ANTROPOLOGI VOL. 40 NO 1 2020

Expressing Chinese-ness: An Alternative Imagery among Young Chinese

Ignatia Dyahapsari Independent Researcher [email protected]

Irfan Nugraha Lecturer, Universitas Indonesia [email protected]

Abstract

After the 1998 reformation, Chinese Indonesians become more open in expressing their identity in the public sphere in everyday life. However, a pivotal moment for Chinese Indonesians began with Ahok’s engagement with the political life, even though he then tripped in a political ploy that finally turned off Chinese collective hope for equality. On the one hand, anti-Chinese sentiment was reproduced as a tool for political segregation. On the other hand, young Chinese Indonesians are actively expressing their identity and political preferences through social media. We argue that the expressions shared publicly by young Chinese Indonesians might portray a different reflection of identity which is closely related to the political changes of the contemporary Indonesian society. Through their public expressions, new imagery of Chinese Indonesian was created as an alternative to the state-forced imagery on their Chinese-ness. This paper elaborates on how the current imagery produced and reproduced by young Chinese Indonesians through new mediums of social media in response to the continuous political conflict in their daily life.

Keywords: Chinese Indonesian, alternative imagery, political expression

Introduction political condition of Indonesia (Szakolczai et al., 2017). State polity and the cultivation In the midst of political contention and of discrimination have raised public hatred segregation, expressing identity could be a in our everyday life and interaction, which problem for some groups and communities, limits the Chinese Indonesian expression as particularly due to the fundamental shift of part of the nation, and as Indonesian Indonesia's political situation. Nowadays, citizens. the Indonesian political domain tends to Even though the political situation accommodate the wave of political has changed in today’s reformation era, the exclusion practices (NYT, 2019; Samuel & ethnic segregation created by the colonial Saptari, 2019). Chinese Indonesian might government and political become a ‘minority which faced permanent regime had not yet disappeared. Moreover, liminality,’ that ‘cannot escape from those the racial/ethnic sentiment was reproduced within,’ thus recalling the terminology of in the social campaign incriminating ‘iron cage’ or ‘entrapment’ by which Max Chinese Indonesians, which in turn created Weber might characterize the current

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the dynamics of racial contestation that by define and illuminate their inner spirit of itself became an ongoing conversation in being Chinese Indonesian. daily life. A popular assumption ‘once Based on a series of research conducted Chinese, remained Chinese’ (Coppel, from 2017 to 2019, in this paper we will 1994) appeared to return in the current discuss the perception of young Chinese situation as reflected in the intensifying Indonesian born in the early and late 1990s hatred and prejudice. to understand how they interpret their life This paper will discuss the experiences after the reformation era up to significance of the expression of Chinese- the appearance of ness among young Chinese Indonesians to (Ahok) as the Governor of in the redefine their position as a minority in the national political arena. That period could contemporary rise of political exclusion be seen as a pivotal point of change in their practices. Our focus on the expression of experience of being Chinese Indonesian. Chinese-ness is to sense ‘experience, which As Hatherell and Welsh (2017) includes not only actions and feelings but maintained, Ahok represented a also reflections about those actions and charismatic type of leadership and as an feelings’ (Bruner, 1986). As Bruner (1986) alternative narrative for those who seek to stated, redefine Indonesian identity as not being tied to ethnicity. His political behavior gave ‘the relationship between experience and its a good impression of a leader with good expressions is always problematic… for morality. His influence on young Chinese experience structures expressions, in that we understand other people and their Indonesian echoed from Tjhia’s findings expressions on the basis of our own (2017) which indicated that Ahok had a experience and self-understanding. But positive effect on young Chinese identity as expressions also structure experience, in that dominant narrative of a historical era, he enflamed their pride in being Chinese meaningful rituals, and festivals, and classic Indonesian. For young Chinese Indonesian, works of art define and illuminate inner it seems that Ahok performed what Spencer experience.’ (2007) called ‘the political turn,’ making In that sense, the experience and the agentive role of Ahok to sense the expression of being Chinese Indonesian democracy in Indonesia as ‘a discourse that through its historical and dynamic relations potentially extends the field of politics over with others should be understood in the their entirety of social life.’ form of dialectical relationship. Therefore, However, the political stage is also the individual experience is accessible to an a set of limitations and sometimes observer only through the expression given unpredictable for the spectator. The to it, and the expression might color the moment Ahok lost his re-election also manner by which experience is interpreted. structured the experience of being Chinese Through the journey of Chinese Indonesian Indonesian in the way Tjhia (2017) in the Indonesian political realm, we might described, that is Chinese Indonesian felt find that it was not only the representation uncomfortable to express that they were of identity at the ground level but also the Indonesian as well as Chinese. stories of their personal experiences that

