABLE 4.14 Contentment with new location

Contentment with new location Moderate Low None TOTAL Location Okahandja Frequency 7 18 0 25 Park % 28% 72% 0 100% Uupindi Frequency 17 8 0 25 Location % 68% 32% 0 100% Tutaleni Frequency 12 11 1 24 Location % 50% 45,8% 4,2% 100% Frequency 36 37 1 74 TOTAL % 48,6% 50,0% 1,4% 100%

It is evident from Table 4.14 that the respondents generally regarded their current residences as not offering them happiness in life. About halve of the respondents stated that there was a low to moderate morale, or contentment, at their new locations, due to the surrounding circumstances. A closer analysis of the data reveals that it was mostly (68%) of the residents from Uupindi who reported moderate happiness with their location, compared to 50% in

Tutaleni and 28% in Okahandja Park correspondingly. The highest discontent level (72%) was recorded at Okahandja Park in Windhoek, followed by Tutaleni (45.8%) and lastly in

Uupindi (32%).

4.4 ASSUMPTIONS

The current study was directed under the assumption that individuals who migrate from villages to towns and cities are triggered by the

 Changes in climate patterns

 weakening of the agriculture sector

 absence of innovation and entrepreneurial incentives

 centralisation of services

 lack of employment opportunities

 unavailability of institutions of higher learning

 absence of adequate essential basic services and improper sanitation

 lack of formal housing and insufficiency of health facilities

 weakness or absence of responsive policies and security

It is clear from Table 4.3 that the respondents migrated mainly because of economic reasons.

About 40% of the respondents indicated that they had moved to a new location in search of job opportunities. Equally important, about 43% had left their rural hometowns because of a deterioration in the rainfall patterns and agricultural activities. Additionally, some participants highlighted that they had migrated to the new location in search for better services and proper sanitation. It is evident that the reasons for migrating are consistent over the three locations.

4.5 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

4.5.1 Rural-urban migration in northern Namibia (Oshakati Town- Oshana region)

Oshakati town – in the Oshana region of Namibia – was officially founded in July 1966 and has 36 541 inhabitants. It serves as the regional capital of the northern regions. Oshakati’s proximity to Ongwediva and Ondangwa towns presents the opportunity to become Namibia’s commercial capital. In addition, these towns are surrounded by large villages – as well as small urban centres – that benefit greatly from Oshakati’s status as city. Instead of travelling for long hours to Windhoek for shopping, people in the northern regions have a much shorter trip to Oshakati.

According to the 2011 census, five of the top six most populated regions are located in northern Namibia namely: Ohangwena (245 100), Omusati (242 900), Kavango (222 500),

Oshikoto (181 600) and Oshana (176 674) (Namibia Statistic Agency, 2013). Further benefits of Oshakati as a city – and the northern regional capital – are not only more social and economic challenges, but also a reduction of pressure on migration to faraway towns, which are already struggling to keep up with the uncontrolled influx. Complications that arise are typically a housing backlog, public safety and security, as well as the expansion in the provision of affordable and serviced residential plots. Over the past 10 years, the Oshakati town has experienced a population growth of 29,3% – from 28 255 to 36 541 in 2001 and

2011 respectively – in the incursion of migrants (Namibia Statistic Agency, 2013). The high influx has resulted in migrants illegally grabbing land and erecting structures unlawfully.

Oshakati’s informal settlements are Oneshila, Kandjegedhi, Evululuko, Emwaandi, Shoopala,

Sky, Uupindi and Mahenene, with new settlements emerging virtually on daily basis. In

Oshakati, the current study was centred on the controversial and outspoken Uupindi informal settlement where land grabbing has been on increase and service delivery been described by residents as poor.

4.5.2 Uupindi location dwellers‟ opinions

Uupindi informal location is one of the oldest at Oshakati. It is a haven to migrants from rural areas in search for job opportunities. This flood-prone location has in recent years experienced a high population growth with the associated increase in illegal land-grabbing by desperate and frustrated residents. Some of the illegal structures found in this location belong to government employees who can’t secure land, due to cumbersome land and formal house- acquisition processes. They singled out the absence of job opportunities in their previous dwellings as the main reason for moving. One participant indicated that, being a married man with a family to take care of, it has become a real predicament because of the deteriorating agriculture conditions. He blamed it on the excessive floods experienced over the years in the

Cuvelai Basin in Angola, which had destroyed crops and consequently exposed the region to a severe food shortage. The current drought exacerbated the predicament. The cumulative effect of these adverse conditions left them no option but to migrate in search for employment opportunities that could enable them to feed their families and keep their children at school.

Some rightful landowners claimed that their location is faced with a number of challenges, and the authorities are doing virtually nothing to mitigate the situation. Rife poverty, crime, clean water and proper sanitations are major threats to the town, but eluded by the authorities.

In addition, seasonal floods had resulted in major relocations to higher grounds.

A single mother mentioned that there are some available opportunities in Oshakati, in contrast to her rural surroundings: ‘There is nothing to feed on at home or any activities going on there‟ she stated. She also indicated that although she was not employed at her current village, she lived on subsistence farming which provided her with enough to feed her family and even a small surplus to sell for profit.

Many of the respondents agreed to be illegal settlers on town council property and most of their structures had not been built according to authority-approved plans They argued, however, that they had applied for plots (‘erven‟) for years on end, with no response from the authority. The situation had forced them to ‘grab’ any land available and erected their shelters there. One participant claimed to have been renting a plot for years, despite having applied for an own plot, without receiving a response. It prompted her to illegally ‘grab’ a piece of land, for which she is willing to spend a minimal fee of N$10 000,00 ≈ US$935,45 to legitimately own – rather than paying rental fees – for something that is not her’s.

Another respondent insisted to stay put until she receives a response regarding her application for a plot, noting that the municipality claims to be the rightful owner, but there are no basic services on the site. She is among other many residents whose structures had been labelled as illegal and ordered to remove them or face forceful eviction as shown in Photograph 1.

PHOTOGRAPH 1 Some of the residents pictured next to one of ten shacks marked 'ILLEGAL REMOVE‟ by the town council after residents put them up on illegally-acquired plots at the location. Photo: Clemans Miyanicwe, 2013-10-29

During the interviews, the elders from the location confirmed that they had little interest in renting or owning a formal house, owing to their age and the type of houses they qualify for.

A 55-year-old man with only five years remaining before retirement – and given the mortgage repayment range of between 20-30 years – questioned the reason why he should continue incurring endless expenses on a formal house, while life is cheap in a shack? He felt it was wise to dwell in a shack which is cost-effective until his retirement age and then return to his home village, where he owns a traditional house. He has no intention to invest in urban properties. This view was supported by many casual and contract workers that form the majority of the residents who were not entitled to housing allowances or rental fees and were likely to be out of a job. Most of them indicated they had attended primary or high school, except a few students who owned shacks and could cover the distance from their villages to the Institution of Higher Learning in Oshakati and the adjacent Ongwediva town.

