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Author{s) Table of Contents Page

Catalina Herrerias An Inside Look at Dr. Ralph G. O'Sullivan's Body of Work

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Cursillo in Social Movement Literature 5

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Voluntary Serfdom: An Ideological Journey into 15 Dual-Class Labor Conflicts and Possible Workers' Solutions

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Fictional Reality and the Portrayal of Justice in 37 Modern Sociology and Contemporary Novels

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Social Variance as it Exists Between Conformity 62 and Deviance: Following Some Advice from Ogburn

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Shaping Visual Sound: A Friendly Look at Total 76 Institutions and Their Role in the Subculture of Competitive Marching Music

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Combining Merton's Strain Theory with Labeling 99 Theory and Moral Entrepreneurs

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Culture Wars Against Religion and a Gathering of 108 Triangulated Responses to Them

Author's Manuscript Submission Form 129

Preparation Checklist for ASA Manuscripts 130

General Editor: Alberto G. Mata, Jr., Ph.D., University of Oklahoma Associate Editor: Catalina Herrerias, MSW, Ph.D., University of Oklahoma Published: Twice annually, once in spring and once in winter Questions and/or Comments: [email protected] ISSN: 0736-9182 I

FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

MISSION: To provide an outlet for interdisciplinary scholarship. WORLD REFEREED AND DISTRIBUTED: Abstracted in Sociological Abstracts. There are over 150 academic subscribers including 15 libraries in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Individuals in the U.S. $40. Foreign Surface Mail $45 (U.S. $$) Institutional rate is $75. All subscriptions must be prepaid. ADDRESS: Associate Editor, University of Oklahoma, Department of Human Relations, 601 Elm Avenue, PHSC 728, Norman, OK 73019, (405) 325-1756. Prior Editor: John R. Cross, Oklahoma State University. Arabic Editor: lbithaj Arafat, City College of New York. European Editor: Johann Wolfgang, Goethe Universitaet, Germany. Editorial Board: Phillip Garcia, California State University-Long Beach; Bonnie Berry, Social Problems Research Group; Shannon S.C. Bert, University of Oklahoma; Miguel Carranza, University of Missouri Kansas City; Zermarie Deacon, University of Oklahoma; Dennis Embry, Paxis Institute; Don Drennon­ Gala, U.S. Department of Justice; Alice Cepeda, University of Southern California; Tony Cortese, Southern Methodist University; Lloyd Klein, Lousiana State Univeristy; Ralph G. O'Sullivan, Chillicothe, IL; William A. Reese II, Augusta State University; and Gilberto Cardenas, University of Notre Dame. Assistant Editors: Alfredo Guerra Gonzalez, California State University-Los Angeles; Bonnie Berry, Social Problems Research Group; Don Drennon-Gala, Drennon-Gala and Associates; Beth Hartung Freimuth, California State University-Fresno; Cecil Greek, Florida State University; Debbie Baskin, Loyola University, Anita Rosso, DePaul University; Charles Harper, Creighton University; Jeffrey R. McDade, Graceland University; Victor Nelson Cisneros Colorado College; Joan Moore, University of Wisconsin; Robin William, Oklahoma State University; Beverly Stiles, Midwestern State University; Donald Yates, Albany State University; and Marjorie Zatz, Arizona State University. Board of Governors: Susan Chase, University of Tulsa; Marvin Cooke, Tulsa Community College; David Ford, University of Central Oklahoma; Lawrence Greer, Langston University; Jody Horn, Oklahoma City University; Phillip Holley, Southwestern Oklahoma State University; Abe Marrero, Rogers State University; Craig St. John, University of Oklahoma; and Tina Winn, Southeastern Oklahoma State University. Copy Editor: Danielle Spence-Tidd Cover Design: Hobart Jackson, University of Kansas School of Architecture. Graphic Artist: Stephanie Spence

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FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

AN INSIDE LOOK AT DR. RALPH G. O'SULLIVAN'S BODY OF WORK

Catalina Herrerias, Ph.D. University of Oklahoma

Ralph G. O'Sullivan is a long-time ment. Similar to this one, the others, friend of Free Inquiry In Creative Soci­ including a fourth, article discuss ology (FIGS). Not only is he a frequent elements of Cursillo. His article identi­ contributor, he is our very best fies Cursillo as a redemptive religious external reviewer. He has reviewed movement, and that distinction is countless manuscripts and prepared important. Dr. O'Sullivan considers thoughtful, constructive, and thorough this article his most formal piece as it evaluations of many of our submis­ addresses the social movement sions- all with turnaround times of one dimensions of Cursillo at the macro-, to two weeks. Due to such commit­ the middle-range, and the micro-levels ment and scope of work, the Editors of of analyses. The macro-approach, FIGS dedicate this special issue to social strain theory, shows that the him, allowing him to select previous Cursillo movement is one response to articles for this issue as we learned attacks against religion and Christian­ more about him and his writings. ity. Faithful witnesses rally together to Dr. O'Sullivan received his B.S. reaffirm their beliefs, identities, and and M.A. degrees in sociology from sense of purpose- a theme that Dr. Eastern Illinois University. His Ph.D. in O'Sullivan reprises in a current piece sociology was obtained from Western in FIGS addressing culture wars Michigan University. His high school against religion. history teacher, Mr. Leroy Greffin, After 25+ years of teaching, Dr. showed him that alternative sources O'Sullivan left academia for private and methods of presentation can be industry. "Voluntary Serfdom: An just as enlightening as arcane and Ideological Journey into Dual-Class pedantic ones; and his E.I.U. profes­ Labor Conflicts and Possible sor' and good friend, Dr. Richard Workers' Solutions" (FIGS 2002 30: Hummel, taught him to dig deep and 2) was a case study of a harsh work expand generously and reasonably. environment where management and These mentors, and his diversified labor were at loggerheads, and Dr. publication record, helped shape Dr. O'Sullivan was a member of the labor O'Sullivan's domain beliefs about force. He borrowed ideas from Marx writing sociology that he uses as and from Seeman as they formed an reminders to himself. infrastructure to assess the workers' The first work of the issue is plight and possible means of adapta­ "Cursillo in Social Movement Lit­ tion via his second adaptation of Mer­ erature" (FIGS 1997 25:2). It was his ton's goals-means scheme. Originally third article on the religious move- used in his article "Congregation 1 - FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Switching and Religious Revitalization" justice they served. The article, how­ (FIGS 1995 23: 1 ), he adapts Merton a­ ever, served another purpose, as the gain to illustrate how disgruntled wage second of three pieces concerned with earners can adapt to an abusive and social deviance and labeling theory. dangerous workplace. The first of these, "Moral Entrepre­ "Fictional Reality and the Por­ neurs, Local Morality, and Labeling trayal of Justice in Modern Socio­ Processes" (FIGS 1994 22: 1), expand­ logy and Contemporary Novels" ed H.S. Becker's two moral entrepre­ (FIGS 2006 34:2) was his first directed neur categories of rule creators (legis­ use of literature to illustrate sociology. lators) and rule enforcers (police) to Dr. O'Sullivan had cobbled together a include rule interpreters. Dr. O'Sullivan course in criminal justice for prison then used his article about novels to inmates. A friend suggested that he extend the list of moral entrepreneurs read some novels by James Lee as they pertain to the occupations of Burke and by Kathy Reichs. He be­ the protagonists. The third thematic came acquainted with various novels installment is in "Combining Mer­ given to him by family and friends to ton's Strain Theory with Moral En­ include writings by Alafair Burke, J.L. trepreneurs" (FIGS 2010 38:2). Rule Burke, Patricia Cornwell, Janet Evano­ influencers try to shape the judgments vich, and Sue Grafton. On separate of rule creators with moral appeals, or visits to the local library, he found bribes. Rule pretenders, like Merton's novels by Nevada Barr as well as ritualists, feign conformity, "going a­ ones originated by Oliver North. While long to get along," avoiding the con­ on leave from his job for a workplace sequences of overt disagreement. injury for a period of six months, he Rule avoiders, like Merton's retreat­ read more than one hundred novels by ists, believe that rules are unjustly im­ the identified writers. Dr. O'Sullivan posed, so they "drop out," seeking commented that after reviewing the alternative meanings for themselves, occupations of the stories' protagon­ as in B.F. Skinner's novel Walden Two ists, and the type of justice discussed that Dr. O'Sullivan discussed in his in his course were recalled, the article 2011 FIGS article "Social Shepherding began to take shape. and Moral Nets as Found in Some Most of the authors' backgrounds Novels by Fyodor Dostoevsky, James prepared them to describe their star A. Michener, George Orwell, B.F. characters as they did: The stories Skinner, and C.S. Forester." (FIGS 39: were not autobiographical and the 1 ). authors did not write as autoethno­ In his article, "Social Variance as graphy, so Dr. O'Sullivan used the It Exists Between Conformity and term "near-autobiography" to reflect Deviance: Following Some Advice the novelists' intimacy with their tales. from Ogburn," (FIGS 2007 35:1) Dr. The main characters in the books held O'Sullivan introduces social variance a wide variety of jobs that he collapsed as what exists between conformity and into more or less common occupa­ deviance in modern sociology. He tional categories and the types of holds that novelists often exist on the 2 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

periphery of core social institutions them into historical contexts and lend­ and hold ideas about key social and ing support to his previous article on sociological issues in a manner that an the social movement of Cursillo. It is audience can readily access and easi­ included in this issue due to conve­ ly understand. Dr. O'Sullivan's writing nient timing, so Dr. O'Sullivan ad­ demonstrates that conformity and de­ dressed it in the same ways as he did viance are created in the very process for the other inclusions. This article of norm construction which dictates has three meanings. The first is that it what we should and should not do. combines elements of social psycho­ Dr. O'Sullivan's "Shaping Visual logy with historical specificity to the Sound: A Friendly Look at Total In­ three paradigms discussed in "Cursillo stitutions and Their Role in the Sub­ in Social Movement Literature" article­ culture of Competitive Marching social strain, resource mobilization, Music" (FIGS 2008 36:1) is one of his and expectancy-value. The second two favorites- the other is the one consideration is that external sets of about his grandfather. The article re­ information sometimes appear unex­ presents another "perfect storm" of pectedly, creating useful alliances with causality. Dr. O'Sullivan found only original thoughts. The third element of two written accounts of participation in importance for this article, and all sub­ competitive music and no reflections in missions, is the role of the peer review the social sciences as he prepared his process. Dr. O'Sullivan received op­ article. He hoped to fill that void as posing comments about his original readers gained some insight about the submission so he addressed the con­ positive effects of total institutionali­ structive ones in his revision. zation in this sensory rich visual sound This summarizes the works of Dr. subculture that is comprised of "artis­ O'Sullivan that appear in this volume try, ambition, athleticism, and awards." of articles. We hope that our reader­ This article combine his insider's voice ship will enjoy reading them as much from "back in the day," observations of as the editorial staff did in compiling the type that prompted the study, inter­ them. Contact Dr. O'Sullivan directly views, daily score-keeping from field at: 230 N. Louise Street, Chillicothe, IL comp~titions, and the use of some 61523, [email protected]. electronic archives. It was in one of these, Dr. O'Sullivan says, that he References came across a picture of his drum and bugle corps, the Berwyn Blue Knights O'Sullivan, Ralph G. 1994. "Moral from Berwyn, IL, in a parade where he Entrepreneurs, Local Morality, and was in the drum line. Labeling Processes." Free Inquiry Unlike the other articles in this is­ in Creative Sociology 22(1 ):73-77. sue, "Culture Wars Against Religion -----. 1995. "Congregation Switching and a Gathering of Triangulated and Religious Revitalization." Free Responses to Them" is a new article Inquiry in Creative Sociology 23(1 ): that addresses modern claims about 39-41. culture wars against religion, putting 3 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