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The political turn has moved Baru) and that of Indonesian history, the identity politics from the front stage of sentiment towards Chinese Indonesian had political practice into everyday life provided a portray of fluctuation graph. A encounters. Chinese Indonesians are not hope for ethnic representation, including only the onlooker of others’ political that of Chinese Indonesians, had performance but also being entrapped in a strengthened in the post- political complex situation. activities when in 2000 President The young Chinese Indonesian’s (Gus Dur) revoked expression of pride and, yet at the same one of anti-Chinese regulations, namely time, uncomfortable feeling is the topic that Presidential Instruction No. 14/1967 that we want to discuss in this paper based on prohibited the public practices of Chinese the data collected with ethnography religion, belief, and customs. Furthermore, through a series of interviews, the revised Citizenship Law (Law No. observations, and analysis of social media 12/2006) has given Chinese Indonesians platforms. Their expression might help us social and political space to express their to understand the nuances of the process of cultural identity (Lan, 2009). However, in defining ‘self and other’ among Chinese daily life, many Chinese Indonesians still Indonesians. In defining ‘self and other,’ experience discrimination in a systemic and our informants described it as openness and non-systemic way. The long history of disappointment which also reflects their discrimination towards Chinese Indonesian relation to Chinese-ness and Indonesian had created deep-seated segregation within politics. (Re)shaping their political the society. Suspicion, prejudice, and preferences is an eternal struggle for mistrust were persistently targeted on this Chinese Indonesians, similar to their ethnic group throughout the New Order struggle to escape from an act of being administration. Clearly, the government cautious in any kind of situation. They too has not treated every citizen equally. accept a false consciousness of equal Chinese Indonesians were seen as a citizens, while they are only a phantom in problem, known as ‘Masalah Cina’ the everyday political life which nurtures a (Chinese problem). latent problem of political representation of A ‘forced’ assimilation policy was a ‘certain’ ethnic group. Such description implemented during the New Order era, also echoes the generation matrix that which led to exclusion and discrimination regulates the relation between the visible that remained for decades. The terms and the invisible, the imaginable and the ‘pribumi’ (indigenous) and ‘non-pribumi’ non-imaginable at a representational level. (non-indigenous) were used to differentiate those ‘pure’ Indonesians from those who The Emergence of Alternative Imagery are considered ‘not pure.’ The government structurally categorized the Indonesian Twenty-two years after the , population into warga negara Indonesia or ethnic Chinese in Indonesia have different WNI (Indonesian citizens) and WNI political experiences. Even though the keturunan (Indonesian citizens of Chinese identity of Chinese Indonesian cannot be descent). The New Order period was separated from their marginal position in considered as ethnic Chinese’s ‘dark ages’ the long story of the New Order (Orde because all Chinese related rituals,