4.5.3 The Oshakati Town Council‟s voice

In response to questionnaires the Oshakati Town Council Planning and Property Manager stressed that, since the decentralisation of the Build Together Programme, a number of informal settlements – including the Uupindi Location – have joined the saving scheme’s groups in an effort to save enough money under the Shack Dwellers’ Federation of Namibia.

The programme is alleged to have benefitted many residents in formal houses at the town.

The council singled out employment opportunities as the main attraction – along with security of tenure – especially to teachers working at schools in the town. Moreover, better living conditions, which include services such as electricity, clean water and tertiary education are other factors drawing people to the town.

The Town Council’s Planning and Properties Manager pointed out that the location is faced with serious challenges regarding service provision. The absence of proper roads, insufficient sewerage provision and storm water drainage are some of the challenges the location is faced with. Efforts to remedy the situation are not likely to achieve the desired results as it involves relocating most of the resistant illegal settlers. The Council is planning to re-design the area to meet acceptable standards and to relocate some of the residents in order to create more space and make provision for other services, such as a road infrastructure, sewerage and storm water drainage, as well as to allow residents to secure tenure in the future.

As far as unemployment is concerned, the Council indicated that the town is experiencing a high rate of joblessness. Despite the town’s relatively sound economic base, the Council claims that only the government and business are major employers. The big unemployment rate is fuelled by the high influx of migrants from the villages and other towns. The Council admitted there are no housing strategies in place, but confirmed their commitment in

establishing basic housing strategies to assist the town in simplification of the process. The

Oshakati Town Council is currently embarking on clearing three areas namely; Ehenye,

Ekuku and Okaku-Kiipupu all meant for housing in an effort to address the ever-escalating housing backlog. The Council said they will continue to acquire enough land for housing, as well as to provide compensation to Mahangu fields’ owners on the outskirts of the town.

Moreover, the Council voiced that land-servicing is a very expensive undertaking. It has been difficult for the Council to provide enough land to its inhabitants over the years. However, the Council has managed to service some plots and acknowledged that the Central

Government is providing the finance. The Council described its land-servicing process as being continuous, provided funds are available.

In addition, the Council has no policy in place to address the social problems involved in the intensifying of the rate at which shacks are erected. The predicament around the dwellers’ disposal income dictates that the unemployed and low income earners can hardly afford formal houses. The Council is not yet ready to provide housing and other basic services to such residents at no cost. The Council describes the housing backlog as excessive, with a daily average of four to five applications. It accounts for approximately over 7 000 applications already on the waiting list.

As part of the Council’s commitment to make ends meet, they claim to have allocated un- serviced plots to private developers – through the Council’s joint-venture initiatives and public-private partnering. Similarly to the Windhoek- and Walvis Bays’ Town Councils, land grabbing has also become a major concern in communal areas. The Council expressed its dismay with some communal farm owners who allegedly sell land to individuals without the

Council’s approval. This practice has brought about a serious burden to the Council’s

planning process and made it even more expensive to accommodate some of the structures that have already been constructed in areas that have not been planned. This requires additional compensation to the illegal owners’ – should the Council decide to abolish them.

The Council has conceded that the land and formal housing acquisition process is cumbersome, but they promised a swift improvement.

4.5.4 Rural-urban migration within the central area (Windhoek -Khomas region)

Although the country’s central area of Khomas Region is one of the smallest of the 14 regions, it is one of the most populate with over 342141 residents inhibiting over an area of

37007 km² according Namibia Statistic Agency Population and Housing Census report

(2013). The region contains the capital city Windhoek which is the social, economic, business, educational, transport and cultural hub of the country. Windhoek forms the administrative, legislative and judicial centre of Namibia, with over 320 000 inhabitants in

2011 compared to only 234 000 in 2001 (Namibia Statistic Agency, 2013). The majority of the inhabitants are regular salary earners, predominantly in the service of the government, related agencies and commerce. It has become attractive to rural dwellers in search of job opportunities. In Photograph 2 the centre of the so-called cleanest city on the African continent.

PHOTOGRAPH 2 A skyline view of Windhoek shows some of the historical and new structures of the African, so-called, cleanest city. Photo: Google Earth, 2013

Windhoek is facing a new and rising threat to its shining image. The Namibian capital is experiencing a population boom, mainly due to an influx of people from rural areas in search of a better life. The city’s authorities have issued a stern warning that, unless the rural areas are made more attractive for people to live there, migration to Windhoek will continue to soar. The population growth has put tremendous pressure on the municipality’s financial resources for the provision of basic services, for which almost all of the migrants are unable to pay. The city councillors are of the opinion that the rural-urban migration has also burdened the capital’s financial infrastructure and made planning difficult, as it is impossible to plan ahead without exact figures at hand.

Government institutions, such as the Ministry of Education (MeD), find it demanding to determine the number of schoolchildren to plan for; similarly the Ministry of Health can’t establish the number of potential patients to provide for – under the current circumstances.

As in most African countries, urbanisation in Namibia is clearly set for exponential growth over the coming decades. The percentage of rural inhabitants has declined over the last 10 years from about 70% in 1990 to 65% in 2001 (National Housing Income and Expenditure

Survey 2003/2004). Urbanisation has given rise to a number of predicaments in Windhoek, such as the growth of informal settlements, pressures on services and resources such as water, electricity, housing and sanitation, as well as transport services.

Despite these setbacks, the city remains committed to ensure that all residents have decent housing with potable water, as well as the availability of developed land. Challenges, such as the growth in informal settlements are exacerbated by high rental costs, rapidly becoming unaffordable in Windhoek. For instance, the rental for one-bedroom standard backyard flat costs between N$2 000 ≈ US$197.00 to N$3 500 ≈ US$327.12/month escalating from low-, to middle- and high-income neighbourhoods. With the current 800 ≈ US$75.00 for lower to medium civil servants’ rental allowance, numerous people – particularly migrants – are forced to illegal land-grabbing of municipal land. In Windhoek, study focussed on Okahandja

- Park for being one of the most densely populated informal settlements in the city.

4.5.5 Okahandja Park informal settlement – the dwellers‟ views

Following on independence in 1990, Okahandja Park has – similarly as Windhoek – experienced an influx of people, resulting in burgeoning informal settlements on the outskirts.

Okahandja Park is situated north-west of Windhoek’s city centre and home to more than 2

500 families. The location is regarded as one of the most densely populated in Windhoek, along with other informal settlements, such as Hakahana, Ombili and Otjomuise.