------. 1997. "Cursillo in Social Move­ ------. 2009. "F. Dalton O'Sullivan's ment Literature." Free Inquiry in Legacy Revisited: Looking at a Creative Sociology 25(2):131-136. Culture for Urban Deviance in His ------. 2002. "Voluntary Serfdom: An Time and Now." International Jour­ Ideological Journey into Dual-Class nal of Crime, Criminal Justice and Labor Conflicts and Possible Work­ Law (2009 4:1-2). ers' Solutions." Free Inquiry in ------2010. "Combining Merton's Strain Creative Sociology 30(2): 119-133. Theory with Labeling Theory and ------. 2006. "Fictional Reality and the Moral Entrepreneurs." Free Inquiry Portrayal of Justice in Modern Soci­ in Creative Sociology 38(2):48-55. ology and Contemporary Novels." ------. 2011. " Social Shepherding and Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Moral Nets as Found in Some 34(2):133-149. Novels by Fyodor Dostoevsky, ------. 2007. "Social Variance as it Ex­ James A. Michener, George Orwell, ists Between Conformity and Devi­ B.F. Skinner, and C.S. Forester." ance: Following Some Advice from Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Ogburn." Free Inquiry in Creative 39(1 ):1-23. Sociology 35(2): 103-111. ------. 2012. "Culture Wars Against Re­ ------. 2008. "Shaping Visual Sound: A ligion and a Gathering of Triangula­ Friendly Look at Total Institutions lated Responses to Them." Free In­ and Their Role in the Subculture of quiry in Creative Sociology 40(1 ): Competitive Marching Music." Free 109-129. Inquiry in Creative Sociology 36(1 ): 39-53.

Playing with Shadows: Voices of Dissent in the Mormon West Edited by Polly Aird, Jeff Nichols, and Will Bagley ISBN 9780870623806

The personal journeys of four Latter-day Saints who came to doubt the faith.

This collection of narratives by four individuals who abandoned Mormonism-"apostates," as Brigham Young and other Latter-day Saint leaders labeled them-provides an overview of dissent from the beginning of the religion to the early twentieth century and presents a wide range of disaffection with the faith or its leaders.

Historians will value the range of beliefs, opinions, complaints, hopes, and fears expressed in these carefully annotated life histories. An antidote to anti-Mormon sensationalism, these detailed chronicles of deeply personal journeys add subtlety and a human dimension i1 to our understanding of the Mormon past. t 4 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

CURSILLO IN SOCIAL MOVEMENT LITERATURE*

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL

ABSTRACT Cursillo has its origins in Spain the late 1940s. Initially a Roman Catholic venture, it now occurs in several Christian denominations retaining the task of promoting religious renewal or revitalization for its members. Since there are no publications which appropriately place cursillo in social movement literature this article accomplishes the task using social strain, resource mobilization, and expectancy value theories. *Originally printed in Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 1997 25(2).

INTRODUCTION level of analysis to explain how cursillo is constructed and directed toward the There are few singular analyses of religious re-creation of the self. Third, cursillo in the sociology of religion and the redemptive appeal of cursillo is these are by Dragostin (1970), Mar­ reviewed to delineate this movement coux (1982) and O'Sullivan (1988, from other, secular self-help or self­ 1989). The titles for two of these improvement programs. works, "The Cursillo as a Social Move­ When the responsibilities of this ar­ ment" (Dragostin 1970) and Cursillo: ticle are completed there will be an Anatomy of a Social Movement (Mar­ addition to the body of knowledge coux 1982), suggest that the reader is about the movement which has included in conversations about cur­ received scant sociological attention. sillo as a unique social movement. These analyses begin with summaries Because these publications never truly of information about movements. satisfy the expectation, this study of cursillo does that which has been left SOCIAL MOVEMENTS undone by providing a selective trip­ tych of theoretical scenes to describe There are many definitions for so­ and explain cursillo as a redemptive cial movements so a recent interpreta­ religious movement. tion is used: Several tasks must be accom­ A movement is constituted by plished to make this undertaking suc­ human beings engaged in discourses cessful. First, basic dimensions of and practices designed to challenge social movements are reviewed to and change society as they define it classify cursillo as a social movement. (Garner 1996). Second, three theories are offered at While it is tempting to identify all the macro-level of analysis, the middle varieties of social movements it must range level of analysis, and the micro- be remembered that there is often s FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