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education, and other cultural expressions However, since most informants were still were banned by the government (Li, 2003 young adolescents at that time, they do not in Hoon, 2008). The prohibition of Chinese feel that the change in regulations has culture was intended as the ultimate way to significantly impacted their subjective promote the assimilation of ethnic Chinese experience. Expressing Chinese-ness in Indonesia. Chinese Indonesians were remains problematic, and their efforts to seen as not integrating with Indonesians; participate in inclusive interactions with not considered as part of Indonesia, but as others face barriers of persistent prejudices aliens. The image of ethnic Chinese with and several hatred acts. Their life as negative stereotypes was well-built Chinese Indonesian during the reformation amongst the ‘pribumi’ as a completely era is still hard, because the so-called more different group (Aguilar, 2001; Mackie, inclusive approach by the state, so far is a 2008; Walujono, 2014; Tjhia, 2017). Such merely political rhetoric. As Bruner (1986) fixed notion glued firmly in the society. said, the change of political situation The return of Chinese rituals in clearly does not contribute to the Indonesia after 32 years has generated the restructuring of inclusive interaction feeling of hope for the nation, especially for between Chinese Indonesians and non- Chinese Indonesians (Purdey, 2002). Chinese others. It seems the alternative way has been appointed as a for Chinese Indonesian’s expression was national holiday. Its celebration was being created through the cyber public introduced to commercial areas such as sphere. shopping malls, supermarkets, and public facilities with specific Chinese ornaments, Experiencing Alternative Imagery such as red lantern, and Barongsai which performs freely in public. Post-Suharto era For more than three decades, issues related has established a new and fresh condition to ethnic Chinese in Indonesia have been for the Chinese Indonesian. However, the sensitive for Indonesians until Ernest trauma of being Chinese Indonesian cannot Prakasa raised it through his stand-up be easily dismissed due to the long history comedies in 2013 (Dyahapsari, 2013). of New Order’s authoritarian regime which Prakasa was not the only Chinese treated the Chinese as foreign outsiders. Indonesian in the entertainment industry, Due to the change of regulations, yet he was the first Chinese Indonesian who expressions related to ‘Chinese-ness’ could provocatively brought identity-related now freely being discussed in public. Not jokes into the public realm in a stand-up only the celebration of Chinese New Year comedy, as a representation of his own reappears, the acknowledgment of Chinese identity. Indonesian’s existence could also be seen in the form of Chinese Indonesian museum in Ethnicity was a very sensitive topic to be Taman Mini Indonesia Indah (TMII), a brought up in a comedy, needless to say that symbol of Indonesia’s plural society of Chinese Indonesian. However, it created by the New Order. Moreover, a becomes a place of reflection and fundamental change was also seen in the re- expression for Ernest Prakasa as a Chinese acceptance of (which was Indonesian who was born in 1982 and has banned in the 1960s) as a religion. been living through the contemporary

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. With his position as act with typical ‘Chinese’ stereotype to part of Chinese Indonesian minority group, represent the Chinese-ness that people are his jokes might also represent an alternative familiar with. way for facing the problem of being marginalized (Dyahapsari, 2013). His performances were shared publicly through various media, but his skills evolved more through his movie pictures released a few years after his first tour as a comedian in 2011.

Figure 2. Scene from Apa-apanya Dong Movie Source: indonesiafilmcenter.com

By addressing stories of Chinese Indonesians publicly, Prakasa and other Chinese Indonesians marked the openness and the beginning of ‘new expression’ for Chinese Indonesians. An informant disclosed that his family never mentioned nor revealed their Chinese-Indonesian identity and tended to refer to their identity as Javanese. Then suddenly, everybody (Chinese Indonesians) speaks up about their Chinese-ness and dare to joke on their Figure 1. Cek Toko Sebelah, a film produced by life experiences as Chinese Indonesians. He Ernest Prakasa, depicting Chinese Indonesian believed this unusual behavior as ‘a family. Source: moment of openness.’ The informant https://m.imdb.com/title/tt6366854/mediaviewer/r perceived that moment of openness as a m2051750656 situation in which they could publicly discuss their Chinese-ness with ‘less public Ernest Prakasa's expression of pressure and control.’ Most informants felt himself as part of the Chinese Indonesians they had been given the opportunity to might reflect one of his efforts to change the share a comprehensive picture of their popular stereotypical-formula in ‘daily life and real problems’ as Chinese representing ‘Chinese-ness.’ In one of Indonesians. Chinese-Indonesians were not Indonesian movies, ‘Apa-apanya Dong’ what have been portrayed for the public, directed by Nya’ Abbas Akup in 1983, it namely the dominant image of what was described how the ‘formula’ was Suryadinata explained as merchants implemented: to dress actors and actresses (pedagang) who are rich, money-oriented, in Chinese traditional costumes, and to ask and have economic power even at the them to speak with Chinese intonation and smallest form of trade (Suhandinata, 2009).