According to the immigrant respondents in the current study, they all had moved to

Windhoek in search for opportunities – to provide them with some basic sustenance. As accommodation is a major predicament, the migrants find themselves homeless and have to face many other obstacles of city life which they did not understand. The immigrants are mainly blacks migrants, most of which grew up in rural areas where they did not have to pay for any services, such as water or electricity. Most settlers moved here from other informal settlements, probably in order to escape having to pay for municipal services. The dwellers indicated that despite their desire for a formal house, they are far too poor to buy one, or even a piece of land in Windhoek.

On the issue of auctioning land, the respondents claimed that it enriches only few individuals, most of which are City of Windhoek’s employees who own more than one plot, as well as property developers who build houses and sell them at exorbitant prices to customers, without any price regulation. One participant commented that ‘…a plot, bought at a land auction, can be sold five to ten years later at a very high price which we cannot afford.’

Another contributor said: ‘…however, they do not want us to grab the land while failing to control dual land ownership; is that not double standards, or is this not a conflict of interest?’ On a larger scale, the problem of squatters’ illegal occupation of municipal land highlights numerous severe predicaments facing Namibia, such as the lack of affordable housing, associated with unemployment, wide-scale poverty and failure of the Government to provide essential services. The participants admitted to have grabbed the land they have lived on for years, without the Council showing any concern.

One respondent claimed to have been forced to vacate the land where they have been staying for almost 20 years. He expressed his fear to lose his land and the building material. He alleged he is too old – considering his financial position – to afford to buy other building material. Respondents further claimed that the on-going demolition of their shacks is against the Namibian Constitution and thus violates their rights. Photographs 3 and 4 depict some of the shacks being destructed by the City Council while the owners look on.

PHOTOGRAPH 3 A mother with a baby on her back walks away disappointedly after pleading with the driver of the bulldozer to spare het shack from demolition Photo: Henry van Rooi, 2012

PHOTOGRAPH 4 A furious illegal settler in the Goangab Dam area of Windhoek trying to stop the police from demolishing their shacks. Photo: Catherine Sasman, 2012

Some of the respondents accused the City of Windhoek for having failed to honour its promise to provide them with plots. One old lady requested an invoice so she can buy the land she has lived on for over 15 years. She disagreed that the land was sold to someone else.

In her argument, she queried that if the land has an owner, it should belong to those who stayed there for a long time, not newcomers. She singled out incidents of having been walking long distances to fetch water, firewood, and using the bush as a toilet. Regarding service provision, most residents claimed that they live in a desperate situation without basic services. Some accused politicians as being passive and invisible when the community has problems, but during election time, they are visible 24/7. The migrants asked politicians to remember that residents did not vote for them to sit in their offices, drink tea and enjoy their cool air-conditioned offices – as if they had elected themselves to such a position – but rather to react to the communities’ plights.

On the socio-economic front, respondents identified the lack of basic services and crime, which they claim is fuelled by the lack of employment opportunities among the youth in the area. Another challenge to the location is extreme poverty which is alleged to be on the rise, as well as the outbreak of diseases that continues to claim lives.

Transportation and road infrastructure, according to residents, are further handicaps the community is battling with. A participant claimed to be walking up to 5 km to a taxi rank and has to pay double, or even triple, the normal taxi fare to be dropped off at home. Besides, very few taxis are willing to drive on gravel roads. As in the other locations covered in the present study, most of the respondents have a low level of education and are unemployed, self-employed or casual or contract workers with minimal salaries. School drop-outs are copious among the shack dwellers and many have failed to secure a job, attributable to a lack of skills. They become involved in organised crime which becomes even more difficult to combat. They argued this calamitous situation can be alleviated by the erection of street lamps. Overall, the respondents alleged their level of contentment in the Okahandja Park

informal settlement as worse compared to Tutaleni Location in Walvis Bay and Uupindi informal location in Oshakati.

4.5.6 The City of Windhoek Council‟s views

It is the City of Windhoek (CoW) Council’s opinion that centralisation of services has led to the influx of people from rural areas. Therefore, according to the spokesperson of the council, they believe that decentralisation is the right tool in curbing rural-urban migration. The lack of job opportunities in rural areas has resulted in rural areas becoming home to elderly people, as the youth and young adults leave their rural roots and move to towns and cities in search for better opportunities, causing ‘rural depopulation’. This view is confirmed by the

2011 Population and Housing Census Basic Report that showed a pyramid – narrow in the middle with a bulky apex, indicating that rural areas have a smaller proportion of active and working age population between the ages of 15-59 and a much larger proportion of elderly people as presented below. (Namibia Statistic Agency, 2013).

FIGURE 4.1 Rural population’s pyramid Source: Namibia Statistic Agency (2013)

Consequently, according to the Council, the high flow of migrants to the city end up in shacks on illegally-grabbed land, without the Council’s consultation. The city council spokesperson’s shared similar sentiments with migrants that the unavailability of

opportunities in rural areas are highly associated with such influxes. The spokesperson concur that the excessively high rate of unemployment in the country is the main cause of migration movements.

The Council agrees that migrants are desperate and hungry for opportunities, but lack an understanding of urban life. Land- grabbing is a serious threat to the city and has prompted the Council to enforce vigorous eviction actions against individuals who reject the authority’s voluntary appeal to abandon such areas – it if often met with resistance and fierce skirmishes by the dwellers as shown in Photograph 5 below.

PHOTOGRAPH 5 An illegal occupant’s message „NO BODY 2 TOUCH THIS place‟ [sic]. Sending a clear message to the CoW’s authority not to temper with his plot. Okahandja Park, Windhoek Photo: Feodora von Francois, 2012

Due to the CoW’s limited capacity, it has become very difficult to meet the growing demand for plots and housing. They stress that the Council’s land might be available, but not financed. They argue that land-servicing is a costly process and cannot be addressed overnight. They further agree that, like many other Local Authorities and Regional Councils depend on Central Government for capital provision, they have insufficient resources and

capacity to fund and deal with land development projects, as well as facilitation in the provision of housing, including social housing and availability of serviced land. Therefore, the City Council has asked the central Government for intervention to remedy the situation and provide serviced lands at an affordable price, particularly to the poor.

Despite the shortcomings, given the Targeted Intervention Programme for Employment and

Economic Growth (TIPEEG), which is aimed at upgrading informal settlements with the provision of water, roads, sewerage and electricity – in low-income areas (NPC 2011) – along with the current Mass Housing Project by the Government, the Council’s spokesperson is optimistic about making ends meet.

The CoW confirmed there are no existing strong municipal provision and public housing strategies, as well as broad institutional policy reforms on migration; making it difficult to manage such programme. In their defence, they singled out a number of existing policies to monitor informal settlements’ expansion, relocation measures and to address land grabbing in the city. The CoW spells out that, although the land has not been developed yet, it is the property of the CoW – given it is within the city’s jurisdiction. This was in response to remarks made by residents that the Council only waits for them to clear the land and then evict them.

