Gulf Analysis Seeks to Illuminate How the Foreign Observers
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Women and Participation in the Arab Uprisings: a Struggle for Justice
Distr. LIMITED E/ESCWA/SDD/2013/Technical Paper.13 26 December 2013 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMISSION FOR WESTERN ASIA (ESCWA) WOMEN AND PARTICIPATION IN THE ARAB UPRISINGS: A STRUGGLE FOR JUSTICE New York, 2013 13-0381 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This paper constitutes part of the research conducted by the Social Participatory Development Section within the Social Development Division to advocate the principles of social justice, participation and citizenship. Specifically, the paper discusses the pivotal role of women in the democratic movements that swept the region three years ago and the challenges they faced in the process. The paper argues that the increased participation of women and their commendable struggle against gender-based injustices have not yet translated into greater freedoms or increased political participation. More critically, in a region dominated by a patriarchal mindset, violence against women has become a means to an end and a tool to exercise control over society. If the demands for bread, freedom and social justice are not linked to discourses aimed at achieving gender justice, the goals of the Arab revolutions will remain elusive. This paper was co-authored by Ms. Dina Tannir, Social Affairs Officer, and Ms. Vivienne Badaan, Research Assistant, and has benefited from the overall guidance and comments of Ms. Maha Yahya, Chief, Social Participatory Development Section. iii iv CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... iii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. GENDERING ARAB REVOLUTIONS: WHAT WOMEN WANT ......................... 2 A. The centrality of gender to Arab revolutions............................................................ 2 B. Participation par excellence: Activism among Arab women.................................... 3 III. CHANGING LANES: THE STRUGGLE OVER WOMEN’S BODIES ................. -
Women's Struggle for Citizenship
OCTOBER 2017 Women’s Struggle for Citizenship: Civil Society and Constitution Making after the Arab Uprisings JOSÉ S. VERICAT Cover Photo: Marchers on International ABOUT THE AUTHORS Women’s Day, Cairo, Egypt, March 8, 2011. Al Jazeera English. JOSÉ S. VERICAT is an Adviser at the International Peace Institute. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper represent those of the author Email: [email protected] and not necessarily those of the International Peace Institute. IPI welcomes consideration of a wide range of perspectives in the pursuit of ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS a well-informed debate on critical policies and issues in international The author would like to thank Mohamed Elagati and affairs. Nidhal Mekki for their useful feedback. This project would not have seen the light of day without the input of dozens IPI Publications of civil society activists from Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen, as Adam Lupel, Vice President well as several from Libya and Syria, who believed in its Albert Trithart, Associate Editor value and selflessly invested their time and energy into it. Madeline Brennan, Assistant Production Editor To them IPI is very grateful. Within IPI, Amal al-Ashtal and Waleed al-Hariri provided vital support at different stages Suggested Citation: of the project’s execution. José S. Vericat, “Women’s Struggle for Citizenship: Civil Society and IPI owes a debt of gratitude to its many donors for their Constitution Making after the Arab generous support. In particular, IPI would like to thank the Uprisings,” New York: International governments of Finland and Norway for making this Peace Institute, October 2017. publication possible. -
Reporters Without Borders TV5 Monde Prize 2015 Nominees
Reporters Without Borders TV5 Monde Prize 2015 Nominees Journalist Category Mahmoud Abou Zeid, aka Shawkan (Egypt) “I am a photojournalist, not a criminal,” Shawkan wrote from Tora prison in February. “My indefinite detention is psychologically unbearable. Not even animals would survive in these conditions." Shawkan is an Egyptian freelance photojournalist who has been in pretrial detention for more than 760 days. He was arrested on 14 August 2013 while providing the US photojournalism agency Demotix and the US digital media company Corbis with coverage of the violence used to disperse demonstrations by deposed President Mohamed Morsi’s supporters in Rabiaa AlAwadiya Square. Three journalists were killed that day in connection with their work Aged 28, Shawkan covered developments in Egypt closely from Mubarak’s fall to Morsi’s overthrow and on several occasions obtained striking shots of the popular unrest. His detention became illegal in August of this year because, under Egyptian law, pretrial detention may surpass two years only in exceptional cases. Few people in Egypt have ever been held pending trial as long as him. A date has finally been set for the start of his trial, 12 December 2015, when he will be prosecuted before a Cairo criminal court along with more than 700 other defendants including members of the Muslim Brotherhood, which was declared a terrorist organization in December 2013. Many charges have been brought against him without any evidence, according to his lawyer, Karim Abdelrady. The most serious include joining a banned organization [the Muslim Brotherhood], murder, attacking the security forces and possession of weapons. -