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Why does the appearance of that ‘on their daily lives, being Chinese Prakasa’s reflective expression have a Indonesian is no different from other significant impact on young Chinese Indonesians.’ Indonesians, as our informants felt? Abundant alternative imageries Chinese Indonesians, as one informant might also be directed at audiences other reflected, have been discussing Chinese- than Chinese Indonesians, because the ness in very limited aspects of their life. It performance given by young Chinese is rare to have reflective discussions either Indonesians is exactly on the problem faced with the family or other social circles. by Indonesian society at large, even though Being Chinese Indonesian was simply born it occurs at the reflective phase of some with biological and cultural traits that are Chinese Indonesians in reconstructing their sometimes projected with a ridiculous imagery as Chinese Indonesian. Applying stereotype of Chinese-ness by Indonesians. Bruner’s notion (1986) of ‘representations, Therefore, in his opinion, when the media performances, objectifications, or texts’ started to embrace the idea of ‘Unity in (1986) in explaining how in some order the Diversity,’ more and more content creators expression has mediated ‘the collective of Chinese Indonesian origin deliver construction of imagery,’ we could argue corresponding contents, not only on a big that being Chinese Indonesian not only screen like Ernest Prakasa, but also on the means having the experiences of daily reachable social media such as persecution and discrimination, but also the Youtube. needs to express how the issue become

Figure 3. Tipikal Chinese Indonesia (edisi Imlek) w/ Eka Gustiwana [Feb 20, 2015, source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F0Vgjm6U7hk] and Ciri2 Chinese Indonesia ( Feb, 3, 2020, source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ihjBnHxJsmc) are two ‘youtube’ pres Last-day Production is one of the creative significant for the young generation of content creators who produce videos with Chinese Indonesians. The intensification of Chinese Indonesians-related contents. Chinese Indonesian imagery at the time of Many of the video contents are directed to Ahok’s administrative period (2014–2017), advocate ethnic Chinese who tends to to some extent has emphasized such defend their negative stereotypes, meaning. educating them through entertaining videos

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New Hope: Ahok as an Imagery Stage the Indonesian political atmosphere (Lan, for the Expression of Chinese-ness 2009). In 2016, when he was running a The atmosphere of post-Suharto era was campaign to be re-elected as Governor of rather pessimistic for Chinese Indonesians, Jakarta, Ahok referred to a verse in the particularly on the subject of state Quran which caused him to be accused of recognition of their political and cultural . Later it was discovered that the existence. The situation continued for more viral video has been edited by Buni Yani, a than a decade, even though there were a lot university lecturer, who deliberately of efforts to eliminate discrimination in distorted the original meaning of Ahok’s various aspects of life. However, the campaign speech to create the image of situation changed when Ahok became the Ahok conducting religious blasphemy spotlight of the national politics. More and (Chevroulet, 2018). Nevertheless, the court more Chinese Indonesians started to speak decided that Ahok was proven guilty of out, join political party, or successfully won religious blasphemy, and thus he was the election to run government office at the sentenced to two years imprisonment. For district level. This political progress began some people, the court decision might be in 2012 when Ahok became Vice Governor influenced by the massive Muslim street of Jakarta and later was appointed as protest known as 212 (Dua Satu Dua) when in 2014 Joko movement, demanding Ahok to be jailed. Widodo, who stepped down from his The protest which began on 2 December position as Governor of Jakarta, won the 2016 was followed by several others which election to become the president. Ahok was became a series of Islamic mass movement the first Jakarta’s governor of ethnic against Ahok. Chinese origin and the second Christian During the 2017 Jakarta Governor governor since 1960s (Chevroulet, 2018). Election, hoaxes were being spread on Ahok’s achievement to become a social media, illustrating Ahok’s entirely prominent figure in higher political negative sides. From January to March structure of Indonesia's capital city has 2017, there were 14 out of 15 hoaxes made the hope for equality grown among referred to Ahok as a non-qualified leader Indonesian people, especially among (Utami, 2018). The perception that was Chinese Indonesians. shaped by the media is strongly linked to As Thung Ju Lan (2009) observed, Ahok’s position as a double minority—a Chinese Indonesians had started to venture Christian Chinese who strived to create a their way into local politics such as better system of governance under his parliaments and local government offices administration. Eventually, Ahok was since 2004, similar to Ahok’s path in jailed and lost his candidacy, indicating politics. However, the enormous impacts how great an obstacle Ahok’s political path on Chinese Indonesians occurred only had. when Ahok together with Joko Widodo According to Phillips (1998), won the 2012 Jakarta’s Governor Election thriving inequality in politics requires the and became its vice governor. The presence politics of presence—direct participation of of Chinese Indonesians in politics becomes leaders from minority groups. In a standard indicator of a positive change in Indonesia’s modern politics, the