On allegations that some of the dwellers have been applying for formal houses or plots for years, the Authority stressed that having applied for such a long time do not justify taking the law into their own hands. The Council expressed its concern to all inhabitants and promised the allocation of new sites before anyone is evicted. This, according to the residents, is in contrast to the 2012 Okahandja Park and Goreangab forceful eviction which included

bulldozing shacks during winter by the City Council without providing alternative land and leaving the ‘victims’ homeless in the cold became a situation many refer to as barbaric and inhuman, as shown in Photograph 6.

In their response, the Council stressed that the aim is to pursue the concept of creating sustainable settlements endowed with all social and economic ingredients necessary to sustain communities, particularly in informal settlements, without neglecting formal location development. Additionally, the City of Windhoek claims that the zero-tolerance policy for land invasion was being implemented and will remain intact and strictly enforced, as it has to do with the development of the city.

PHOTOGRAPH 6 The Municipality of Windhoek’s bulldozers destroying a shack Photo: Levi Upala, 2012

The CoW admitted to the high housing backlog in the city but assured community members they are working tirelessly to deliver services. The council also acknowledged that the land- and formal house-acquisition processes with regard to time and transaction costs are cumbersome, but promised improvement. Though resources and service land availability remain challenges, the Council is committed to the development of all settlements while promoting community-driven housing programmes that will provide affordable houses.

However, the CoW remains critical about corruption, organised crime syndicates,

maladministration and misappropriation of funds and thus calls for accountability and transparency among community members.

4.5.7 Rural-urban migration in Namibia‟s coastal towns (Walvis Bay)

Walvis Bay one of the country’s harbour towns and lies 30 km south of Swakopmund, accessed by an ocean road seamed by mighty dunes. The town is situated next to a wide lagoon with innumerable sea birds. After Namibia's independence in 1990, the only deep-sea port on the Namibian coast remained under South African rule and only in 1994 was it handed over to Namibia.

The harbour town is entering a period of progress and development. It plays a crucial role in the national development and growth of Namibia and the African subcontinent as a whole. It is the gateway to Namibia as well as other countries in sub-Saharan Africa. It promises momentous growth and opportunities. Traditionally, the economy of Walvis Bay was based on fishing, which is still the biggest employer at the town. Photograph 7 shows an aerial view of the harbour town of Walvis Bay.

PHOTOGRAPH 7 An aerial photo of Walvis Bay harbour Photo: Google Earth, 2014

In addition, there are many investment opportunities in the support and service sectors to the fishing industry in areas such as marketing, production, packaging and ingredients for fish processing. A separate fishing harbour serves vessels operating from Walvis Bay.

The 3 500 hectare Walvis Bay salt field is one of the largest solar-evaporation facilities in

Africa, processing 24 million tons of seawater annually to produce more than 400 000 tons of high-quality salt, which is shipped to markets in southern and west Africa. The exploration for oil and gas along the coast continues, with oil having been discovered in 2013. Local and foreign investors find Walvis Bay conducive to investment because of a number of positive factors such as a strategically-located port equipped with modern equipment, heavy machinery and an efficient labour force. The port has the capacity to process over two million tons of cargo annually.

Another attractive package of fiscal incentives for local and foreign investors, the programme

– Namibian Export Processing Zone (EPZ) – was launched at Walvis Bay and offers to investors a wide range of benefits and advantages such as:

 Total exemption from corporate income tax, custom duties, sales taxes, transfer taxes

and stamp duties. Only personal income tax needs to be paid

 Investors are obliged to choose to upgrade the skills of their Namibian employees by

making the use of the 75% reimbursement by the Namibian Government of all direct

expenditures incurred on approved on-the-job training courses

 Freedom from exchange controls and the holding of foreign currency accounts at local

banks

 Legally enforced no-strike clauses for companies with EPZ status

 Free repatriation of capital and profits (Ministry of Trade and Industry, 1996a.)

Due to its well-developed fishing industry, among other sectors, the town has attracted a number of job seekers from all over the country. Such migrants have been accommodated in

Kuisebmond Location, the historical residential suburb for blacks in Walvis Bay during colonialism. It now serves as a reception centre for new migrants searching for jobs.

Migration, besides economic progression and natural population growth has resulted in an acute housing shortage in Kuisebmond, resulting in the practice of backyard tenants. This evolvement leads to a myriad of social problems ranging from overcrowding and fire hazards to overflowing sewers that flood houses and streets. Almost every house in Kuisebmond location has an illegal structure erected resulting in the exponential increase in accommodation shortages, as can be seen in Photograph 8.

PHOTOGRAPH 8 A view of Kuisebmond’s increasing backyard shacks Photo: Andrew Byerley, 2012

In 2000, the Walvis Bay municipality initiated a housing project called Tutaleni, which is an

Oshiwambo word meaning ‘let us watch‟. Located in the northern outskirts of the town, it was created with the intention of reducing the negative effects of the high number of shacks on the town. The initiation of Oshiwambo provided a basic assembly with a cement floor and equipped with a toilet and a kitchen sink. The occupants are then free to complete their housing structures with some acceptable building material. Although residents have access to clean water, power, waste removal and other basic municipal services, the plots remain a municipal asset. The creation of the Tutaleni location seemingly provided some temporary relief during its inception. However, the location is currently already overcrowded and most of the shacks are haphazardly and poorly constructed. The shacks are vulnerable to fire, crime and a diseases. In addition, a heavy burden is placed on the sewerage network – which has already resulted in numerous disruptions and pipe ruptures. The current study is inter alia focussed on the Tutaleni Location, which has become a reception centre to migrants who flock to the town in search for opportunities.

4.5.8 Tutaleni residents‟ views

Established on similar principles as the Kuisebmond location – which have amenities such as safe drinking water, electricity and refuse collection – the creation of the Tutaleni Village has greatly contributed to solving some of the problems related to backyard squatting, according to the Council. The relocation of backyard tenants from the Kuisebmond Location to the

Tutaleni Location had offered community members some basic municipal amenities such as clean water, electricity and proper sanitation. Despite the Council’s efforts to relocate the backyard dwellers to a new location, residents remain unhappy with the services offered and how the process is being administered. One of the respondents was furious about the manner the Municipality is handling the Tutaleni location, as the land remains the Municipality’s property and tenants are only allowed to erect structures built of prescribed building material, but are not allowed to purchase such land for themselves.

According to Municipality officials, this is done because it is believed that there will always be people unwilling to possess their own houses – or who simply prefer to rent – rather than own a house. Another resident alleged that the Municipality never informed them of the conditions and are adamant that the Council only wants to prohibit them from owning properties. This precarious situation has resulted in many initial tenants in the Tutaleni

Village vacating the location – migrating back to Kuisebmond location – as the idea does not encourage people to own houses, but instead continue to pay monthly charges to the authority.

