Japan and the Jews of Manchuria Beginning in 19311

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Japan and the Jews of Manchuria Beginning in 19311 Chapter 6 Japan and the Jews of Manchuria Beginning in 19311 As we discussed briefly above, the first contact between Japan and a rel- atively large Jewish population took place during the Japanese Siberian Intervention, from 1918 to 1922. That operation was designed to help White Russian forces defeat the Bolsheviks and destroy the newly established Communist regime in that country. At the time, some 25,000 Jews living in a number of cities in East Siberia found themselves between the hammer and the anvil following the Bolshevik Revolution. On the one hand they were hounded by the newly established Far East Republic which was soon replaced by the Communist regime, which charged them with anti-Bolshevik tendencies, and on the other they were charged by the White Russians, the enemies of the Reds, of being loyal communists who supported the new regime in the Soviet Union and were busy spreading communist ideology in East Asia. After the Japanese troops returned home from Siberia in 1922 and the communist regime stabilized itself in Siberia, the fate of the Jews in that part of Russia was akin to that elsewhere in the Soviet Union: they were tolerated by the new regime, but their religion, language, and school system were proscribed. Zionism was outlawed, and emigration from the Soviet Union became highly restricted. Of the 25,000 Jews in Siberia, several thousand fled south across the Manchurian border. This area, formally under Chinese sovereignty, had been increasingly under Russian influence since the beginning of the twentieth century. Even before the Russo-Japanese War the Jews there had enjoyed a special status under the Tsarist regime, which had encouraged them to settle in cities like Harbin, Mukden, and Dairen to cement the Russian presence in Manchuria. By 1900 approximately 45 Jews lived in Harbin. The community grew to 300 only two years later, and in 1915 the number of Jews residing in Harbin was estimated at 12,000 souls. They made their living in trade, ser- vices, and exports and imports, with a few working in industry or the hotel 50 UNDER THE SHADOW OF THE RISING SUN business. The community was well-organized and maintained synagogues, schools, and health, welfare, and charitable institutions. Community mem- bers spoke mainly Russian. Among them were the Olmert family, including the grandfather and father of Ehud Olmert (1945-), who would eventually become prime minister of Israel. After the October 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, the legal status of the Jews of Harbin became problematic. Some were now Soviet nationals, but the majority of them were in effect stateless and thus under the protection of the local Chinese warlord Chang Tso Lin (1876-1928). In the absence of a strong central government, they had few defenses from their virulent enemies the White Russians, who like the Jews were exiles from the Soviet Union. The White Russians embarked on a systematic campaign to turn the Japanese government and officers belonging to the Kwantung Army head- quarters in Manchuria against the Jews. The Kwantung Army was responsi- ble for the security of the Japanese enclave in the Liaotung Peninsula, whose major cities were Port Arthur and Dairen. On the eve of the Japanese occu- pation in 1931, a White Russian fascist party was established in Harbin. The Japanese army wanted above all to ensure stability and social order in Manchuria. Intercommunal tensions were highly undesirable for them. After the Occupation of Manchuria by Japan After Japan’s occupation of Manchuria in late 1931 and early 1932 and the establishment of the puppet state of Manchukuo, the Jews of Manchuria found themselves under direct Japanese rule. Since many lacked any nationality, and those of Russian origins were formally Stateless Russian Emigrants, they were at the mercy of the Japanese army, the true masters of Manchukuo. They sought the protection of the Japanese army mainly from the White Russian émigrés, who never tired of accusing them of various crimes, including maintaining contact with the enemies of Japan and disloyalty to the new puppet regime of Manchukuo. When the Soviet Union sold its holdings in the Southern Manchurian Railway to Japan in 1935, the Russian government no longer felt any obligation to protect the Jews of Soviet nationality, resulting in the departure of almost half of the Jewish community from Harbin, Mukden, and other towns. The number of Jews in Manchuria dwindled to less than 6,000. Many of the emigrants went south to Shanghai, a few traveled to the United States, and some even Japan and the Jews of Manchuria Beginning in 1931 51 immigrated to Palestine. At this stage, however, the economic position of some of the wealthy Jews remained intact. Among the wealthy families were the Zykman, Skidelsky, and Kavalkin