POLICY and PREJUDICE Shia Divisionism in Bahrain Toward
POLICY AND PREJUDICE Shia Divisionism in Bahrain Toward Completion of the MALD degree at: The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University Student: Pia Sawhney Date: May 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS A. SUMMARY 3 B. INTRODUCTION i. The Volatile Political Climate in Bahrain and Shia Public Opinion 7 ii. Demographic Portrait 10 iii. Primary Concerns 12 C. POLITICAL BACKGROUND i. Recent Events: An Overview 14 ii. Historical Context 21 iii. King Hamad’s Reign 25 iv. The 1973 Constitution, the National Charter and Bahrain’s Judiciary 29 v. A Legacy of Shia Disempowerment 32 D. LAND AND LABOR REFORMS i. Restricted Lands and Housing Shortages 37 ii. Battling Unemployment 40 E. GERRYMANDERING 47 F. LITERATURE REVIEW i. Waves of Democratization 52 ii. Developing Transnational Networks 54 iii. Winning the Information War 55 iv. The Local-Global Framework 59 G. CONCLUSION 61 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________2 TITLE: POLICY AND PREJUDICE – SHIA DIVISIONISM IN BAHRAIN AUTHOR: PIA SAWHNEY A. SUMMARY In early 2011, demonstrations erupted across the Arab world in an unprecedented fashion and revealed how powerful globalizing forces can weaken strong and even otherwise impervious states.1 Nations that experienced widening political revolutions shared a singular, significant trait—all had governments that were either monarchial or autocratic in structure. They were also situated for the most part in the Arabian Gulf and the Maghreb. Youth and pro-democracy movements that took hold also flared up on the Persian Gulf island of Bahrain, which has had the same ruling monarchs in power since 1783. A tiny archipelago of 33 islands in one of the world’s geostrategic oil belts, Bahrain is a nation that relies heavily on revenues from oil refining, industrial enterprises, banking and financial services. -
The Future of US Relations with the Gulf States
The Approaching Turning Point: The Future of U.S. Relations with the Gulf States By F. Gregory Gause, III Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World Analysis Paper Number Two, May 2003 1 Executive Summary United States policy toward the Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) is in the midst of an important change. Saudi Arabia has served as the linchpin of American military and political influence in the Gulf since Desert Storm. It can no longer play that role. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, an American military presence in the kingdom is no longer sustainable in the political system of either the United States or Saudi Arabia. Washington therefore has to rely on the smaller Gulf monarchies to provide the infrastructure for its military presence in the region. The build-up toward war with Iraq has accelerated that change, with the Saudis unwilling to cooperate openly with Washington on this issue. No matter the outcome of war with Iraq, the political and strategic logic of basing American military power in these smaller Gulf states is compelling. In turn, Saudi-American relations need to be reconstituted on a basis that serves the shared interests of both states, and can be sustained in both countries’ political systems. That requires an end to the basing of American forces in the kingdom. The fall of Saddam Hussein will facilitate this goal, allowing the removal of the American air wing in Saudi Arabia that patrols southern Iraq. The public opinion benefits for the Saudis of the departure of the American forces will permit a return to a more normal, if somewhat more distant, cooperative relationship with the United States. -
DISCOVER NEW WORLDS with SUNRISE TV TV Channel List for Printing