Some residents are still not yielding to demands, despite the Municipality’s insistence not to sell the plots. Another resident claimed that some residents are renting out their units when they are laid off at work. Since most of them are seasonally employed, it contravenes the

lease agreement. Photograph 9 shows an early image of the Tutaleni Location which, over the years, has developed in an unbearable situation.

PHOTOGRAPH 9 A Tutaleni house showing backyard shacks Photo: Charles Tjatindi, 19 October 2011

The paper’s findings revealed that the majority of the residents in Tutaleni are migrants who have emerged elsewhere outside Walvis Bay in search of employment. This is confirmation that urbanisation continues to draw people from rural areas. Due to the unavailability of serviced plots at the town, migrants are either squatting with relatives or friends for a fee.

Many of the migrants work on a contractual basis and can be without a job for months. It has become difficult to apply for a formal house in the town, a room to rent, or to buy a plot in

Tutaleni, because of the fixed monthly rental fees. Some people are, by choice, unwilling to own a formal house as they already own a house at their rural places of origin. This supports

Niikondo’s (2010) findings that some migrants refuse to buy costly formal housing; they’d rather pay for exorbitant municipal services in the city and live in shacks (ibid, 2010).

Another resident indicated that finding a place that can be called ‘home’ in Walvis Bay – or own land to erect a structure – is very tough. They claimed it is far better to gather enough material and build an own structure in someone else’s backyard than being on street. It shows once again that the current 29.6 % (NSA, 2013) unemployment rate of the country is largely attributable to the rural-urban migration in Walvis Bay, similarly as in other growing towns.

Moreover, it shows evidence that most of the respondents are low- to middle-skilled, given their level of education (Table 4.12). It also indicates that most of Walvis Bay’s migrants have either completed primary or high school education, with only few currently involved in formal education (Table 4.13).

According to Hailulu (cited in Niikondo, 2010) residents should not be deprived of their rights, but rather be provided with employment opportunities. Hailulu cautions that a lack of formal, or tertiary education diplomas and certificates, should not disqualify people to receive on-the-job training, furthering their chances to get employed. This practice had been applied previously – the colonial system had to recruit unskilled labourers from rural areas, provided them with training and made them employable. Presently, a similar approach is applied in the banking system in Namibia – many people who are employed at various banks in Namibia are not necessarily graduates, but are trained on the job. These people are currently renting apartments or owning formal houses (Niikondo, 2010).

Notwithstanding the benefits offered, residents claimed that the Tutaleni Project has not provided relief to the town, as expected, regardless of the basic facilities and improved livelihood offered. They further argued that the creation of the Tutaleni village seems to provide a slight temporary relief. However, Tutaleni is overcrowded and most shacks are arbitrarily and poorly constructed. Living conditions within the location are typically poor

with residents facing a range of basic livelihood predicaments, including poor access to basic sanitation and water supply, waste accumulation, recurrent shack fires, safety and security risks, and a range of health hazards.

Additionally, a heavy burden is placed on the sewerage network, which has resulted in numerous disruptions and pipe ruptures. They further claimed that the backyard shacks are not provided with electricity, forcing residents to make dangerous and illegal electrical connections, most of which are short-circuited and are the main cause of fires. Although the residents are conscious of the dangers posed by illegal connections, it remains a practice many refuse to refrain from. Photograph 10 depicts an image of the current situation at

Tutaleni Location, 13 years after its inception in 2000, with the intention of curbing the growing number of shacks and to move squatters to a hygienic area with basic services.

Photograph 10 shows how the project has failed miserably.

PHOTOGRAPH 10 A current view of the Tutaleni location 13 years after its inception Photo: Eveline de Klerk, 13 November 2013

4.5.9 The Municipality of Walvis Bay‟s response

According to the Municipality of Walvis Bay, the inception of the Tutaleni Village has greatly contributed towards solving some of the problems related to backyard squatting. The

Authority further stress that the affected community is also pleased with the results achieved so far, contrary to the residents’ remarks.

In response to questionnaires, the Housing and Properties Manager at the Walvis Bay

Municipality denied the presence of informal settlements at the coastal town. The results of the current study indicate the high influx of people from all over the country in search for employment opportunities.

The manager also conceded the main cause of urban migration is unemployment in rural areas and the availability of opportunities in the urban areas. ‘It is therefore observed that for

Walvis Bay being the industrial hub, more people seek opportunities in the town,’ the

Councillor replied. The Council insists that the Tutaleni Location is not an informal settlement, but rather a formal settlement provided with necessary services. However, they indicate that the town is faced with an overcrowding challenge as a result of the high inflow of people to the harbour town, putting pressure on the Council’s efforts to provide enough land to all migrants. In acknowledgement, the spokesperson pointed to backyard shacks as being another major challenge, as well as having a fast-growing housing backlog. He further agreed that backyard shack fires and the breakout of diseases, such as tuberculosis, is a strong threat to the town. Many of the migrants to the coastal town do get employed, although most of them are either casual or contract workers, reducing the town’s unemployment rate to

15%.

In addition, the Housing and Properties Manager indicated that they are presently compiling urbanisation strategies for the town through the Ministry of Regional Local Government

Housing and Rural Development, as well as the UN Habitat programme. The Municipality confirmed the readiness of policies to be implemented in efforts to address the current

Tutaleni Location project through the ‘backyard shack policy’. The Council regards backyard shacks as illegal in terms of the Building Regulation and Town Planning scheme. With regard to migrants’ socio-economic protection mechanisms, there are no protection mechanisms to the migrants. Unlike other towns, Walvis Bay has not experienced land- grabbing since its handover to Namibia in 1994.

Due to the dire housing backlog of 12 000 units for ultra-low to low-income earners, 6 000 for middle-income earners and 4 000 for high-income earners respectively, the council stressed that the Council has serviced plots available, but cannot meet the town’s housing demands as the supply exceeds outstrips the demand. However, the Authority is trying it’s best to improve the process, citing two new extensions that have already been identified for special housing, The Council is currently awaiting approval from the relevant Ministries to set the process in motion. About demography, the Housing and Properties Manager indicated that the shack dwellers form the majority of the inhabitants of the harbour town. The council’s spokesperson further conceded to the allegation that the land – or the formal house acquisition process – is cumbersome and needs an urgent review.

Tutaleni remains the property of the Walvis Bay Municipality and no residents are allowed to purchase such properties, since this would defeat the purpose of the initiative. The project is aimed at assisting those who cannot afford other forms of decent housing. The Municipality has, however – over the years – dismissed allegations that residents had been informed that

acquisition of units was on a lease contract and not up for ownership. They argue that the plots are smaller than what is stipulated by the local Government Act.