interaction between them which hin­ digm shifts" (Heinrich 1977) or "epiph­ ders the ability to separate their limits, anies" (Denzin 1989) to re-create no­ goals, and memberships (Aberle 1966; ble constancy in their lives. Realigned Garner 1996; Heberle 1968; Roberts religious identities (Fowler 1981; and Koss 1979). When more ideas of O'Sullivan 1995) can be brought by Aberle (1966) are used, cursillo is forming social movements to promote labeled as a redemptive movement alternate principles, or by joining social since it is oriented toward the com­ movements who::>c views fit emergent plete reawakening of the self. This ideals. classification is extended to designate Many sacred and secular redemp­ cursillo as a redemptive religious tive movements have charismatic movement since it occurs in sacra­ leaders of origin (Aberle 1966), but mental Christian denomination that each is dependent upon a "moral have defined religious histories, theo­ community of believers" (Jasper 1991) logies, and promises of salvation. Cur­ whose members have a "common par­ sillo, then, is composed of members adigm of experience" (Gusfield 1968) who have gone through similar trans­ to "spread the word" evoking radical or formations, who are sympathetic to its subtle reforms in a region. Because purposes, and who bring others into social movements vary by parentage, the "psychological crowd" (Park and leadership, conviction, intent, dis­ Burgess 1924) in a collective process. course, practice, and history, three so­ With a preamble to the study of ciological theories are used to portray cursillo as a redemptive religious the diversity of cursillo as a redemp­ movement completed there is need to tive religious movement. turn to the combined works of several social scientists to identify some of the SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY general traits of social movements APPLIED TO CURSILLO which are used in this study. Because social movements revolve around Social movement studies have complex moral issues, the expression been dominated by social strain and "moral intuition" (Jasper 1991) refers resource mobilization theories. These to a people's visions of that which is two approaches are used in con­ morally "right" and that which is mor­ junction with expectancy-value theory ally "wrong." A "moral shock" (Jasper (Klandermans 1984) to describe and 1991) happens when those visions are explain cursillo. threatened. Social or religious mores defining right from wrong become Social Strain Theory indistinct and produce anomie (Durk­ The tenet of this theory is that so­ heim 1951) when accepted voices of cial movements have natural histories authority, knowledge, tradition, and derived from objective and subjective social order are questioned, attacked, interpretations of social strain and and driven by the principles of compe­ anomie (Garner 1996; Smelser 1963). ting beliefs. People who experience The premise is joined with contribu­ such anomalies may undergo "para- tions from Jasper (1991) to promote 6 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 the conclusion that social movements From the perspectives of colonial are centered around efforts to invali­ and evangelical history South America date the sources and teachings of has been almost as ecclesiastic as those beliefs which create normative Spain. However, recent events in the disarray in order to reform intellectual, region have shown that there is much social, moral, and ideological normalcy dissent converging on such issues as in a population. Such writers as Bord international capitalism, allegations of and Faulkner (1983), Mauss (1975), political corruption, charge of abuses Smelser (1963), Cleary (1985), and of power in the Roman Catholic Pena (1995) would endorse this Church, Protestant m1ss1onaries, scenario when it is applied to the be­ Marxism, and liberation theology. This ginnings of cursillo in Spain following climate in areas of South America is the civil and second world wars. almost identical to that of Spain when Spain was then rife with local cursillo began. Consequently, cursillo codes like republicanism, anarchy, was introduced into the region as one fascism, nationalism, communism, and theology of reconciliation to defuse the splintering within Roman Catholicism tide of disenchantment with the church which weakened it and the parent and defection from it (Cleary 1985; theology (Garner 1996; Marcoux 1982; Pena 1995). Michener 1968; Pena 1995). The pro­ Whether or not cursillo is an effec­ fane beliefs and advocates were rea­ tive tool against liberation theology is a soned enough to curry favor with matter of conjecture. Liberation theo­ many Roman Catholics, goading them logy is directed toward the vulnerable to disavow religion, to reject religion's masses in the areas that represent a "flattened" teachings (Fowler 1987), to political-economic minority and are sample replacement lessons (Garner racked from maltreatment, corruption, 1996), and to migrate with patterns of and exploitation at the hands of those belief-exit and belief-entry religious who represent a political and eco­ innovation (O'Sullivan 1995). nomic majority. Cursillo, on the other Spain's balkanization and the peo­ hand, is directed toward the catego­ ple's disenchantment with the ecclesia ries and social classes of people who arous~d a layman, Eduardo Bonnin, are more privileged (Cleary 1985; Mar­ and a cleric, Bishop Juan Hervas, to coux 1982), who support the church, explore new or alternative methods to and who use such influence or power present personalized images of reli­ they have to promote Roman Catho­ gion to apostates and to those who licism against the populist beliefs of were being courted from it (Bord and liberation theology. The conflict there Faulkner 1983; Marcoux 1982). The has yet to be settled. manifest intentions of Bonnin and Her­ The diffusion of cursillo into the vas led to cursillo's first retreat in Mal­ U.S. shows that it has been adopted in lorca during January 1949, and it has many dioceses and synods of the since been diffused to other locales Episcopal, Lutheran, and United Meth­ such as South America and the U.S. odist churches as an element of where it serves similar purposes. instructional technology for several 7 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 plausible reasons. First, because demic endeavors to which they have these religious chapters are also given allegiance or have been dedica­ sacramental the composition and con­ ted. An intimated message or call in tents of the original cursillo are easily the talk is to create cognitive disso­ translated into the liturgies, rubrics, nance (Festinger 1957) in the minds of and rites of the borrowers. Second, the candidates without attacking any the popularity of cursillo in the Roman particular lifestyle or belief system. Catholic community may have promp­ The candidate is allowed to decon­ ted leaders in the other denomina­ struct a personal doctrine or way of tions to join the bandwagon and vie for life. Once the seeds for dissonance their fair market shares of new mem­ have been sown, the remaining rollos, bers in a competitive environment group discussions, and worship ser­ (Iannaccone, Olson and Stark 1995). vices allow candidates to discover Certainly the social climate of cognitive consonance (Festinger Spain in the late 1940s is not present 1957) with a religious theme by way of in the U.S. today, just as the era reconciliation with God and with the should not be considered as a viable person's denominational affiliation. stimulus for the growth of cursillo out­ A change in religious feelings on side Roman Catholicism. Yet because the part of an individual, however, assorted threats to Christianity still does not create a social movement. exist, there is continual need to retain The application of social strain theory standardized and essential curricula of to cursillo has tandem attributes. Cur­ religious education, to present and sil/istas or members of the cursillo preserve the promises of deliverance, community strive to recruit new to actively reconstitute membership members through their various social rolls, to preserve the religion, and to contacts, thereby increasing personal re-introduce defectors to the religion expertise about the movement in a and to the churches from which they centripetal direction. Then, once the had strayed. recruits become cursillistas, they too The means by which the goals are are encouraged to become evangel­ partially met are built into the configu­ ists or proselytes for cursillo, increas­ ration of a cursillo weekend retreat. As ing public awareness about the the retreat progresses, the novices or movement in a centrifugal direction. candidates are offered a series of fif­ Conflicts of belief are rarely won, teen rollos or religious talks that are but they can change course by rede­ given by members of the laity and the fining moral debates. Cursillo was clergy who direct the weekend. Each born in a time of social disruption in rollo is scripted and sequentially pre­ Spain and the movement has similar sented to facilitate the candidates' purposes in regions of South America, epiphanies or paradigm shifts (O'Sul­ just as it exists in the U.S. to neutral­ livan 1989). The first rollo, entitled ize contemporary vulgar, populist, or "Ideal," asks all players to reflect upon secular attacks to the religion and its the lifestyles they have led and upon participating churches. The modern the "isms", "ologies", and work/aca- religious movement now deserves fur- 8 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ther investigation with another socio­ of volunteerism for the movement logical device. (O'Sullivan 1988, 1989). Resource mobilization can be Resource Mobilization Theory called the resolve side of strain for a The second approach which de­ cursillo center. Since the weekends fines these analyses is resource vary by religious chapter, the rollos are mobilization theory that has been apt to be modified to fit the character­ created and refined by such authors istics of the host denomination, and as Iannaccone et al (1995), Gusfield daily details of a weekend need to be (1968), Lawson (1991), McCarthy and adjusted for large or small numbers of Zald (1977), and Tilly (1978). It is an participants. The weekend retreats organizational approach which speci­ usually begin on Thursday night and fies that holdings of human skills, end on Sunday, but in others there are various forms of capital, and material time abbreviations. In some cases a culture are invested to yield high pro­ cursillo center receives candidates fits in the forms of goal attainment and almost monthly, yet in some locales a membership recruitment (Garner cursillo weekend occurs just once a 1996; Iannaccone et al 1995). An as­ year. After the governing boards of a pect of this theory is that social move­ cursillo center receive ideas, advice, ments and their regional cells/pockets and suggestions from their respective of activity need managerial guidance. national offices, the panelists make The superintendence is provided by a purposive decisions to cover wide "directed" segment consisting of varieties of exigencies relative to local organized and structured groups with population venues. specific programs [of study for reform], Another comparison is now possi­ a formal leaderships [core], definitive ble between this application of theory ideology, and stated objectives. Its fol­ at the civic level with events in Latin lowers are members of an organiza­ America. Remember, cursillo was tion as well as partisans to a belief introduced into that region as a theo­ (Gusfield 1968). logy of reconciliation or redemption in The directed segment of a move­ an effort to conquer the attractions of ment ~as the obligation of dispensing liberation theology for those who felt the movement's cultural package to dissonance between themselves and attract religious seekers (Iannaccone government, the economy, the church, et al 1995; Lofland 1966). A cursillo and the mavens of theoretical theo­ center's boards of management are logy. Many liberationists believe that the steering committee, the servant the church itself can be freed by committee, and the secretariat. They returning it to the people or by having are all comprised of members from the the people take back that which has laity and the clergy who have ascend­ been taken from them. The people ed the status hierarchy of a center by must involve themselves collectively, learning how to "talk the talk" and effectively, and passionately. "walk the walk" of cursillo and by way Comunidades eclesiales de bases

9 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

or base Christian communities (CEBs) the organizational and instrumental (Cleary 1985; Pena 1995) are similar elements of a social movement while to cursillo centers in that they are com­ downplaying the individual member prised of local partisans who have (Klandermans 1984 ). Nevertheless, been recruited, have a feeling of sis­ the contributions the theory and social terhood or brotherhood with their fel­ strain theory have made to the study lows, gather for worship, community of social movements helped support action, and study, define the church in the formulation of expectancy-value personalized terms, and feel they have theory. The two approaches allow found a spiritual hangout for them­ logical shifts of emphases from macro­ selves. Cursillo centers and base com­ level concerns to middle range level munities are also havens of respite, interests to micro-level issues which renewal, and encouragement in the have dual attributes affecting social face of competition. movements' courses. The principle differences between First, consensus mobilization identi­ cursillo centers and the CEBs are their fies articulated public relations cam­ degrees of bureaucratic composition. paigns which broadcast communal The base communities are laity-rooted and non-specific evidence about a and decentralized units, being the movement to a community (Klander­ manifestation of praxis between their mans 1984) as the efferent drive for a members and clergy in the church's movement. This action is conferred theocracy who . have contaminated with the mass media public relations theological tradition by "selling out" to blitz enacted by the "Divine Precepts" sirens of economic and political power. church (Lofland 1966). Second, action Cursillo centers, though, exist with the mobilization refers to specific support approval of their churches, have of a social movement by enlisting new designated spiritual directors who are members (Klandermans 1984) as the members of the clergy, and whose afferent energy within a movement. roles and events are overseen by The righteous claims or emotional members of the churches' hierarchies. appeals in both motivational actions They are units to be administered by will contain debatable truths. Even having their assets laid out to provide though the "right"-"wrong" dichotomies maximum economic returns on invest­ are open to interpretation, they have ments. economic merit when religious seek­ ers or pre-converts define their enlist­ Expectancy-Value Theory ments as being profitable, when delin­ There is another theory which com­ quent members define "re-ups" or re­ pletes the triple casing of sociological enlistments as being beneficial, and pictures about cursillo as a redemptive when current members define contin­ religious movement. That image ad­ ued presence as being valuable. dresses the social psychology con­ While expectancy-value theory em­ cerns of membership and identity. phasis is on the individual and cost­ Resource mobilization theory has benefit analysis, the utility of the been charged with over-emphasizing approach to the study of redemptive 10 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

religious movements, like cursillo, clear outlines of holiness and faith in needs clarity. Precise explanation con­ the covenant of deliverance. Cursillo's tinues with departure from its princi­ regenerative invitations are built into ples and arrival in the realm of adapta­ Christianity's several prominent creeds tion. The gain-loss and exit-entry di­ and into additional bodies of internal mensions of the theory revolve around literature. Fidelity to the belief is the answers to complementary ques­ offered through re-proclamation, re­ tions: "Redemption from what" and affirmation, renunciation, and sacra­ "Redemption to what?" mental inclusion. It is in this context that Hoffer's REDEMPTIVE SOCIAL (1951) ideas are used to state that MOVEMENTS leading a secular or an autonomous life is vile, barren, and sinful, which is An earlier section of this article pre­ insinuated in the "ideal" rollo. This con­ sented an amended perspective of a tention lends some credence to a redemptive social movement to de­ modified adage or parable: If an indivi­ scribe cursillo as a redemptive religi­ dual is so completely full of the self ous movement. In light of the fact that then there is no room for spirituality. this schedule is related to self-help or Atonement is possible when the per­ self-improvement groups (Turner and son-as-sinner becomes enlightened Killian 1987), a clear demarcation be­ about amorality or immorality, how tween their agendas must be made. they are manifested, and how denun­ The analogous events are depen­ ciations of personal demons and their dent upon a person's paradigm shift or nefarious deeds are possible. epiphany of altered "moral nets" (Da­ Redemptive religious movements vis and Stasz 1990). The adjustment are composed of spiritually-motivated prompts the formation of new lifestyles members who are penitent for their and the creation of new networks of wicked ways, and who have put them­ friends who have had similar psycho­ selves into positions of piety with a logical moments. Reformed ways of divinity. The apostles amass their living are found in secular humanism skills and supplies to help religious

and s1ecularized religion or in many seekers who are entangled in dilem­ twelve-step recovery programs which mas of faith, who are pursuing solu­ rely on generous invocations of God's tions for their quandaries of virtue, and assistance. When the latter path is who seek the company of empathetic taken then the program should not be others in a spiritual community. labeled as a redemptive religious Hoffer also states the co-processes movement. An organized theology, a of atonement entry into a state of piety defined religious history, and explicit with a godhead and joining a religious sets of premises, promises, and salvif­ community, such as cursillo, are rela­ ic appeals are not the cornerstones for tively simple. membership and participation. "[T]o confess [sins] and repent This redemptive world view of cur­ is to slough off one's individu­ sillo is distinct because it contains al distinctiveness and separat- 11 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