DISCOVER NEW WORLDS WITH SUNRISE TV TV channel list for printing Need assistance? Hotline Mon.- Fri., 10:00 a.m.–10:00 p.m. Sat. - Sun. 10:00 a.m.–10:00 p.m. 0800 707 707 Hotline from abroad (free with Sunrise Mobile) +41 58 777 01 01 Sunrise Shops Sunrise Shops Sunrise Communications AG Thurgauerstrasse 101B / PO box 8050 Zürich 03 | 2021 Last updated English Welcome to Sunrise TV This overview will help you find your favourite channels quickly and easily. The table of contents on page 4 of this PDF document shows you which pages of the document are relevant to you – depending on which of the Sunrise TV packages (TV start, TV comfort, and TV neo) and which additional premium packages you have subscribed to. You can click in the table of contents to go to the pages with the desired station lists – sorted by station name or alphabetically – or you can print off the pages that are relevant to you. 2 How to print off these instructions Key If you have opened this PDF document with Adobe Acrobat: Comeback TV lets you watch TV shows up to seven days after they were broadcast (30 hours with TV start). ComeBack TV also enables Go to Acrobat Reader’s symbol list and click on the menu you to restart, pause, fast forward, and rewind programmes. commands “File > Print”. If you have opened the PDF document through your HD is short for High Definition and denotes high-resolution TV and Internet browser (Chrome, Firefox, Edge, Safari...): video. Go to the symbol list or to the top of the window (varies by browser) and click on the print icon or the menu commands Get the new Sunrise TV app and have Sunrise TV by your side at all “File > Print” respectively. -
The Crisis of Contemporary Arab Television
UC Santa Barbara Global Societies Journal Title The Crisis of Contemporary Arab Television: Has the Move towards Transnationalism and Privatization in Arab Television Affected Democratization and Social Development in the Arab World? Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/13s698mx Journal Global Societies Journal, 1(1) Author Elouardaoui, Ouidyane Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Crisis of Contemporary Arab Television | 100 The Crisis of Contemporary Arab Television: Has the Move towards Transnationalism and Privatization in Arab Television Affected Democratization and Social Development in the Arab World? By: Ouidyane Elouardaoui ABSTRACT Arab media has experienced a radical shift starting in the 1990s with the emergence of a wide range of private satellite TV channels. These new TV channels, such as MBC (Middle East Broadcasting Center) and Aljazeera have rapidly become the leading Arab channels in the realms of entertainment and news broadcasting. These transnational channels are believed by many scholars to have challenged the traditional approach of their government–owned counterparts. Alternatively, other scholars argue that despite the easy flow of capital and images in present Arab television, having access to trustworthy information still poses a challenge due to the governments’ grip on the production and distribution of visual media. This paper brings together these contrasting perspectives, arguing that despite the unifying role of satellite Arab TV channels, in which national challenges are cast as common regional worries, democratization and social development have suffered. One primary factor is the presence of relationships forged between television broadcasters with influential government figures nationally and regionally within the Arab world. -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
Country Advice
Country Advice Bahrain Bahrain – BHR39737 – 14 February 2011 Protests – Treatment of Protesters – Treatment of Shias – Protests in Australia Returnees – 30 January 2012 1. Please provide details of the protest(s) which took place in Bahrain on 14 February 2011, including the exact location of protest activities, the time the protest activities started, the sequence of events, the time the protest activities had ended on the day, the nature of the protest activities, the number of the participants, the profile of the participants and the reaction of the authorities. The vast majority of protesters involved in the 2011 uprising in Bahrain were Shia Muslims calling for political reforms.1 According to several sources, the protest movement was led by educated and politically unaffiliated youth.2 Like their counterparts in other Arab countries, they used modern technology, including social media networks to call for demonstrations and publicise their demands.3 The demands raised during the protests enjoyed, at least initially, a large degree of popular support that crossed religious, sectarian and ethnic lines.4 On 29 June 2011 Bahrain‟s King Hamad issued a decree establishing the Bahrain Independent Commission of Investigation (BICI) which was mandated to investigate the events occurring in Bahrain in February and March 2011.5 The BICI was headed by M. Cherif Bassiouni and four other internationally recognised human rights experts.6 1 Amnesty International 2011, Briefing paper – Bahrain: A human rights crisis, 21 April, p.2 http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE11/019/2011/en/40555429-a803-42da-a68d- -
Russia and Saudi Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges by John W