Another stern dispute in eliminating the shack problem is that residents are now cashing-in on shacks they have constructed around their formal houses. However, the Council has indicated efforts are undertaken to remedy the situation. The spokesperson furthermore argued that, since the Council is responsible for the wellbeing of all Walvis Bay’s residents – and given the Tutaleni Project was not found on profitable principles – it remains the best solution to curb the escalating problems created by the large number of informal dwellers.

In an isolated occurrence, Walvis Bay experienced a number of shack-related fires that caused the loss of lives and leaving a number of residents homeless. The fire shocked the coastal town on the 13th and January 2013. The fires destroyed two brick houses and more than 20 shacks on the 13th and later another brick house and six shacks on the 30th as a result of a strong wind that fanned the flames. Moreover, two houses and 17 shacks were also gutted by another fire in Tunacor Street in the Namport suburb, leaving more than 30 people, including children homeless. This horrendous fire broke out in the Tutaleni Location which left one brick house and six shacks completely destroyed (Photographs 11 and 12).

PHOTOGRAPH 11 The remains of a brick house and six shacks completely destroyed by fire in the Tutaleni Location Photo: Ellanie Smit, 2013

PHOTOGRAPH 12 Bystanders watch the raging fire destroying two brick houses and more than twenty shacks at Kuisebmond location Photo: Ellanie Smit, 2013

In summation, the Authority urges residents to refrain from the practice of tapping into power lines – it’s severe a violation of municipal by-laws and building regulations. The shacks are almost always erected too close to each other – or even attached to one another – and thus in the unfortunate event of fire, the blaze spreads rapidly from one shack to the next; killing people at far as it goes – the Council describes it as an additional burden to prevent fires.

CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 SUMMARY

Rural-to-urban migration is an inherent part of the economic development process in

Namibia, yet little has been done to study the situation scientifically. The aim with the current study is firstly an attempt to describe the present status of rural-urban migration in Namibia from several angles. Moreover, it aims to assist scholars and policy makers to prioritise the precarious behaviour pattern on the African continent.

Migration rates are alarming high in several regions in Namibia, however, there are clearly various types of gains by migrating. Urban population growth is generally much faster than the total population growth – about halve the urban growth is contributed by migrants from rural areas. Windhoek, Walvis Bay and Oshakati are growing particularly fast, mainly due to economic reasons. The migration of labour from rural to urban areas is envisaged as an important part of the urbanisation process in the three towns. While the city (Windhoek) and the two towns (Walvis Bay and Oshakati) are growing in population, the rural figures are decreasing, causing rural depopulation and, more importantly, slowing down the rate of development in the rural areas.

The present study indicates that rural-urban migration has several negative consequences – it inter alia leads to overpopulation of the urban areas – encouraging crime. As more people migrate to urban areas in search of employment and better living conditions, the housing backlog grows exponentially. The process leads to the growth and expansion of informal settlements at the periphery of urban centres across the country. The fact that informal

settlements are built on un-serviced land compounds, the challenges of health and hygiene, as well as the danger posed by fires that put the lives of people in jeopardy and destroy property.

In view of the consequences of migrations, the Namibian Government strives to provide social amenities such as a ‘bush allowance’ given to teachers and other public servants working in remote areas, the development of facilities and the provision of jobs in the rural areas. Employment opportunities remain one of the key factors that lure inhabitants from their rural dwellings. In addition to employment, urban areas have better housing, better education and improved healthcare.

The present study exposed that some rural-to-urban migrants complain of poor education, especially in rural areas, as well as poor health facilities with no adequate resources. Some respondents expressed their desire for formal houses with electricity, water and proper sanitation in the city. Moreover, migrants with a higher income are attracted to towns and cities for better remuneration. Additionally, most migrants do not feel protected in rural areas and move to urban settings in search of protection, which is daring, as crime is more eminent in urban settings.

As migrants reach out to towns, they are met with a number of tough challenges and are often forced to squat with relatives or illegally ‘grab’ (engage) municipal land and erect their own shacks made from any conceivable building material. Almost all shacks lack basic amenities, such as electricity, gas, running water, sewerage systems and refuse collection. In addition, the locations are faced with the waste and rubbish accumulation which lead to the outbreak of diseases. They also have a lack of schools – many children, even by the age of ten, are trying to earn some money become ‘street kids’. There are no accessible public transport systems and families live under a constant threat of crime. Apart from deteriorating living conditions

at informal settlements, there are atrocious shack-related fires caused by illegal electricity connections.

Furthermore, the current study disclosed that only 27,8% of people living in shacks have access to electricity, compared to 71,6% of the formal housing sector, prompting illegal connections. It was further revealed that most shack dwellers have a low level of education; only 12,2% of shack dwellers have an education of Grade 12 or higher, compared to 42,3% of people living in formal housing. Most shack dwellers are either contractual workers, or self-employed, making it difficult to obtain credit facilities offered by financial institutions.

5.2 CONCLUSIONS

Rural-to-urban migration is generally rooted in adverse social and economic conditions. Most migrants relocate from a rural to an urban area in search of employment or other sources of income. People also migrate because of a lack of farmland, or due to changes in agricultural conditions – such as droughts or floods – making it impossible to continue farming and earning a living from the land. Migrants also frequently move in search of better schools, medical care or housing. In addition, rural-urban migration leads to rural depopulation, resulting in a loss of manpower for farming. Conversely, such migration leads to a congestion in urban centres, adding to high unemployment levels, poor housing and an increase in crime and, consequently, an increase in the density of shacks.

On the other side of the coin, increased manpower in urban centres provides cheap labour.

Hence, the outflow of economically active people from the rural agricultural sector has a negative effect on production and the urban area now experiences problems such as a

shortage of housing, unemployment, increasing cost of living and a lack of access to social services. Formal housing has the potential to contribute remarkably to economic growth, job creation and economic empowerment goals in the country. Hence, there is a dire need to accelerate the development of affordable housing through a sustained and substantial capital investment. Moreover, the most powerful form of economic empowerment in Namibia will be to enable as many members of society to own a house, which, in turn, can be used to mobilise more resources to build up wealth for families and communities at large.

In the current study, it was theorised that the absence of job opportunities in rural areas has a substantial impact on migration. Famine and drought, according to migrants, are other major factors that careered them from their places of origin to search for better opportunities and care for their families back home. This conjecture is substantiated by the remarks from most of the rural residents – participating in the present study – which they heavily depend on subsistence farming. Several climate changes have impacted negatively on rural residents, forcing them from their roots in search for opportunities elsewhere. Moreover, natural disasters such as floods – experienced particularly in the northern- and north-eastern rural regions of the country – compounded by poor living conditions, force many to the city.