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actualization of Chinese Indonesian as a prejudice towards Chinese Indonesians is minority group in politics was seen from still high and rampant. The complexity of a Ahok’s political behavior. However, as long history remained in the eyes of Thung Ju Lan argued (2009), the pribumi. The Chinese identity as a loathed apprehension of being Chinese in Indonesia group did not change in the public’s eyes; it is still strong, knowing that they will faded for a moment until some people can become victims if once politics goes wrong, push stereotypes and prejudices, which such in the case of Goh Tjong Ping, a were well-known throughout the nation’s candidate for deputy regent of Tuban in history, to make a full reappearance. For 2005, whose failure has strangely provoked more than a decade, the terms of pribumi violence but made interesting news for and non-pribumi had disappeared, mass media because of his Chineseness tolerance gained enormous momentum. (Lan, 2009). Thus, the anxiety arose during However, the terms bounced back after Ahok’s candidacy for Governor of Jakarta Ahok being accused of blasphemy. In this in 2017 that it might provoke ethnic or matter, Chinese Indonesian will always be religious based violence against Chinese in a vulnerable place. The reproduction of Indonesians. anti-Chinese sentiment was made when The suspicion and prejudice Chinese Indonesians’ political involvement towards Chinese Indonesian were proven was seen at a higher level. Chinese by Charlotte Setijadi (2017) in her study Indonesians are seen as inappropriate to that examined the representation of Chinese govern because of their position as a Indonesians in the eyes of pribumi. She minority or even a double minority. found that the stereotype of Chinese At the higher level of politics, Indonesian was still the same, that is as Ahok’s case made a dramatic change in the economically privileged, as having natural collective perception of Chinese talent in making money or doing business, Indonesians about equality. The voices and as always behave exclusively with their expressed by young Chinese Indonesians own kind, not blending with other are not constrained even though the public Indonesians. In politics, a firm refusal became harsh towards them. A dynamic against the idea of a Chinese Indonesian contestation of everyday life takes place became a leader was expressed by a where Chinese Indonesian identity became majority of Muslim ethnic groups such as an ongoing conversation in the social Malay, Cirebonese, Minang people, etc., media. whereas all Balinese were reported as being During the candidacy and comfortable with Chinese Indonesian as campaign, the media became a powerful their political leader. Such a religious source of information. Nonetheless, it was sentiment cannot be avoided. The majority also a place where false information also of Muslim are opposing to the idea because spread. According to Lim (2017), there is of the underlying stereotypes derived from no doubt that sectarianism and their historical experiences as well as of played significant roles in the election, and their religious faith. social media was heavily utilized in the The accusation of conducting campaign against Ahok. The media was religious blasphemy that happened to Ahok used as a weapon to knock down the was not surprising if we realized that the campaign efforts through buzzers who uses