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 35 Russia and Saudi Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges by John W. Parker and Thomas F. Lynch III Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Vladimir Putin presented an artifact made of mammoth tusk to Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman Al Saud in Riyadh, October 14–15, 2019 (President of Russia Web site) Russia and Saudi Arabia Russia and Saudia Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges By John W. Parker and Thomas F. Lynch III Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 35 Series Editor: Denise Natali National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2021 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Non-Indigenous Citizens and “Stateless” Residents in the Gulf
Andrzej Kapiszewski NON-INDIGENOUS CITIZENS AND "STATELESS" RESIDENTS IN THE GULF MONARCHIES. THE KUWAITI BIDUN Since the discovery of oil, the political entities of the Persian Gulf have transformed themselves from desert sheikhdoms into modern states. The process was accompanied by rapid population growth. During the last 50 years, the population of the current Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman1, grew from 4 million in 1950 to 33.4 million in 2004, thus recording one of the highest rates of population growth in the world2. The primary cause of this increase has not been the growth of the indigenous population, large in itself, but the influx of foreign workers. The employment of large numbers of foreigners was a structural imperative for growth in the GCC countries, as oil-related development depended upon the importation of foreign technologies, and reąuired knowledge and skills unfamiliar to the local Arab population. Towards the end of 2004, there were 12.5 million foreigners, 37 percent of the total population, in the GCC states. In Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait, foreigners constituted a majority. In the United Arab Emirates foreigners accounted for over 80 percent of population. Only Oman and Saudi Arabia managed to maintain a relatively Iow proportion of foreign population: about 20 and 27 percent, respectively. This development has created security, economic, social and cultural threats to the local population. Therefore, to maintain the highly privileged position of the indigenous population and make integration of foreigners with local communities difficult, numerous restrictions were imposed: the sponsorship system, limits on the duration of every foreigner’s stay, curbs on naturalization and on the citizenship rights of those who are naturalized, etc. -
The Intifadah and the 1936-1939 Uprising: a Comparison of the Palestinian Arab Communities 1
The Intifadah and the 1936-1939 Uprising: A Comparison of the Palestinian Arab Communities 1 Kenneth W. Stein The Carter Center March, 1990 Table of Contents 1. Executive Summary 2. Part I-Similarities 3. Part II-Comparisons I. Palestinian Leadership II. Character and Participation III. The Islamic Dimension IV. Duration and Effects 4. Part III - Conclusions 5. About the Author Executive Summary When comparing the 1936-1939 Palestinian uprising in various parts of western Palestine to the present intifadah, 2 taking place in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, the most striking conclusion is the large number of general similarities between these two manifestations of Palestinian national consciousness. 3 The two most significant differences between the uprisings, however, are first, that the intifadah generated a deeper and more prolonged Palestinian national coherence across all classes than did its predecessor. Second, the intifadah clarified and crystallized Palestinian opinion which in conjunction with other events helped to create a historic compromise in Palestinian public policy. Other major differences between the two uprisings are self-evident. Many pertain to the political environments in which both uprisings unfolded. During the 1936-1939 uprising, there were no existing UN resolutions about Palestine. There was no Israel, no Israeli Arab population, no Palestinian political organization of the stature and strength of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), no decade-old Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty as a backdrop to an ongoing larger negotiating process, no decision made by the Hashemites in the midst of the uprising to place the responsibility of diplomatic progress on the shoulders of the Palestinian leadership, no willingness by a significant number of leading Palestinian Arab politicians to accept a Jewish state in a portion of Palestine, and no corresponding willingness on the part of an equally important number of Zionist/Israel leaders to assent to the legitimacy of Palestinian national aspirations.