However, the current study also indicated that migration does have some advantages. It reduces residents’ pressure on agricultural land – availing it for further development – and also reduces residents’ pressure on group amenities. It also supplies additional labour at the receiving region.

Moreover, migration ensures the flow of buying potential to the receiving region and it implicitly leads to the improvement of group amenities, boosts markets and promotes cultural integration.

Conversely, the findings uncovered that those migrants who fail at securing jobs, or study opportunities, turn to crime and drug dealing. Migration increases the high cost of living, leads to pressure on group amenities and can also result in the loss of able-bodied men and youths. Migration also leads to congestion of requests for housing and transportation.

Furthermore, it leads to cultural disintegration at the destination region, land-grabbing and consequently, mushrooming informal settlements. Rural-urban migration in Namibia has correspondingly resulted in higher costs of living, an increase in crime and shortages in basic services, pollution, a garbage menace and corruption among those in charge.

In addition, land auctioning by local authorities has apparently disadvantaged the poor

(mostly shack dwellers), while enriching municipal employees who buy more than one plot – for future resale. The inability of Councillors to eliminate the housing backlog has made it very difficult for migrants to acquire houses. This is ascribable to the fact that not all people – who reside in the informal settlements – are job-seekers or do menial jobs. Some have fairly decent jobs and can afford to pay for decent accommodation – given a chance. Besides, skyrocketing house prices have made it almost impossible for low- and middle-income earners to afford a moderate house in Windhoek, currently at N$720 000 ≈ US$67 291.00 which has prompted a call for firm legislative policy and regulatory measures by the central

Government.

The study at hand has exposed a positive correlation between rural-urban migration and the housing crisis. In addition, the study showed that many rural to urban migrants lack urban life education. As a result, they have no place to live and consequently erect their structures on any land available because, as migrants reach out to towns and cities, many are met with the same adverse situation and illegally ‘grab’ the municipal land to erect their shacks. For this

reason, all three towns in the study have expressed a high influx of rural-urban migrants and consequently a rapid increase in the number of shacks.

Finally, Councillors expressed their grave concerns that rural-urban migration has also made their capital’s financial and infrastructure planning difficult, as it was impossible to plan ahead without accurate figures resulting from uncontrolled migration and thus call for a comprehensive migration policy in the country.

5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS

The dire question facing the Namibian authorities is how to reverse – or at least moderate – the daunting rural-to-urban migration adversity. In efforts to monitor and curb this dire problem, the need exists to generate viable recommendations for law-makers, the central, regional and local governments, as well as non-governmental organisations. If considered earnestly, the recommendations generated by the current study may well provide a sustainable framework through which the rural-urban migration difficulty can be formally addressed.

With the recognition that rural-urban migration is a major problem, solutions have to be ingeniously created to forestall the occurrence of an uncontrolled flooding of migrants.

Considering the Housing Vision of the Namibian Government – to provide affordable housing to all Namibians by 2030 – through increased investment in the Housing Portfolio, there is a dire need to eliminate the factors that cause shack-dwelling that are prevalent in all the various urban settings in the country. Stemming from the findings of the present study, the following are some of the recommendations that have been generated:

 It is of a great importance to embrace the provision of essential group amenities, such

as water, electricity, cinemas, roads and telephones (along with cell-phone networks)

in rural areas, as this may go a long way in reducing the rural-urban migration crisis.

This endeavour may also discourage the youth from exiting rural areas.

 There is a serious need for an extensive transformation of traditional agriculture to

modern agriculture. This will enable the youth to engage in profitable agriculture and

may boost the farming sector in general. The venture may see a shift from subsistence

farming practiced in most rural areas to a commercialised type farming and avoid

relying on seasonal farming.

 Industrialisation is another reason why people leave rural- to urban settings – there are

simply considerable more vacancies.

 There is a need to develop industries in rural areas as well in effort to increase the

rural areas’ economic base. The preparation of industries, projects and businesses in

this regard, may reverse the migration of labour.

Though the above-mentioned endeavours will prove to be very tough and initially very expensive to implement, it appears as a feasible solution in reversing, or at least curbing rural-urban migration. There are a few scattered institutions of higher learning in rural areas of Namibia. It known that tertiary educational institutions have significant effects on the youth’s migration to urban areas. Hence, there is a need for preparing more educational institutions of higher learning. This enterprise in rural areas may also help cut youth movements to urban centres.

Erecting financial corporate bank branches in rural areas may also discourage migration.

Government departments, enterprise organisations and financial institutions should be encouraged to construct and expand branches to rural areas. This exertion should be accompanied by formal delegations of commensurate authority figures, individuals or all concerned groups in rural areas, at all levels. Poor living conditions and non-existence of recreation facilities invariably result in rural-urban migration. Recreational facilities such as sports stadia, swimming pools, cinemas and amusement parks can be provided to rural areas; it may cut the propensity of youths aspiring to urban areas. To emphasise the right of property ownership in rural areas – as a means of empowering local communities – migrants could be encouraged to use their rural asset bases as collateral to gain access to credit capital.

The findings of the current study furthermore disclosed that most of the shack dwellers have a low level of education. They are, as a result, generally employed as low-cost labour, either casual or on contract. This has made it almost impossible for them to acquire formal housing.

Currently, due to poverty, 73% of the Namibian population cannot afford conventional home- loan facilities offered by the financial marketplace, or gain access to urban freehold land and professional services.

Migrants have a serious need for a support model that can facilitate accessibility to affordable land, finances, professional services and other means of livelihood. Consequently, there is a need for the public acknowledgement of community-based organisations – particularly the

Shack Dwellers’ Federation of Namibia – that are expected to play a predominant role in facilitating housing development. Organised crime should also be high on the Federation’s agenda.

Collateral requirements, low incomes and high costs for services have excluded many migrants from acquiring land and subsequently, a house. It is therefore of great importance for financial institutions to rethink their reluctance to finance low-cost housing in the so- called townships, as well as a reduction in collateral requirements. The rural-to-urban migration, and consequently housing crisis, should not be left to the central Government alone, as this is a national issue and therefore needs a concerted effort from all the concerned stakeholders and should, instead, be addressed through a strong Public-Private Partnership.

The building-material supply industry, financial service providers, building contractors, professional engineering and other service providers – which supply inputs to housing development processes – should support Governmental efforts in this regard. Local Authority

Councils have acknowledged the availability of serviced land as a major threat to service delivery – that requires further consideration. This is in accordance with the present study’s outcomes that the land that is available is auctioned to rich individuals, disadvantaging the poor. Since Councils own, and may auction the land, they should also cater for the low- and middle-income earners of which most live in totally unhygienic conditions, without facilities such as toilets, clean water and electricity. Local authorities and regional councils should not use land – particularly land earmarked for social- and low-cost housing – as a form of maximising their income, but rather as an affordable facility to socio-economic and political empowerment, as well as security for all Namibians.