rateness, and salvation is Skinner's (1948) trope about Walden found by losing oneself in the /l's sheep which are kept in a symbolic holy one-ness of the congre­ pen and are overseen by a watchful gation [of believers and the dog lest they transgress. attendant creeds]." (1951) A religious seeker's decision to join and maintain a career in cursillo is par­ Friends, family members, and work tially dependent on available oppor­ associates are the points of contact tunities (O'Sullivan 1988). The options between a seeker and cursillo. The are also functions of perceived gains proselytes inspire the pre-converts to or anticipated losses according to attend selective events prior to the expectancy-value theory, whereby retreat in order to taste some of its seekers join the movement to form offerings and to meet its "fellowship of religious bonds when had none not believers" (Heberle 1968). Members of existed or to renew religious ties which the community greet the guests with a had waned. combination of general and specific compensators (Stark and Bainbridge CONCLUSION: REVIEW AND 1987). "[C]ome join us ... because we RECOMMENDATIONS are the means of obtaining the right relationship with God" (Lawson 1991 ), Cursillo is a redemptive religious and "We have found it and we will help movement directed toward the spiritual you find it too" represent teasers often revitalization of its members. Entry into proclaimed by members to the visitors. the cursillo community takes place Advocates assert the opinions that during a retreat which occurs over an profits earned from membership are extended weekend. Cursillo's candi­ unlimited and that similar returns are dates or seekers are presented with a available to all people of faith. The series of talks by members of the wholesale subjugation of the self to a clergy and the laity who serve as the group and its beliefs, however, has candidates guides. Until now, though, been the concern of social commenta­ there have been no sociological obser­ tors. vations to identify the qualities of As Christianity, its denominations, cursillo as a social movement. and their subcultures like cursillo have This article partially fills that void emerged, all begat controversy. Dra­ using social strain theory, resource gostin (1970) makes this point salient mobilization theory, and expectancy­ by excoriating cursillo with the claim value theory, but the task is still incom­ that members are trapped in a closed, plete. All efforts to describe cursillo, to ethnocentric, self-serving, and vindic­ explain it, and to interpret it are limited tive club. Wayward citizens who belit­ in scope by the general absence of tle, neglect, or reject the congregation sociologists who study it. Even so, it is find that they are discredited, slighted, not likely that there can ever be a and ostracized by its members. His completed picture of the movement. warning has literary allusion in Events seen, described, and explained

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should be filtered through diverse Heberle, R. 1968. "Types and Func­ interpretive lenses such as those tions of Social Movements." Pp. which have been used here. 438-445 in D.L. Sills ed. Interna­ tional Encyclopedia of the Social References Sciences. NY: Macmillan. Heirich, M. 1977. "Change of Heart: A Aberle D.F. 1966. The Peyote Religion Test of Some Widely Held Theories Among the Navajo. Chicago: Al­ About Religious Conversion." dine. American Sociological Review 8: Bord, R.J. and J.E. Fauklner. 1983. 653-680. The Catholic Charismatics. Univer­ Hoffer, E. 1951. The True Believer. sity Park, PA: Pennsylvania State NY: Harper & Row. University. Iannaccone, L. R. and D.V.A. Olson Cleary, E.L. 1985. Crisis and Change. and R. Stark. 1995. "Religious Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Cooks. Resources and Church Growth." Davis, N.J. and C. Stasz. 1990. Social Social Forces 74(2):705-731. Control of Deviance. NY: McGraw Jasper, J.M. 1991. "Moral Dilemmas of Hill. Social Movements." Paper for the Denzin, N.K. 1989. Interpretive lnter­ American Sociological Association, actionism. Newbury Park, Califor­ Cincinnati, OH. nia: Sage. Klandermans, B. 1984. "Mobilization Dragostin, S. 1970. "The Cursillo as a and Participation: Social-Psycholo­ Social Movement." Pp. 479-490 in gical Expansions of Resource Mo­ W.T. Liu and N.J. Pallone eds. bilization Theory." American Socio­ Catholics/USA. NY: John Wiley. logical Review 49:583-600. Durkeim, E. 1951. Suicide. NY: Free Lawson, R. 1991. "Resource Mobili­ Press. zation Theory and Religious Move­ Festinger, L. 1957. A Theory of Cogni­ ments." Paper for the American tive Dissonance. Stanford, CA: Sociological Association, Cincinna­ Stanford University. ti, OH. Fowler, J.W. 1981. Stages of Faith. Lofland, J. 1966. Doomsday Cult. En­ San Francisco: Harper & Row. glewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Garner, R. 1996. Contemporary Move­ Marcoux, M. 1982. Cursillo: Anatomy ments and Ideologies. NY: Mc­ of a Movement. NY: Lambeth. Graw-Hill. Mauss, A.L. 1975. Social Movements Gusfield, J .R. 1968. "The Study of as Social Problems. Philadelphia: Social Movements." Pp. 438-445 in Lippincott. D.L. Sills ed. International Encyclo­ McCarthy, J.D. and M. Zald. 1977. pedia of the Social Sciences. NY: "Resource Mobilization and Social MacMillan. Movements." American Sociologi­ cal Review 82:1212-1241. Michener, J.A. 1968. Iberia. NY: Ran­ dom House.

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O'Sullivan, R.G. 1988. "Structure, Pena, M. 1995. Theologies and Reli­ Function, and Cognitive Develop­ gion in Peru. Philadelphia: Temple ment in Cursillo: An lnteractional University. Analysis." Sociological Spectrum Robert, R.E. and R.M. Kloss. 1979. 8(3):257-275. Social Movements 2nd ed. St. ------. 1989. "Climbing Jacob's Ladder: Louis: C.V. Mosby. Symbolic Renunciation, Reference­ Skinner, B.F. 1948. Walden II. NY: Group Identification, and Status Macmillan. Mobility in Cursillo." Sociological Smelser, N. 1963. A Theory of Col­ Spectrum 9(3): 329-342. lective Behavior. NY: Free Press. ------. 1995. "Congregation Switching Stark, R. and W .S. Bainbridge. 1987. and Religious Revitalization." Free A Theory of Religion. NY: Peter Inquiry in Creative Sociology 23(1 ): Lang. 39-41. Tilly, C. 1978. From Mobilization to Park, R.E. and E.W. Burgess. 1924. Revolution. Belmont, CA: Wads­ Introduction to the Science of worth. Sociology. Chicago: University of Turner, R. and L.M. Killian. 1987. Chicago. Collective Behavior 3rd ed. Engle­ wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall

Stories of Old-Time Oklahoma By David Dary ISBN 978-0806141817

Most of the stories gathered here first appeared as newspaper articles during the state centennial in 2007. For this volume Dary has revised and expanded them-and added new ones. He begins with an overview of Oklahoma's rich and varied history and geography, describing the origins of its trails, rails, and waterways and recounting the many tales of buried treasure that are part

of Oklahoma lore. ·---·---·-··---·:"" l' 1, U ft:~ ,, t

But the heart of any state is its people, and Dary intro­ Ol~D-1'11UE duces us to Oklahomans ranging from Indian leaders Quanah Parker and Satanta, to lawmen Bass Reeves and OKl1.,\H0\1A Bill Tilghman, to twentieth-century performing artists Woody Guthrie, Will Rogers, and Gene Autry.

Reading this book is like listening to a knowledgeable old­ timer regale his audience with historical anecdotes, "so it was said" tall tales, and musings on what it all means. Whether you're a native of the Sooner State or a new­ comer, you are sure to learn much from these accounts of the people, places, history, and folklore of Oklahoma.

14 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

VOLUNTARY SERFDOM: AN IDEOLOGICAL JOURNEY INTO DUAL-CLASS LABOR CONFLICTS AND POSSIBLE WORKERS' SOLUTIONS *

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL

ABSTRACT This article identifies my paradigm shift toward greater acceptance of conflicts and alienation sociologies from Marx and from Seeman. Having never been a follower of their sets of ideas, ample evidence has been found in recreational and sociological literatures, and at work, to support the contention that they are more important that I had previously thought. The conclusion is derived from reviewing a variety of novels, poems, a travelogue, sociological findings on dual­ and antagonistic-class structures, data about alienation, and putting a theore­ tical twist to Merton's goals-means model of adaptation. *Originally printed in Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 2002 30(2).

"Nothing like division of labor." nal which encourages creative socio­ (Harriett Beecher Stowe, logy. Uncle Tom's Cabin, 1984) In spite of these modest suc­ cesses, I left higher education due the uncertainty of contracts from one term INTRODUCTION to another, where paychecks were unevenly distributed, in pursuit of other I have hardly been a great fan of opportunities. My current employment certain elements of conflict and alien­ in a privately-owned and non-union ation sociologies because I never real­ factory, and reflection on my twenty­ ly felt deprived. When I was young my five-something years as a scholastic family oymed a cartage company in outsider, have enticed me to rethink Chicago and we lived in a historic sub­ my favorite sociologies, forging a finer urban village. Drafted into the army, I understanding of, and appreciation for, had cozy duty in Texas when other the conflict and alienation perspectives troops when to Viet Nam. In college in sociology as they are related to the my expenses were covered by veter­ real presence of a dual-class and ans' assistance programs, graduate tension-based bourgeoisie-proletariat and research assistantships and sepa­ structure with its separate outlook of rate teaching contracts. Without ever "rank has its privileges." The dramatic having a tenurable job, I was pub­ changes in employment core values lished, sat on M.A. thesis committees, and treatment of workers serve as the was active in sociology associations, basis for this ideological journey. and was an Associate Editor for a jour- Besides the normal library re- 15 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

search for a project like this, there We can eavesdrop on the customers were two related methods of gathering of a restaurant in Chicago's Hyde Park information. The first of these was eth­ district as they tell each tall tales, nography, "the native's point of view" friendly lies, and solve the world's (Harris 1968 572), which consisted of problems over coffee and food field observations and conversations (Duneier 1992). Finally, we can ride with my fellow workers. This method is with an outlaw motorcycle gang by in agreement with the emic tradition in reading about the experiences of "I, socio-cultural anthropology wherein the biker-journalist" (Thompson 1967). testimony is acquired from a speaker This analytic-experiential and inclusion who uses the voice of the "I" or the method of data gathering is in accord first-person singular. However, since with a famous invitation for the socio­ the orator is often untrained in con­ logist to take an unfamiliar look at a textual analysis the research puts the familiar world (Berger 1963)- one idiographic accounts into nomothetic wherein the investigator is first a parti­ frames of reference as the etic heri­ cipant in society, who then becomes tage of anthropology allows (Geyer an invigorated spectator whose own 2001; Harris 1968). observations become the objects of The second method of investigation study. for this article was the use of auto-eth­ There are four facets to this study nography or "reflective observation" which lead to its successful comple­ (Forsyth and Palmer 1999), an "interi­ tion. There is a need to identify how or vantage point" (Hummel 1994), and dual-class structures have been pre­ "opportunities research" (Reimer 1977; sented in the mass and popular me­ Ronal-Rambo and Ellis 1989). This dia, for two reasons: First, it is through "complete-member-researcher" meth­ such entertainment outlets that many od (Adler and Adler 1987; Ronai-Ram­ of the public's perceptions of social bo and Ellis 1989), the joining of the stratification are derived; and second, actor-orientation and the observer-ori­ those mediated realities lend support entation as the combined voices of the to the arguments made at the end of first- and the third-person singular, al­ this article. Then, specific sociological lows us to view the world of the "I" and interpretations of class data are reof­ the "the ... " in a variety of ways We can fered through the writings of scholars walk with my good friend Dick Hummel like Weber (1978) and Edwards (1979) when he engages in, and writes about, with targeted emphases placed on the blood sports as "I, the hunter-scholar." contributions of Marx (1959) and See­ We can sit in a night club and watch man (1959, 2001) which identify dancers hustle customers as "I, the various dimensions of workers' econo­ table dancer-sociologist" (Ronai-Ram­ mic alienation. These debilitating ex­ bo and Ellis 1989). We can sit in a periences are discussed in detail be­ room and listen as a sports writer at­ cause factory workers are subjected to tends weekly meetings with his dying varieties of devaluation and social former sociology professor as "I, the indifference by an owner-managerial reawakened-student" (Alborn 1997). social class. The data about alienation 16 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

