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What Sort of Markets Do We Want, and Who Are They For?

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What Sort of Markets Do We Want, and Who Are They For? What sort of markets do we want, and who are they for? Dr Sara Gonzalez, Department of Geography, University of Leeds [email protected] Integrating interests: future-proofing city centre retail economies? 31 March 2014 and 1 April 2014 | The Showroom, Sheffield Main points • Markets as a “case study” of wider changes in our cities • Which markets are we talking about? • The twin narrative of decline and revival. • Retail “gentrification”. Markets: the new frontier? • Who loses from gentrification of our Markets? • Case study: Leeds Kirkgate Market • Resistance and contestation • What Markets do we want? • Thoughts presented here come from a long term action-research project with campaign group Friends of Leeds Kirkgate Market, which campaigns for more investment, lower rents, more involvements of traders and citizens in decision making and protection of the lower income customer base. Kirkgate Market about to enter a phase of major redevelopment. • “Data” comes from: numerous conversations with traders and customers in the Market, involvement in council policy making processes, access to information through FOI, links to other campaign groups across UK, observation of situation of Markets in other countries. • Some of this work published in Gonzalez and Waley (2003) Traditional retail Markets, the new gentrification frontier, Antipode, 45, pp.965-983. Which markets are we talking about? • Mainly referring to traditional markets (indoor or outdoor) located in cities selling anything from household goods to fresh food, fabrics, flowers, etc. • Strong tradition of Market Halls in northern England and street markets in London. • Not referring to market towns and so called “specialist markets” (farmers, Christmas, continental, etc.) • The traditional British Market Hall although originally mostly built to meet the demands of the rising bourgeois consumer culture in the 19th c., by the 1950s and 60s were more likely to be and perceived as working class spaces Data from 2005 Rhodes report • Over 1,150 retail markets operated in the UK – but more now due to rise of “other” Markets • Over 150,000 stalls available each week • The average stall occupancy rates are at 75% and falling • Over 46,000 market traders work across the UK • The market industry offers employment to more than 96,000 people • Over 435 million shopping visits per year • Over £1.1 billion spent at market stalls each year in the UK – but this figure revised to £3b including other types of Markets The “twin” narrative of decline and revival • Recent government and industry reports testify to a declining trend in the traditional market: – increasing competition from supermarkets and discounts – misguided town planning decisions – higher expectations from shoppers – neglect of markets by local authorities – slowness of market industry to adapt to change and lack of new traders • Less visits and less spending although parallel trend of some markets doing better than high street in times of recession. The “twin” narrative of decline and revival • But some markets are thriving, particularly farmers and specialist markets (continental, Christmas…): – the revival of “proximity shopping”, – middle class “foodism” – renewed policy focus on the high street and concern about “clone towns” middle class search for authenticity – urban managers’ emphasis on tourism and heritage as economic development strategies. • These markets attract a wealthier clientele who don’t go to markets to do their household main shopping but as part of a “shopping experience” These trends are putting the “traditional” Market under several concomitant pressures to: – Attract a wealthier clientele – Sell more niche (expensive) products – “Realise” their “strategic” real estate value by moving to a less central location – Introduce “supermarket” techniques (fixed prices, uniform stalls, sterile environment) – Turn markets in to shopping centres or bring supermarkets into the Market space Our analysis is that these changes are not just to do with “natural” “market forces” but linked to a wider process of neoliberalisation of our cities manifested in 3 facets: – Urban restructuring processes which lead to state and market disinvesting in certain areas and services – Displacement of customers and traders many from vulnerable / low income groups from central urban areas – Promotion of markets as a consumer experience, fetishization of food and sanitization of the market atmosphere. Retail gentrification: Markets the new frontier? • Many markets throughout the UK are being pushed into the gentrification frontier • So far this is more visible in London where there are campaigns to protect and save markets but elsewhere in the country. • The process is happening in diverse ways according to the variety of types of markets and urban enviornments Commercial gentrification: definitions • Gentrification does not only refer to housing but more generally to the “generalised middle –class restructuring of space” (Shaw, 2008: 2) or a “vehicle for transforming whole areas into new landscape complexes that pioneer a comprehensive class-inflected urban remake” (Smith, 2002: 443) • We could define commercial gentrification as: – The process whereby the commerce that serves (amongst others) a population of low incomes is transformed/replaced into/by a commerce targeted at a middle/high class. – The increase in commercial rents that pushes traders to increase price of their products, change products or change location Different types of commercial gentrification • Commercial gentrification as an extension of residential gentrification • A change from local/everyday commerce directed at the support of social reproduction to a commerce directed at tourism, high-end consumers or as an attraction to residents from other cities. • From trading a lower profit (high volume / low value) to trading high value added produce. • When shopping becomes a “consumption experience”, part of a lifestyle. • Retail-led regeneration processes. • From independent/local/family owned commerce to multinational/chains/corporate retailers. Commercial gentrification can lead to displacement • Displacement of traders • Displacement of produce • Displacement of consumers • Displacement of a kind of social relation and a community Who loses from this gentrification process? • Markets are not only places for shopping but real public spaces open for all and more than often in central location in cities. • All policy, academic and industry research confirms that markets are crucial for the poorest in society providing affordable food and household goods as well as cheap business start- ups (GLA, 2008; House of Commons, 2009; Ipsos Mori, 2007; Regeneris Consulting, 2010, NEF, 2005). Evidence of the socio-demographic background of traditional market shoppers • All Party Parliamentary High Street Britain 2015 report: “street markets and covered markets often serve low income ethnic groups – among the very people most in need of fresh foods but their contribution is not always measured.” (NEF, 2005:11) • A survey of customers of London markets shows that those more regular shoppers of traditional markets care about the low prices (Ipsos MORI, 2007) • A spatial analysis of Markets in London shows a correlation between the most deprived parts of the capital in inner city areas and East London and concentrations of street Markets (Regeneris Consulting, 2010). • An analysis of postcodes from a petition signed in Leeds Kirkgate Market shows that customers disproportionally come from poorer neighbourhoods Regeneris Consulting (2010) London’s retail street markets, London: London Development Agency Spatial analysis of postcodes from a petition launched by Friends of Leeds Kirkgate Market signed by customers Evidence of the “social function” of Markets specially from those more vulnerable • Watson and Studdert (2006) stress the role of Markets as places for social interaction for those more vulnerable groups of people: older women, women with children, people with physical disabilities. “they operated as sites of social inclusion, in the sense that for many of the customers, particularly those more marginalised in the city, passing the time of day in the market and chatting with a trader or another shopper might be the only chance they had to talk with someone all day” (Watson and Studdert, 2006: 29) Evidence of the ethnic composition of traders and customers of traditional markets • The Rhodes survey from 2005 provides some data on the ethnicity of traders and it reports that from their survey 79% are white British European, 17% Asian, 2% afro Caribbean and 2% other. • In London, a much larger proportion of traders are non white (42%) than the population in general (29%) (Regeneris Consulting, 2010 • In London Markets, customers were are disproportionally from Black, Black british or Asian communities (Regeneris Consulting, 2010) Kirkgate Market: between decline and renewal Some facts on Kirkgate Market • It employs around 2,000 people directly but many more indirectly and informally • It is one of the biggest Markets in Europe • It has an indoor and outdoor areas and traders sell everything from fruit and vegetables, meat, fish, mobile phones, clothing, home ware, drapery or stationary. • It is visited weekly by over 170,000 people although footfall is declining • It is owned and managed by Leeds City Council for which it makes an annual profit of between £1-£2m. • It has the highest rents in the North and amongst the highest in England • Many people that
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