On the matter of a creation of national framework to address rural-urban migration and the housing crisis in the country, there is a need for concerted efforts on implementation. In this regard, the National Development Programmes, Targeted Intervention Programme for

Employment and Economic Growth (TIPEEG) has had very little achievement to date. It is a

three-year programme that was launched in 2011 – as part of the Government’s attempts to apprehend the escalating and persistent unemployment rate – particularly among the young

unskilled segment in informal settlements.

In Windhoek, TIPEEG is earmarked to benefit the following informal settlements according to the National Planning |Commission.

 Ongulumbashe

 Havana Extensions 1 & 2

 Havana Broader

 Okahandja Park

However, there are little success stories from this national initiative. Companies have been battling tender-awarding processes in courts-of-law, citing irregularities and corruption as rife, with many calling the programme a ‘self-enrichment syndicate’. The absence of transparency and accountability regarding funds earmarked for such projects, as well as favouritism and nepotism in the awarding of tenders hamper the initiative severely and should thus be enhanced.

Therefore, there is a need to ensure a competent Targeted Implementation Committee (TIC) for the effective execution of strategies. The current Special Mass Housing Initiative, which is the Government’s programme aimed at providing all kinds of accommodation – to satisfy various markets’ housing needs – has institutional mechanisms at all levels of programme execution. There is a need to ensure that technical capacity is enforced within the implementing institutions and agencies, to guarantee the presence of an enabling legislative and guarantee a regulatory and policy environment, as well as a sustainable political commitment, leadership and support. Only within a well-defined strategic framework, these

programmes are likely to achieve land and housing delivery, informal settlement upgrading, housing processes, social and rural housing, as well as sanitation, institutional development and capacity building.

Moreover, the Government and local Councils should be aware that ‘every project is unique‟ does not imply that something about the product or service about the project is unlike any other product or service. Therefore, similar successes in mass housing development and informal settlement upgrading initiatives that have been implemented successfully in

Morocco, Chile, Brazil, South Africa, Thailand, Singapore, and Malaysia, should not be conclusive, but rather shared and engage local stakeholders to ensure a successful implementation of these programmes.

It is evident from the Tutaleni Housing Project’s incorporation of Walvis Bay in 2000 – in an effort to curb the growing number of shacks at the town, and to move squatters to a hygienic area with basic services – did not succeed. The project became unsustainable after a few years, ending in a number of life-threatening challenges, ranging from overcrowding and fire hazards to overflowing sewers. Heavily subsidised housing is needed and the Government should explore the possibility of employing modern technology and, through innovation, control the housing crisis and reduce over-dependence on costly brick structures. Such an innovation should be applied in collaboration with suiting legislative, regulatory and policy environments. Despite the country’s $8,200 Gross Domestic Product per capita income, a

Windhoek standard house cost around N$720 000 ≈ US$67 291.00 at a 10,25% mortgage rate over a period of 20 years which means N$7 067 ≈ US$660.50 monthly. In this example, the owner has to earn a minimum of N$21 203 ≈ US$1982.00 monthly, a salary many Namibians can only dream of.

Namibia is in a state of a perilous water scarcity and depends comprehensively on seasonal subsistence agriculture. The country should incorporate strategies applicable to the unique challenges, such as seasonal flooding – typical in the northern and north-eastern regions – including the storage of water for productive purposes, such as for human and livestock consumption, construction and for agricultural irrigation. Such strategies will reduce migration as findings presented in this study indicate that about 42,7% shack dwellers left their hometowns because of the deteriorating rainfall and agricultural activities in rural areas.

Given the lack of scientific rural-urban migration studies relating to migration and housing in

Namibia, there is a need for a strong National System of Innovation (NSI) in the country.

Therefore accountable organisations and institutions such as the Namibian National

Commission on Research Science and Technology whose‟ tasks involve the promotion and development of research, science and technology in Namibia should fund extensive research regarding feasible solutions – and exploring modern technology – for the creation of, and dissemination of knowledge to relevant communities.

On housing crisis, there is also a strong need to reaffirm the National Housing Policy strategies of creating sustainable human settlements by integrating housing development approach through the upgrading of informal settlements and the extension of housing to rural areas (NHC, 1991)‟.

Monitoring and evaluation have to form part of the housing strategy, as such results may feed back into review processes of policy, strategy, programmes and projects. These processes all have the intention of responding timely to any constraints that may be identified during implementation, such as the TIPEEG and the Mass Housing Project Initiation currently under way.

Moreover, the Government should strive to achieve significant improvements in the lives of shack dwellers by increasing the proportion of people with secure tenure and to monitor and regulate house prices, as well as to discourage land commercialisation by local councils, which leads to land auctioning.

To address the ever growing informal settlements and land issues in the country, there is a need to promote capital investment in local and regional infrastructures, to speed up the process of land delivery, the mobilisation of domestic savings and provide affordable credit to provide finances for housing, as well as the provision of subsidies and grants by the

Government – as well as the development of stakeholders to support social housing.

Additionally, creative strategies should be devised to sustain settlements through integrated housing development approaches, the promotion of the use of appropriate building material and techniques, with the aim to provide affordable housing solutions and strengthening the housing regulatory environment. Concurrently, institutional capacity and cohesion should be enhanced within the housing sector and the supporting housing processes as stipulated in the

National Development Plans III (2007) which envisage an increased supply of serviced erven and increased construction of houses for all Namibians. Moreover, there is a need to ensure the functional competency of councillors who, in many instances, lack the required aptitude and, consequently, fail Government plans. In addition, there is a need for the introduction of the direct election of mayors and have their tenure increased – as well as employment on a full-time basis – in an effort to remedy the current situation of mayors being part-time employees, as devised by the Association of Local Authorities in Namibia (ALAN).

Therefore, there is a requirement for more players in the house-construction sector, rather than only the National Housing Enterprise (NHE), which is an only state-owned enterprise of

the Government, under the Ministry of Regional and Local Government, Housing and Rural

Development (MRLGHD). The enterprise is aimed at providing and financing affordable housing to low- and medium-income households, as well as facilitating the partnering of stakeholders. This practice has virtually failed the Namibian community, as low- and middle- income earners cannot afford NHE houses, while some complain of low housing quality by the enterprise. Bringing more players into the market eliminates a monopoly practice and may tighten competition, as well as enhance the quality of delivery.

With such a commendation, Namibia is prospective to curb rural-urban migration, as well as the issue of the housing crisis and address shortcomings and challenges to the country’s grand goals of Vision 2030. This goal-statement anticipates a prosperous and industrialised

Namibia, developed by her human resources, enjoying peace, harmony and political stability with an improved quality of life for all Namibians.

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