are followed by identifying the means read, and then find additional confir­ by which workers can adjust to a mation in new publications. The illus­ harsh environment using the assorted trations come from a variety of sour­ methods of adaptation offered by ces including general thematic novels, Merton (1968). The body of the article poetry, a travelogue, a book about is concluded with summary and cau­ sports, and several movies and televi­ tious remarks about the presence and sion shows as they collectively identi­ outcomes of the tensions between the fy the universality and the diversity of "haves" and the "have-nots." The two-dimensional class structures. So, assembly of arguments begins by pro­ just who are these storytellers who viding evidence from classical and have the audacity to be sociologists contemporary literatures, as well as sine qua non, and what are the shows visual media, which underline the which have the gumption to teach so­ contention that there are many and ciology outside the classroom? varied forms of criteria for dual-class Some of the writers who were stratified systems. selected for quotation include such noted Euro-Russian authors as Victor RECREATIONAL SOURCE Hugo of Les Miserables; Fyodor Dos­ EVIDENCE toyevsky who wrote Crime and Pun­ ishment; Leo Tolstoy who composed All literature reviews are undertak­ the short story "Master and Man," and en with the purpose of supporting the the controversial social conscience of author's point of view. With that in Victorian England, Rudyard Kipling, mind, let me remind the reader that who masterminded the poem "The social classes are not just categorical Ballad of East and West." Reliance is differences in lifestyles led by associa­ also placed on Harriet Beecher tions of people. If that were the case Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, Theodore then the divisions would exist on a Roosevelt's exploits from Through the horizontal plane as simple nominal Brazilian Wilderness, as well as classifications. However, when some Charles Nordhoff and James Norman sort of moral worth or social impor­ Hall's trilogy of books about the mutiny tance, is assigned to the groupings aboard the H.M.S. Bounty. Unfor­ they are turned ninety degrees, a verti­ tunately, only snippets from these vol­ cal angle to the original plane, now umes can be used because of space existing as ordinal categories- hence limitations, but additional sociology socially stratified. can be found in them. The pieces of work used here do Four thematic novels are also re­ not represent all possible identifica­ viewed, and they include Stowe's book tions of social-class systems; instead, again, Alan Paton's Cry the Beloved they were chosen because they offer Country, as well as Alexander examples of bipolar arrangements. Waugh's Island in the Sun, all of which The search for evidence was enter­ are woven around racial politics. Then taining because I had to locate appro­ Leon Uris' Trinity is concerned with the priate passages in books I had already politics of religion in strife-torn Ireland. 17 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Several stanzas from Dr. Seuss' "The I am not blaming him; please Sneetches" are also important, as are don't think that; besides, it's the contents of several movies and old not my business. A special television series, but first I begin with little theory came in, too -a analyses from Hugo's Novel. theory of a sort- dividing Les Miserables is a story with mankind, you see, into ma­ which I became familiar as a seventh­ terial and superior persons, grade student. One of my teachers that are persons to whom the had an extra class period with us, and law does not apply owing to during it he would tell us about the ad­ their superiority, and who ventures and the flights of the hound­ makes laws for the rest of ed Jean Valjean as he fled from the mankind, the material, that is dogged detective Javert. Later in life I (Dostoyevsky 1950:4 76). decided to read the book, and in my copy of it there is a wonderful line The unequal distribution of legal which depicts the Dickensian lifestyle power endorsed by both Hugo and of the underprivileged poor who were Dostoyevsky is directly reflected in under the heavy-handed control of modern sociology through some writ­ those people who had social influence ings of Becker (1963) who identifies and who held legal power. the rule creators of society as legis­ As there is always more lators, and the rule enforcers as po­ misery at the bottom than lice. Likewise, O'Sullivan (1994) iden­ there is humanity at the top ... tifies the rule interpreters as jurors (Hugo 1987:8) who determine if laws are correctly or wrongfully applied to allegations of ille­ According to the French law at the gal behavior, often in an adversarial time of the story, ex-convicts could still contest consisting of the accusers and be relentlessly pursued by the police, the accused- a dualistic legal pro­ under the assumption that they were ceeding. always criminals. Valjean's continuing, A melding of these contemporary though well-meant, activities automa­ approaches with thoughts that are tically made him a permanent member worthy of Hugo or Dostoyevsky, or an of a criminal underclass of people- the English legend, is derived from the prosecuted and persecuted poor. history of hunting. The Russian crime story Crime and Hunting and fishing as sports Punishment (Dostoyevsky 1950) also were owned by the European identifies the presence of two social aristocracy and preserved for classes, using a related variable to them by law ... Poachers con­ separate them- purely legal power, tinually challenged this domi­ compared to the legal-poverty factor nation by taking game when­ used by Hugo. Dostoyevsky's Dounia ever and wherever it offered talks about her Raskolnikov's vision of itself. Laws provided draconi­ social reality in the following passage. an penalties for violators who

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had the misfortune to be following distinctions are made. apprehended. (Hummel Look at the high and the low, 1994:134) all the world over, and it's the Privileges and rights go to those who same story- the lower class­ own them. es used up, body, and soul, for the good of the upper. So Tolstoy, the other enlightening and it is in England; and so it is informed Russian author, wrote the everywhere; and yet all poignant short story "Master and Man" Christiandom stand aghast, (1977), and the title could stand by with virtuous indignation ... itself as evidence of dichotomous sta­ (Stowe 1984:211-212) tuses. The tale involves a relationship between an astute and miserly busi­ Total exploitation of the oppressed nessman, Vasilli Andreich Bekhunov, by the oppressors was institutional­ and his employee-servant/serf Nikita. ized. Even though the practice was Vasilli Andreich did not pay abhorred by many it was still allowed Nikita the eighty rubles a to exist, thus legitimizing it. This opin­ workman such as he was ion is further advanced by one of the worth, but only about forty, books more notorious characters, which he paid without any Simon Legree. proper reckoning, a bit at a Legree took silent note of time, and then for the most Tom's availability. He rated part not in money but in him as first-class, and yet goods charged from his store felt a secret dislike to him­ at a high price (Tolstoy the native antipathy of the 1977:70) good for the bad. (Stowe 1984:349) Although Nikita owed his heart and Legree, of course, considered himself his soul to the company store, he dedi­ to be the "good" guy because he was cated himself to his master with obedi­ a white slave owner, whereas he ent and fatal loyalty. That which Tol­ viewed Tom as a "bad" guy because stoy hcJs successfully done for us, be­ he was a black slave, even though the yond describing a feudal economy, is story proves otherwise. to show the callous disregard for, and Thus far, the cited findings under­ the vulgar exploitation of, one social pin the premise that there are two class toward another- the "bread and major social classes in society which butter," the idee fixe of conflict and have caste-like or feudal qualities to alienation sociologies. them. However, they are locally deter­ The first U.S. novelist in this work is mined, they are commonly called the Stowe via her book Uncle Tom's "haves" and the "have-nots," with their Cabin (1984). Stowe's character St. attendant features and obligations to Clare, a member of New Orleans' gen­ each other. Still, several questions try, is talking to his northern cousin may be lingering in mid-air, and they Ophelia about local customs when the would include: "Is there to be any 19 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

blending of them or diffusion between These Indians were unlike them?" and "Is it possible for there to any we had seen in the be more than one duality existing at South Sea; they were coal any place or in any point in time?" black, tall and remarkably There are answers to these questions. then, with long skinny legs. With regard to the possible amal­ Two of the men stood leaning gamation between categories we can on their spears, with one review parts of the poem by Kipling, knee bent, and the sole of visit one of the Bounty books, and the foot pressed against the then return to Stowe for the possible inside of the other thigh- an answer. First, Kipling's "The Ballad of attitude common as it was East and West" clearly identifies the uncouth. (Nordhoff and Hall vision of English colonialism and im­ 1946:116-117) perialism on this subject. As gaunt, starved, exhausted, and as Oh, East is East, and West is hopeless and as helpless as they West, and never the twain were, they were still able to look a­ shall meet, skance upon people whose manner­ Till Earth and Sky stand pre­ ism were unfamiliar to them- that is, sent at God's great Judgment not Britons, but seen by others as Seat, "foreigners" in their own land. But there is neither East nor A similar sentiment about cultural West, Border, nor Breed nor separation is contained, once again, in Birth, Uncle Tom's Cabin. When two strong men stand Now an aristocrat, you know face to face, tho' they come the world over, has no hu­ from the ends of the earth! man sympathies, beyond a (Kipling 1900) certain line in society. In Eng­ This expansionist sentiment is also co­ land the line is in one place, vered in Nordhoff and Hall's Men in Burmah another, and in Against the Sea (1946), the second America another, but the book about the events surrounding the aristocrat in all of these H.M.S. Bounty. countries never goes over This story recounts the heroic voy­ the line. (Stowe 1984:224) age of Captain Bligh and eighteen of his loyal seaman who were cast adrift Together, Kipling, Nordhoff and by Fletcher Christian. In their forty-day Hall, and Stowe are telling us that journey, traveling about 3,400 miles cooperation is impossible: Such a across the Pacific Ocean in a launch thought is never even considered in the size of a large family van, the men the tradition of the "haves" for the visited some inhabited islands. The "have-nots." It is evident then that that following lines depict how desperate which creates any dualism and main­ men, but still Englishmen, look upon tains it is simply ethnocentrism, and the mannerisms of some of the people the ability of one category to exercise who they encountered. complete control over another. 20 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