families. The Jewish leadership understood very early that in order to survive it would have to collaborate with the puppet regime of Manchukuo, and that this meant it would truly be collaborating with the headquarters of the Kwantung Army. The com- mander of that force became Japan’s ambassador to Manchukuo, and was thus the de-facto ruler of that country, which by 1937 was recognized only by Japan, Germany, Italy and El Salvador. Among the officers who served in the Japanese supreme command, and mainly among that group that became known as the “Manchuria Faction,” a number of ideas were discussed regarding how to exploit the Manchurian Jews to help Japan gain recognition of the Manchukuo puppet state by additional countries and above all how to obtain foreign economic aid for the development of Manchuria’s industry. Among those who sup- ported this line of thought were Colonels Itagaki Seishiro (1885-1948) and Ishihara Kanji (1889-1949). Quite early in the occupation, it dawned on the Japanese leadership that the hopes they had pinned on the quality of Manchurian coal and steel were highly exaggerated.2 In order to develop these two key resources, vast sums of money would be required, and some officers thought that it would be possible to mobilize international Jewry to raise the necessary funds. The minimal amount required was estimated at between two to three bil- lion dollars, an astronomical sum and even more so for those times. Those Japanese officers and civilian bureaucrats who supported the idea hoped that wealthy Jews, mainly in the United States, would invest in Manchuria. Hence, it was imperative not to harm the Jews in Manchuria in any way. Once again, Japan’s ignorance and total lack of understanding of world Jewry was evident. Even the few officers who were considered Jewish experts failed to realize that while Jews were wealthy in certain countries, their political clout even in the United States was almost non-existent. They were even unable to change America’s drastic immigration laws to allow tens of thousands of German and Austrian Jewish refugees to find haven in the United States. In the midst of the Great Depression, there was no chance that any wealthy Jew would invest in the development of Manchuria’s industries, let alone promote an aggressive Japanese policy in East Asia. The idea of using the power of rich Jews was not new; it had initially been discussed by a number of Japanese foreign ministry officials in 1921. Now it surfaced again. At this time the officers discussing the situation 52 UNDER THE SHADOW OF THE RISING SUN basically thought that it would be beneficial for Japan to establish good working relations with the Jewish community in Manchuria, and allay their fears that the Japanese might support White Russian hooliganism and even antisemitic outbursts in that country. They feared that anti-Jewish inci- dents, if mentioned in the American media, would create an unpleasant image for Japan at the very time that it wanted to demonstrate the benev- olent nature of its rule in Manchuria. The local Jewish leadership under Dr. Abraham Kaufman (1885-1971) recognized the need to collaborate with the Japanese authorities in order to ensure the survival of the slowly diminishing Jewish communities of Harbin, Mukden, and Dairen. For their part, the Japanese authorities adopted a “divide and rule” policy regarding the Jews and the White Russians. They did not ban the Russian fascist party, but they did restrict its activities. On a number of occasions they used White Russians as special police officers to spy on the Chinese, Koreans, and Jews. The Japanese authorities also permitted the publication of a fascist Russian publication Nash Pot (“Our Way”), which called for killing the Jews. During the 1930’s and early 1940’s, the main enemies of the Manchurian Jewish communities continued to be the White Russians. This dire situa- tion meant that the Jews had to rely on the Japanese authorities to protect them from the Russian ultra-nationalists. This suited the Japanese rulers of Manchuria well, and to counterbalance the Russians, they now encouraged Zionist bodies such as the Beitar Youth Movement. The Fugu Plan At the same time as Japan was considering the benefits of seeking Jewish capital, the President of the Southern Manchurian Railway Matsuoka Yosuke (1886-1946) and the Chairman of the Manchurian Heavy Industries Association Oikawa Yoshisuke (1880-1967) toyed with the idea of settling some fifty thousand European Jews in Manchukuo. They would, it was believed, bring with them not only capital but also technological know- how and managerial skills. The idea was developed in an article written by Oikawa in 1934 called “A Plan to Settle Fifty Thousand German Jews in Manchukuo.” The underlying assumption was that the Jews Germany wanted to get rid of would be seeking a refuge wherever they could settle and invest their capital.
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