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digital devices to continuously spread racial response, when ‘a defeat in political sentiment towards Chinese Indonesian. contestation was rewarded by sorrow and The anti-Chinese sentiment created public sympathy’ (Merdeka, 2017). during Suharto’s New Order has not yet diluted; it reappears when there is a tight competition in the national political arena. The defenders of Ahok are people who are fighting for Indonesia’s nation base ‘Unity in Diversity’ (), and many make a strong stand on the idea of tolerance between citizens. The anti-Ahok groups are formed mostly among Muslim protesters, representing a religion-based sentiment. Within the digital media, the two most popular anti-Ahok websites are portal- Figure 4. Read: ‘Pak Ahok & Pak Djarot, Thank .co.id and voa-islam.com (Lim, 2017). you. You’re in our hearts, never be replaced; from: FHUI ‘93 (except the intolerance ones).’ Source: The battle through social media is real and Arah.com cyber space becomes a space of voice and action. Politics in everyday life are quite The rise and the fall of Ahok, as well as the vivid. As the media spread and escalate awareness of young Chinese Indonesians to information to the public, Chinese echo their own expression is considered Indonesian’s political position is being significant for their existence in daily life countered in social media’s everyday and political realm. Nevertheless, what is conversation. The two contending groups significant to young Chinese Indonesians is are the reproduction of anti-Chinese not about Ahok as a politician, but his sentiment versus the proud generation of political performance which extends the post-Suharto Chinese. The hope for field of politics into the entirety of social equality offered by Gus Dur has been life. Correspond to Hatherell and Welsh’s maintained in daily life by people who are opinion (2017) about Ahok as an alternative campaigning about their own identity. narrative in seeking for redefinition of More and more people are curious about Indonesian identity as not being tied up to their roots and choose to engage in the ethnicity, our research findings also show search of their identity. that by reading and interpreting Ahok as an In October 2017, Ahok was filed to imagery and his complex performances as prison and gained national attention. People text and representation, the essence of started to send flowers of sympathy to the collective imagery construction of Chinese Governor’s office. They were sending the Indonesians in the reformation era could be flower of positive energy as a statement of envisioned. disappointment towards the decision. More Our research findings show that for than 5.000 pieces of standing flowers with young Chinese Indonesians, being Chinese sad notes from all over Indonesia signify a Indonesian is a matter of how they can public support of Ahok (Kompas, 2020). redefine themselves in relation to others. ‘Never happened before in Indonesia’s Therefore, most informants are not inspired political history,’ as Grace Natalie stated in

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by Ahok’s political career or performance, the political arena was not based on their but by their own imagery of Ahok as a ethnicity. Natalie understood the challenge medium of expression of being Chinese, of she is facing as a Chinese Indonesian, sharing with the public what they feel as particularly in the current climate of Chinese Indonesian. One of the informants religious and ethnic tensions. Like Natalie, reflects that before the emergence of Ahok, Tina Toon also represents a young Chinese Indonesian was a silent subject. politician whose higher education could Speaking about Chinese-ness, or support her candidacy in politics. Before expressing what they feel as a Chinese was running into politics, Tina Toon finished seen as exposing themselves to the risk of her master's degree in law and left her being discriminated. celebrity life as a child singer. Her ethnicity cannot be separated from her. However, it After Ahok: Intensified Contention was not a drawback, because her popularity as a child singer has diverted the ethnicity Ahok stepped down from the Indonesian focus of the media coverage. political podium and served in jail for two The difference between Ahok and years from 2017 to 2019. In 2019, those two young female politicians are in Indonesia held the Presidential Election. their way of representing identity. Ethnicity Luckily, Ahok’s case did not stop other becomes the same underlying element, but Chinese Indonesians from contributing to the two females’ involvement in the politics the political sphere. New faces with new as a public figure has more or less approaches emerge and enter the political confronted the ethnic sentiment, while arena—among them are Agustina Ahok, with his leadership type has directly Hermanto (known in her stage name as dived into the national political system as a Tina Toon) and Grace Natalie, who Christian Chinese Indonesian. On the other received media attention. These two young hand, by activating their attributes as public female politicians are Chinese figures, and by talking about Indonesia’s Indonesians—Tina Toon as a member of general social problems, when they join DKI Jakarta House of Representatives, Indonesian politics, Natalie and Tina Toon while Grace Natalie as the Head of Partai are able to divert their stereotyped Chinese- Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI/ Indonesian ness into a broad Indonesian identity. It Solidarity Party), a political party that seems that young Chinese Indonesians focuses on women’s rights, pluralism, and involved in politics do not entail the sense Indonesian youth. Even with a newly fresh of ‘uniqueness’ that Ahok once produced. spirit, PSI failed to gain voters. Suryadinata (2019) reported that 12 out of The two women were famous as public 24 Chinese Indonesians who have figures before entering political world. participated in the national parliamentary Their identity as young Chinese Indonesian elections in 2019 are from PDI-P (Partai is also well known in the media. The two Demokrasi Indonesia newcomers represented the new wave of Perjuangan/Indonesian Democratic Party political participation of the young Chinese of Struggle); 3 from PKB (Partai generation in the Indonesian political Kebangkitan Bangsa/National Awakening sphere. Those two figures’ decision to enter Party), 2 each from (Partai