In answer to the second question, it ments are universal, as is affirmed is possible for several dualisms to co­ elsewhere. exist. There are hints of this issue in Theodore Roosevelt is known for Hugo's volume, but Stowe's book is his Presidency, his burly anatomy, his used again because of the logical sub­ robust lifestyle, and for his prolific writ­ stitutions derived from it, along with ing. His book Through the Brazilian additional bolstering from Roosevelt. Wilderness (1920) is the tale of his tra­ Stowe writes vels and exploits in South America. It [t]here stood two children, was there that he saw at least two representatives of the two dualisms existing together. One was extremes of society. The fair based on religion, and the other was high-bred child, with her gol­ founded upon ethnicity. Roman Catho­ den hair, her deep eyes, her lics were accorded higher social sta­ spirited, noble brow, and tuses than were members of any other prince-like movement; and religious or spiritual background be­ her black, keen, subtle cring­ cause of the strong historic and mis­ ing, yet acute, neighbor. sionary movements in the area. Then, There stood the representa­ Europeans, especially Spaniards, tives of their races. The Sax­ were accorded opportunities not avail­ on, born of cultivation, com­ able to others, for the same reason. mand, education, physical Two-tiered classes can be based and moral eminence; the on variables other than ethnicity, eco­ Afric, born of ages of op­ nomics, the law, and religion. Mutiny pression, submission, ig­ on the Bounty, the first of the series, norance, toil, and vice! for example, reveals that sex-gender (Stowe 1984:244) identity can also serve as a basis for social differentiation, depending on lo­ While Stowe's images are fragrant cal mores, as in Tahiti during the time with the ethnocentric cultural conceit of the story. necessary for her story, we can take [T]he Indians believe that the categories "Saxon" and "Afric" and Man was sky-descended, replac;;e them with multiple substitutes: and that woman was earth­ Republicans and Democrats, privately­ born; Men raa, or holy; Wom­ schooled and publicly-schooled, up­ en roa, or common. Women per-class and lower-class, full-time fa­ were not permitted to set culty and part-time faculty, the U.S. forth in the temples of the Senate and the House of Representa­ great gods, and among all tives, white-collar and blue-collar, mili­ tary officers and enlisted personnel, as ~ argument could also be made that well as management and labor 1. The Hummel's (1994:44-46) elitist-exclusive sets of labels are real and simultan­ and democratic-inclusive attitudes to­ ward sportsmanship fit into an oppos­ eous, the identifiers being as important ing class system, but that would require as the modifiers, and such arrange- work beyond the current project.

21 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

classes of society it was for­ complex story on a British-governed bidden -unthinkable in fact­ island in the West Indies. This novel, for the two sexes to sit down unlike Paton's and like Stowe's, ad­ together. (Nordhoff and Hall dresses the subtle discrimination 1960:84) toward people of blended heritage in the manner that Stowe looked at the Not only did the Tahitians make fates of the quadroons, the mulattos, earthly distinctions between men and and the Creoles in her story. women, but the division was given Changing direction, Uris' Trinity great credence because the separa­ (1976) details social-class warfare in tion had a supernatural source. This Ireland at the turn of the 1800s into the division was enacted in daily life as 1900s, but the conflict is between Irish was shown in Pitcairn's Island, the Roman Catholics and British Anglican final book about the mutineers. Having Protestants. Unlike Roosevelt's find­ landed on that fateful island, Fletcher ings, the story's Roman Catholics are Christian and his followers sat down to the underdogs, the "have-nots," in a eat. land where the political and economic The women, according to institutions are controlled by people Polynesian custom, waited other than themselves- that is, the until the men finished before numerically small but politically greater partaking of the food. Their Anglo-"prots," a conflict which exists hunger satisfied, the men today. Without divulging too much of drew apart and lay in the the stories' plots, it is sufficient to say shade, some sleeping, some that no matter how enlightened, noble­ talking in desultory fashion. minded, and "modern" the privileged (Nordhoff and Hall 1936:41) classes are, traditions and practices are often resistant to change. The reader may wish to explore be­ All of the authors presented have yond the meager offerings cited in done their homework well, for they these pieces of literature which con­ have described societal scenes which tain confirmation of bilateral classes in are valid and are easy to envision. The other general novels, poetry and travel writers can then be justifiably called accounts. Several thematic novels, be­ sociologists without portfolios because yond Stowe's presentation of slavery they describe societies using readable in the antebellum South, contain simi­ and entertaining formulae, in much the lar distinctions based on racial politics. same way that many of us can name a Paton's Cry the Beloved Country particular professor who made socio­ (1948), for example, is concerned with logy, anthropology, or the humanities the existence and the effects of apart­ come alive for us. heid in South Africa which was the law The print media portion of this of the land for many years until its re­ review is finalized with a humorous, cent legal demise. Another novel though pointed, poem which is often about racial politics is Waugh's Island considered to be children's literature, in the Sun (1955) which weaves a but really contains a high level of 22 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

social, moral, and adult sophistication. privately, it is now time to turn to soci­ or. Seuss wrote in "The Sneetches": ological literatures on two-sided class Now, the Star-Belly conflict and worker alienation. Sneetches had bellies with stars. SOCIOLOGICAL EVIDENCE The Plain-Belly Sneetches had none upon thars. Almost any introductory sociology Those stars weren't so big. textbook informs the student that there They were really quite small. are several sets of class structures in You might think such a thing our society. One of these systems wouldn't matter at all. contains three categories being the But, because they had stars, upperclass, the middleclass, and the all the Star-Belly Sneetches working or the lower class. Another would brag, 'We're the best configuration shows either five or six of the Sneetches on the layers- the upper-upper, the lower-up­ Beaches.' per, the upper-middle, the lower-mid­ With their snoots in the air, dle, and the upper-lower and the they'd huff and they'd snort lower-lower or the poverty level. Then 'well have nothing to do with the third form, used in this article, con­ the Plain-Belly sort!' tains just two categories comprised of And whenever they met the enfranchised or the "haves," and some, when they were out the disenfranchised or the "have-nots." walking, So just how many systems are there they'd hike right past them, and of what are they comprised? without even talking All three stratified orders are con­ (Seuss 1961:3-4) sistent with public opinions formed by No interpretation of meaning is need­ way of the mass media, making an ed here. absolute definition difficult, just as it is If the works cited had to be called a hard to identify perfect criteria for "population" that was studied, they membership in any of the groupings. would be labeled a combination of pur­ Further difficulties are posed because, posive ,and convenience samples. depending on the criteria used, and They were chosen because they the purposes to which they are put, we uphold my stance and my change of see multiple and contiguous cate­ thought, and because they were avail­ gories. Emphasis here, however, is able to me. They are not meant to placed on the latter arrangement and exhaust the range of evidence in pop­ the conflicts and the tensions which ular outlets; in fact, more findings can entail between the associations of be seen in such moves as Driving people. Miss Daisy, Dirty Dancing, Ralph Mac­ Any economic differences between chio's Crossroads, and The Cutting clusters are based on a division of Edge, as well as old television series labor: People are skilled at different like Upstairs, Downstairs and Beacon tasks, and organizations have comple­ Hill. While such inquiries can be made mentary needs. The existence of a 23 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

bourgeoisie-managerial class is just as more a person has of one, the greater important for business as a proletariat­ the likelihood the person owns more of worker class. In a perfect world they the others, resulting in variations in work in cooperation for mutual benefit, status assignment. but all too often the former exploits the In keeping with these thoughts, Ed­ latter, from which tensions emerge, wards has notified us that there are providing antagonisms and preventing two categories of work in which we are concert, and it is in such strain that likely to be engagc:u. Primary labor this article is grounded. markets, on the one hand, are those Social conflict theory is rich in his­ occupations which have high individu­ tory, subject matters, interpretations, ality and autonomy of effort, and entail applications, and in possibilities for so­ great personal satisfaction for work cial reform. We see its presence in completed. Secondary labor markets, pre-Solonic Greece prior to the advent on the other hand, have lower levels of of democracy, and it is evident in the social prestige; do not require exten­ writing of American, French, and Rus­ sive education or skill development; sian revolutionaries; it is contained in have routinized, repetitive, and over­ the writings of such sociologists as seen work; incur fairly low wages; and Weber, as Edwards, as Marx, and as create great boredom for the worker. A Seeman, as well as Becker or O'Sulli­ comparison of Weber's and Edward's van as earlier shown; and inequality is contributions reifies the thesis that the calling card of class warfare be­ there are two competitive and often tween Democrats and Republicans. dueling social classes in our society. The following sections of the article Some of the most noted discus­ offers quick reviews of sociological sions about the sociology of economic presentations from Weber, from Ed­ life come from Marx and his friend En­ wards, and from Marx. Attention is gels who covered such diverse topics then focused on illustrating worker as modes of economic exchange, alienation from a Marxian viewpoint, guidelines for economic reform, and and the same is done with alienation analyses of different social classes. from the vision of Seeman, and these While the latter subject contains de­ discussions begin. scriptions of such groupings as the sa­ lariat, the landowners, a petite bour­ Weber, Edwards, and Marx: Briefly geoisie, and the lumpenproletariat, Weber was kind enough to inform most modern sociological and activist us that social-class membership is emphases are placed primarily on the usually a function of the differential bourgeoisie as an owner-managerial distribution of power, prestige, esteem, category, and on the proletariat as a and wealth. That is, the more a person wage-earner division. A very generous has of all of these rewards the higher rendition of the bourgeoisie means the person's status is apt to be. In sim­ that its members are the monetary and ilar fashion, social-class affiliation is the political high-rollers of an area who also dependent upon a person's in­ are able to influence or determine how come, occupation, and education- the the economic variables of land, labor, 24 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 and capital are to be used; whereas a Bear, Inc." a Fortune 500 company, similarly liberal interpretation of the whose corporate offices are in nearby proletariat means that its members re­ "Will it Play Here? City." Woolly Bear present everyone else whose lives are has an international reputation and controlled by the whims of those who market for its earth-moving, mining, are powerful- that is, the pro/es are and farming products, as well as for its the manor lords' vassals. If so, then sturdy diesel engines. That company the "haves" and the "have-nots" are earned the nickname "Big Saffron" genuine, regardless of which specific because of the mellow yellow color of criteria are used for membership, as paint used on its goods, and the com­ has been shown with ample evidence. pany's sole labor union is the "Unified Another aspect of Marxian socio­ Horseless-Carriage Workers of Ameri­ logy is that it looks at the relationship ca." Let us now see how Marxian between the two classes from the per­ sociology can be applied to IOI as it spective of the less-powerful groups, goes about the business of supplying because is it through them that social parts for Woolly Bear. change will occur. This viewpoint stands in opposition to the recreational Elements of Alienation: Marx pieces offered earlier, because it was One of Woolly Bear's main money there shown that the powerful assem­ makers is its diesel engine division, blies determine the courses of history which provides the power units for its and local mores. It is widely held in own products as well as for such other conflict theory that the discontent felt commercial uses as the trucking and by the lower classes for the upper maritime industries. An engine block is classes contains the seed for social put on an assembly line carousel for reform -the ability to create history its three-hour journey, along which all and new futures through revolution for needed parts are attached. IOI people significant modification of social insti­ do the sub-assemblies for almost all of tutions- with which I stand in some the engine's external parts so that disagreement. Woolly Bear's union workers only I would like to reveal through the need to take the assigned parts from corresponding writings of Marx and of racks, kits, or tubs and bolt them to the Seeman, and my fieldwork, the types engine. IOI sub-assemblies are ac­ of alienation which have been felt by complished in the interests of profita­ factory workers because they, as bility for Woolly Bear, meaning that members of the proletariat, are disen­ costs are reduced when IOI does the franchised and devalued due to the work rather than having union mem­ designs of a company's owners and bers do the same tasks. IOI people their managers. The illustrations are attach hoses and supports to radia­ derived from my employment and curi­ tors, connectors to fuel-related parts, osity at "Industrial Development, Inc." drains on oil pans, housings on clut­ (IOI) which is located in "Lichenville, ches, and so on, for Woolly Bear's IL," where we render outsourced sub­ products. !Di's workers are thus de­ assemblies of engine parts for Woolly prived from the feeling of accomplish- 25 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ment with the final product because for the past year. When I asked her if they usually only work on one type of that was in the report filed to the Inter­ part in a single bench area, and are nal Revenue Service or in the report almost never allowed entry into Woolly for the company's stockholders, I was Bear's plants due to security reasons. given a blank stare. Profits seem to be Work then is boring and repetitive, and elusive things, which the workers are there is little a person can do except unable to comprehend or need not "grin and bear it," or maybe seek take interest. cloned work at one of Woolly Bear's IOI workers are also alienated from other suppliers where only lateral or themselves since there are virtually no horizontal social mobility is attained, at opportunities for upward social mobili­ best. ty within the tightly-run, almost man­ IOI employees are also alienated agerially-incestuous, organization; and from the profit, which the company there are not chances for the worker to earns. Assemblers are paid a wage show individual initiative or creativity. which starts at $7.25 per hour, a work­ Assembly designs come from Woolly ing poor earning, and have a modal Bear and any variations from them will rate of about $8.00 or $8.50 per hour; result in product errors, subject to fine and a few workers earn as much as by the contracting company. Each en­ $9.00 to $10.00 per hour. The com­ gine has a specific configuration and pany does have profit-sharing as its there is no tolerance for variations and "retirement" plan wherein an employee mistakes. Even if a worker knows from is fully vested after five years of em­ experience that an engineering flaw is ployment. However, only about twenty present, the product must be sent as of the I Di's 250 employees are so situ­ defined; interestingly then the worker ated because people quit often, relin­ will be held responsible for the mistake quishing any shares which may have by his or her employers. Repeated been earned. When an employee mishaps can result in a "no questions nears full enrollment in the plan, it is asked" firing and a replacement work­ common for the personnel director to er will be hired at a lower wage when­ lower the person's wages, then reas­ ever possible. sign the employee to a job which is The fourth form of alienation, ac­ either dirtier, harder, or on another cording to Marx, is separation of the shift, hoping that the worker will quit; workers from themselves to keep them and people have been fired just prior from becoming a collective, conscious, to maturation because all forfeited and conscientious body politic, and monies from voluntary or involuntary such detachment is actively promoted terminations revert to the general fund. in several ways. Since IOI is not a One payday we received our annu­ union shop fault is quickly found with al earnings statements, and there was any worker who openly discusses a negative entry for my year's total. I unionization or violations of OSHA immediately asked the personnel dir­ safety regulations. We are constantly ector what that meant, and I was told told that we should spend our days that the company did not earn a profit working ceaselessly, and that we 26 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

should chit-chat among ourselves only them and illustrate them, still using JOI during breaks or lunch periods. Man­ as the specific setting. agers are famous for finding hiding Seeman's powerlessness is the in­ places where they can spy on us; and ability to control one's work environ­ workers whose jobs require move­ ment, and Hobson and Sullivan (1990: ments through the facilities have been 90) state that this condition is virtually followed by supervisors, foremen, or identical to Marx's alienation from the leads who make notations of the per­ product because the worker can do son's movements and conversations. I nothing to affect the processes of pro­ surmise that !DJ's owners and man­ duction. I would like to go one step fur­ agers feel that we are a disruptive ca­ ther and note that powerlessness also bal, actively plotting the demise of the refers to the general managerial disre­ company; but, there is no evidence to gard for constructive input which the prove that several bomb threats were worker might have. In a weekly safety made by anyone associated with the meeting and a "pep talk", our foreman company, past or present. always reminds us that no one, not As was mentioned at the beginning even himself, knows our individual of this article, I had never been in an work areas as well as we do. Would it employment setting wherein I formed stand to reason then that through such a deep appreciation for the "workers" knowledge, we might have reasonable or the "have-nots." Reflecting on my ideas for the improvement of produc­ downward occupational and economic tion and safety? "No!" It is their rea­ mobilities, as well as daily interactions soning that the plant has been de­ with my working colleagues, I have signed for maximum efficiency and changed my mind about the value of safety, so no changes need to be conflict and alienation sociologies made. stemming from the ideas of Marx, but Our foreman seems to enjoy play­ since his ideas do not stand alone, I ing a psychological game with his pat­ turn to the thoughts of Seeman as I tern of praise in one breath and foul continue to share this paradigm shift. berating in the next. His efforts to make us feel as if we are important Elements of Alienation: Seeman people are overridden by the open dis­ Like Marx before him, Seeman took regard and contempt for us as peers. a humanistic stand in his investiga­ An example of his true feeling for us tions by looking at workers' viewpoints occurred when he met an employee at about themselves and the places a convenience store on the way to where they work because the employ­ work and she tried to say "hello" to ee is the focal point, the subject and him. He told her that he did not have the object, of private experiences. Ac­ to talk to her because they were not at cordingly, Seeman also identifies mat­ work yet. It would seem that he does ters of economic alienation which are not like her, and he does not like us. valid from the discernment of the My own interactions with the fore­ worker, and I would like to review man support the same contempt and

27 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

distrust. I had a severe accident at teed, and exists only as long as the work which required long disability company's officials want an employee leaves for healing, therapies, surgery, on-site to do the assigned and rote and more therapies. I stopped at IOI work. So if someone walks to the time with some papers from my doctor and clock at the beginning of a shift and medical bills when the foreman walked finds the timecard missing, then the past me, and instead of inquiring employee has been fired and the com­ about my health, he asked "When are pany does not need to give advance YOU coming back?" He does not like notice. There are no job assurances, me, but once again he made it obvious and people are fired with stalinistic that he does not like us. efficiency and eldritch glee. Company officials justifiably treat Seeman's notion of social isolation alibi ailments with suspicion. Yet when seems to correspond with Marx's people are truly sick or have been in­ alienation from others (Hobson and jured on the job they are still treated Sullivan 1990:98). IOI workers perform with unwarranted disdain and wari­ thousands of assemblies for the union ness- as if infirmities are malingering workers at Woolly Bear, but equal sta­ or show lack of fealty to IOI. tuses are not assigned to both sets of Seeman's self-estrangement is lik­ workers. Woolly Bear's workers re­ ened to alienation from work process­ ceive much higher wages than we do, es (Hobson and Sullivan 1990:98) be­ and that company's reputation for qua­ cause there are few additional material lity is founded upon the union's claims payoffs as incentives beyond actual of superior workmanship through col­ wages. !Di's retirement plan is built for lective bargaining and training. A brief long-term employees, and there are story indicates the differences of com­ no bonuses for hourly workers for parative opinion which at least once work well done. The company does IOI worker has about himself and have a quarterly bonus of $100 for others. perfect attendance, but when it is I played golf with some of my bud­ earned, it is attached to the paycheck dies one day after work, and as we so it becomes taxable income. How­ drifted into the pro shop, I hailed one ever, if a person is five minutes late for of them by asking, "Hey, don't we work work, or if a person has to leave work together at IOI?" He did not want, un­ for a doctor's visit or a court appoint­ der any set of circumstances, not even ment, then the reward is nullified. Pay jokingly, and certainly not in public, to raises are small, rare, and denied to be linked to, or embarrassed by, IOI individuals as punishment. I received and its local reputation. We still play my last raise increase more than three golf together. years ago, and since insurance costs Seeman also talks about normless­ have risen in that time my next pay­ ness wherein codes of conduct are ei­ check is lower than it was then. ther non-existent or anomic (Durkheim An extension of this theme ad­ 1951 ; Merton 1968 ), or they are so dresses the duration and conditions of fluid in their interpretations and appli­ employment at IOI: It is not guaran- cations that they may as well be ficti- 28 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