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Golongan Karya/Party of Functional racial tension that has been stimulated by Groups), NasDem (Nasional the so-called 212 movement was Demokrat/National Democratic Party), highlighted. Gerindra (Partai Gerakan Indonesia In everyday life, especially on Raya/Great Indonesia Movement Party), social media, racial hatred was expressed in and Perindo (Partai Persatuan negative comments towards Chinese Indonesia/Indonesian Unity Party), and 1 Indonesians, such as ‘pulang aja ke Cina’ from Hanura (Partai Hati Nurani (go back to ) or ‘Dasar Cina!’ (You Rakyat/People Conscience Party), while the Chinese!). All of those comments have other 4 were elected member of Regional discredited their Indonesian citizenship. Representatives Council (DPD). This The hope for equality that has been built for number represented the participation of years vanished in the escalation of hatred. Chinese Indonesians as citizens who are not The fear of exclusion soared among distinct from other Indonesian citizens of Chinese Indonesians in the reminiscence of different ethnic origins. Apparently, ethnic the New Order’s politics of SARA (Suku, representation and ethnic pride could be Agama, Ras dan Antar golongan—Ethnic merged into a political identity that could groups, Religion, Race and Intergroup be endorsed in the political participation. relations), because the anti-Chinese Moreover, the openness of the Joko sentiment which was previously Widodo’s administration towards Chinese established in a higher political sphere now Indonesians has changed the situation, so spread immediately to everyday now it becomes quite normal for Chinese interaction, particularly in social media. Indonesians to voice their political preferences. Nowadays, their voices that have been taken away were brought back with the vast social media. Voices sharing their Chinese-ness can now be outspoken. Nevertheless, the freedom to express themselves seems to fall into a slope after the accusation of Ahok’s blasphemy, because all at once the tension towards Chinese Indonesian was also raising. Chinese Indonesians’ hope for an active engagement in politics lasts only in a short time, less than five years. This fallout of expectancy was marked by the fact that their prominent figure was swept away, and the situation has turned into major chaos. When Anies Baswedan, an Arab descendant who won the 2017 Jakarta Governor Election made a controversial speech in his inauguration by mentioning the word ‘pribumi’ which is always in the dichotomy with the word ‘non-pribumi,’

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Figure 5. Discussing racist speech in Tiktok videos Source: Tiktok @esthergracia, @panggilajabebe (2020), https://vt.tiktok.com/ZS4Xdnsd & https://vt.tiktok.com/ZS4XjrhY/

This situation illustrates how the political created a disjunction between the burden of turn has impacted the redefinition of being Chinese Indonesians and the efforts ‘Chinese-ness’ by different generations of of expressing themselves as Chinese Chinese Indonesian. For example, young Indonesians. Young Chinese Indonesians Chinese Indonesians could feel the tension are aware of the facts that their parents and manifested and intensified as they had older generation have experienced never imagined before. They witness how discrimination and racial hatred from the the latest political event could bury their public and government policy, so they hope for equality within seconds. Here we limited their expression as part of the nation see the relations between political and and as Indonesian citizens—hence, the cultural identities, which somehow have burden they have to shoulder as Chinese Indonesians. However, as elaborated above, the opportunity to develop

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alternative imagery during the reformation of contemporary Indonesian society. era, on the other side, help them to Referring to the postulate that ‘experience emancipate themselves from the [is] structuring expression,’ young Chinese entrapment as a minority group in Indonesians seem to assess what significant Indonesia. This knowledge or for them in the present situation is not about understanding, according to one of the how they identify themselves as Chinese informants, has led Chinese Indonesians to Indonesian, but how they should articulate interpret their experience throughout their the feeling of being Chinese Indonesian in life journey through what Bruner (1986) the contemporary Indonesia. defines as ‘how events are received by Expressing identity may seem as consciousness.’ The alternative imagery simple or ordinary as introducing and created by Ernest Prakasa and other content presenting ourselves to others, but for makers in defending the Chinese young Chinese Indonesian it is not Indonesian identity through media shared a straightforward. Interestingly, the different image of Chinese-ness from their characteristics of today’s medium itself has predecessors, but similar to the alternative enabled young Chinese Indonesians to imagery presented through Grace Natalie express themselves, not as what others and Tina Toon’s involvement in the might caricaturize or portray, but as national politics. The ‘typical’ Chinese reflectively as to what they as young depicted through stereotypes that were Chinese Indonesian need to address, continuously nurtured in public since the including that of racial hatred. In other colonial era have started to be replaced by words, young Chinese Indonesians now a new imagery of political preference and could choose to redefine their identity as political identity which is being Chinese Indonesians in contemporary reconstructed and represented in daily life Indonesian society with the intention to by the younger generation of Chinese voice their existence and living experience Indonesian. rather than to distinguish themselves from Young Chinese Indonesians others in demographic categories. understand that they live in a different socio-political context from that of the Conclusion older generations, but they also know how problematic being Chinese Indonesian is The frightened feeling of being Chinese even after the reformation era. In their Indonesians during the 212 movement reflection, they realize that the political when the racial hatred escalated has discrimination has left a legacy which infiltrated everyday interaction. Some makes them maintain the preservation of Chinese Indonesians felt the mode of ethnic political limitations, yet mostly has been segregation reappears similar to the socialized in their close social circles. This situation under the New Order’s situation illuminates the experience of administration. The apprehension that the being Chinese Indonesian as being more 1998 anti-Chinese riot could occur again, as complex than the common assumption Ahok went across unwritten boundaries to suggested. Our research findings show that be accused of blasphemy, was also the experience of being Chinese Indonesian immense. Hearing and watching people should be elaborated within the complexity asking for justice in a massive

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demonstration created a mass psychology policy. State polity and its previous within the society. However, on social cultivation of discrimination has nurtured media, the negative expression towards racial hatred in public collective memory ethnicity could be countered in a very that limited the expression of Chinese personal way by users or by content Indonesians in the everyday interaction as creators, so that Chinese Indonesians could part of the Indonesian nation, and as defend their rights as citizen, especially Indonesian citizens. The shift of approach since the slogan ‘Unity in Diversity’ has between generations in expressing their long been internalized in young Chinese cultural identity has produced an alternative Indonesians who were educated in imagery of the Chinese Indonesian in the Indonesian schools. contemporary Indonesia. The emergence of Being raised as Chinese Indonesian young Chinese Indonesians, who can freely might face permanent liminality, because express their identity, voice their political they are not only experience internal preferences, and articulate their personal contradiction, but also external pressure in opinion, might strengthen the bargaining relation to their Chinese identity. The position of Chinese Indonesians to defend feeling of ‘entrapment’ is drawn in the themselves on equal terms with other everyday identity as Chinese Indonesians, Indonesians. Further studies about how even though today discrimination at the exactly the younger generation of Chinese nation state level has been tremendously Indonesian articulates their Chinese-ness reduced, especially in bureaucracy and are highly recommended.

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