tious. It would seem that Seeman was research are needed before significant almost prescient about IOI and its conclusions can be drawn. Indeed managerial orientations towards be­ many of IOl's employees are not high­ havior standards. Safety glasses and ly trained, educated, or apparently in­ steel-toed shoes are to be worn by terested in outside pursuits, but there everyone on the factory floor- except are exceptions to this rule: "Sam," for it seems by even such managers as example, is president of a local astron­ our safety officer. No one is supposed omy club and he is the manager of the to smoke or have open beverage con­ city's celestial observatory and tele­ tainers on the work floor- except ap­ scope. While profane lunchroom ban­ parently by supervisory personnel who ter is an index of disinterested people openly smoke and drink coffee as they who have no desire to expand their wander around keeping their vigil on horizons, it must be remembered that us. No one is supposed to be eating schooled interests require free time, as they assemble- except apparently disposal incomes, and rudimentary managers who eat at their corrals on skills, so many of my colleagues do the floor. Late attendance or absence not have the opportunities, wherewith­ without just reason results in dismissal al, or the talents to follow artistic, phil­ without pay, for one day or for three, osophical, ideological, educational, or depending on frequency- except ap­ linguistic endeavors. parently, for "brown-nosers" for whom This element of disengagement, rules are suspended or bent. Foul along with the absence of a collective language is discouraged, except when identify, is especially consequential for an employee is being reprimanded. the maintenance of a system of ine­ References to canine ancestry or per­ quality. The inability of a labor mass to sonal habits are not tolerated, except experiment with alternative ideologies for when a worker gets chastised by a and economic practices due to the ap­ manager. Laws forbid sexual harass­ parent absence of opportunity inhibits ment, yet one day a former lead of social change. An individuated class of mine told me that he loved me, and people "in itself' does not mean that it neither my supervisor nor my foreman can be translated into a unified body of took any corrective action for his mis­ people "for itself' when it lacks skills, deed. In other words, it is difficult to leadership, and resources to do so. predict what will happen from one day The system then perpetuates itself. to the next, except that we work our When I interviewed my subjects, I shift and depart -tired, dirty, smelly, did so with discretion to maintain their and sweaty- leaving deference to ill­ dignity, trust in me, confidentiality, and tempered managers behind us. to avoid arousing susp1c1on by Finally Seeman acknowledges the company officials. One of the ques­ condition of cultural disengagement tions on my agenda was, "If you could wherein workers are not in touch with change just one thing about IOI, what dominant ideologies or sets of creative would it be?" The pervasive and plain­ ideas in society, and it is here, I be­ tive response was along the lines of lieve, that both caution and additional "Change their [management's) atti- 29 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 tudes toward us," which seems to much sentiment as a replaced spark summarize and encapsulate the socio­ plug for a car; and there is a strong logical descriptors we have about feeling of negativity which permeates alienation, but certainly not expressed the worker's psyche. Both sensations so eloquently and as scholarly as aca­ are actually promoted by manage­ demicians have done. That descriptive ment, itself, as the following sets of task was left to such people as Marx orientations indicate. or Seeman who objectified the sub­ jectivity of personal experience and Human Chattel dissatisfaction of workers in place. So, The word "chattel" has several it seems that both Geyer and Harris meanings. Originally, the term meant are correct when they state that it is cattle which are owned, controlled, the analyst who ascribes the labels and herded by ranch owners and and the language of alienation rather ranch hands; they are live property. than the repressed, thus representing Another definition for the word means the best of ethnography's interpretive that it is the owned physical capital of traditions. a person or a business enterprise; it is My understanding of worker conflict non-animate property. Cattle have no and alienation theories is dependent free will over their ownership or their upon the materials I have read, and plight to become T-bone steaks or upon my ability to relate to them and hamburgers, and a machine is just as apply them. It is also underscored incapable of emotions or affecting its from over four years of employment at destiny. Neither definition for the ex­ IOI, which allows me the opportunity to pression can be credited to IDl's man­ add several other notations about the agement as they look upon their work­ surroundings of discontented mem­ ers as just so many pieces of property bers of a proletariat. which, not who, can be manipulated and replaced for any number of real or OTHER DISHEARTENING imagined reasons; but I want to pro­ ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS vide a specific example of such a mindset from a conversation I had with In addition to the known elements a manager as evidence of IDl's micro­ of alienation and exclusion, there are cosmic specimen of bourgeois men­ two less tangible, and important, fac­ tality. tors which are associated with being While on a lunch break, I had a economically "kept," and they can chance to talk to a general supervisor either serve as conduits through which about the managerial obligations of all other ideas flow, or they can be our foreman. I acknowledged the fact seen as umbrella covers under which that the man has a formidable task to the others are included. Wage-earning maintain production schedules and factory workers, including myself, my standards, and the general interests of fellows, and the employees of Woolly the company; but many employees Bear, feel as if we are human chattel, feel that his communication skills need to be used and discarded with as improvement. The general supervisor 30 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

appreciated my input, and indicated for any inquiry, as a list of actual that employees' ideas are always valu­ questions and answers shows: "Can I able and welcome because we are im­ have a raise?" No. "Can I work another portant assets to the company, at shift?" No. "Can I transfer to another which point he departed. The guys building?" No. "Can I work under with whom I was eating and I con­ another lead?" No. "Would you please cluded that we are more like resources install an electrical outlet so I can have than pieces of property which offset a fan?" No. "Can I go to Woolly Bear liabilities on accounting balance on the 'hot truck' to see how the line sheets. Words convey meanings and works?" No. "Can I change my the choice of words offers insight into vacation schedule?" No. "Can we open the speaker's vision; and the differ­ the big doors for better air circulation? ence between an asset and a It's hot in here." No. "How does this resource is a clear index of disparate part work on the engine?" I dunno. points of view. "Will we be laid off when Woolly Bear Such variations in thought are goes on vacation?" I dunno. "Why abundant in recreational reading as can't we open the big doors?" I dunno. shown by the thoughts of, or con­ "Is Woolly Bear gonna keep this versations between, story characters; product line?" I dunno. "Are we gonna but the authors of such tales have get any new lines from our more literary license than academi­ competitors?" I dunno. "Why can't cians are allowed, so oftentimes we have an electrical outlet for a fan?" I can only hint at disparagement with dunno. antiseptic language. Like the unwant­ Someone, somewhere, once said ed, expressed, and undeserved feel­ that knowledge is power. If that adage ings of inferiority and being totally con­ is true, then the owners and managers trolled, negativity is as thick on the of IOI work hard to keep us ignorant floor of IOI as are its industrial dirt, and powerless; and, speaking as a grime, forklift truck tire dust, oil slicks, wage earner, it gets old, quickly. Our loose parts and discarded dunnage. foreman's version of positive feedback is to tell us that we had no fines levied Negativity against us by Woolly Bear. There are This term also has several mean­ other ways to express satisfaction, like ings which include an absence of posi­ a simple "Atta boy," but that would tive attributes, and responding in a dir­ seem humane for the company's han­ ection away from that which is posi­ dlers who appear well-versed in the tive. In the assembly arena of IOI it history of feudal lord-vassal relation­ means a condition of entrapment or ships. Maybe they selectively agree slavery wherein nothing the worker with some of Zeitlan's ( 1968) synop­ does is seen as being worthwhile, and ses of relationships between elites and wherein the employee receives little, if non-elites according to either Pareto, any constructive input from managers. Mosca, or Michels; or perhaps they It also means that the worker almost identify with Tolstoy's Vasilii Andreich, always receives a negative response with Stowe's Simon Legree, or with 31 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

William Bligh as they go about micro­ rebel may quit spontaneously with managing the daily affairs of the small great fanfare and name-calling, to fiefdom called Industrial Development, which IDl's leaders pay no heed, Inc. except to escort the now-former Much time has been spent discuss­ employee to the exit; much personal ing the subjugation of workers at IOI, satisfaction is felt, though, because, but little attention has been paid here following the title of Johnny Pay­ CJ1 elsewhere to identify how workers check's popular song, IOI is told tu might adapt to a non-halcyonic envi­ "Take This Job and Shove It!"- many ronment. That task is now accom­ a worker's dream. The IOI worker­ plished using Merton's well-known retreatist also quits figuring that modes of adaptation with a theoretical working there is just not worth the twist. effort to stay, and may even feel that unemployment insurance pays more A MERTONIAN APPLICATION than IOI does. The IOI worker-innova­ tor becomes a workers' paladin, or a It is rare in sociology to see the reformer, hoping to make IOI a better writings of conflict and alienation place to work. Managers neither like exemplars joined with the offers of provocateurs nor do they tolerate their someone who is often considered to commentary: they do not want trouble­ be an archetypical functionalist, and it makers, making it convenient for them is daring to use that person's to look for errors in the worker's habits paradigm in a conflict vein; yet, both as justification for dismissal. Even if are accomplished in this article. Once fired, employees find some solace in used by O'Sullivan (1995) to show the expression "I was looking for a job how people go about the process of when I found this one," but there are religious congregation switching still two alternative choices. resulting from spiritual dissatisfaction, The IOI worker-ritualist realizes en­ Merton's goals-means model shows trapment, but may have even fewer how !Di's wage earners can cope with options so the employee goes about their loneliness. assigned duties mechanically and The five adaptations can be sorted well, while avoiding company politics into two major groupings. Three of the which could result in trouble. Finally, modes are labeled as belonging to a the IOI worker-conformist is fairly quit-dismissed range of possibilities, content with his or her lot, and en­ and the remaining two are arranged gages in constructive output for the into a stay-retained cluster. Each set company- assuming new duties vol­ of outcomes has specific and different untarily and casually which later take benefits to the worker and to the on the aura of assignments; making company. no errors in assembly; talking posi­ Since many of !Di's workers are tively about the company and its own­ openly unhappy with their employment er-managers, and so on. The workers milieu, there are several means by ritua/ist and conformist stay because which they can adjust. The IOI worker- work is proximate to their homes; 32 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

because a spouse works there, too; A SHORT DISCUSSION ABOUT because a court requires it; because CHANGES OF VIEW the worker has no real marketable skills so he or she can get by, there; Scholars have long paid attention because the employee likes the com­ to conflict and alienation studies, dis­ pany; or, because other life circum­ cussing the origins of their practices stances affect employment. As we and terminologies, as well as address­ say, "It's the job I have today," but IOI ing their religious, philosophical, and is only where we work; it does not religious dimensions (Geyer 2001; define who we are. Lichtheim 1968; Seeman 1959, 2001). There is now an interesting theore­ Because the type of work which a per­ tical twist centering on these choices. son does and where that person works Yes, the workers who leave and the are often co-indices of a master sta­ ones who stay are apt to feel reward­ tus, significant attention has been paid ed in some way- they "win," either mo­ to the psycho-sociologic-economic as­ rally or financially. Yet, the company is pects of alienation by looking at work­ designed for its own "win-win" benefit. ers who are separated from the domi­ Disruptive employees have left by one nant means of production and the de­ way or another, while the ones who re­ termination of economic policies. Em­ main get paid the lowest wage possi­ phases have shown the disparities of ble, with full knowledge of their volun­ rewards and privileges between the tary serfdom plight, earning profits for bourgeoisie controlling class and the people who do not seem give a whit a­ proletarian subdued class. bout their workers. The conflict-based While my views on this subject division of outcomes identified here, have changed, I do not completely the rules of engagement between the agree with the monotonous chorus of bourgeoisie owner-managers and the universal tension, anxiety, and class proletarian workers, are always main­ warfare. I do not believe that there can tained by those who are in positions of be all-encompassing macro-level, na­ privilege. This aspect of Mertonian so­ tional, or international conspiracies on ciology, then, fits well with other con­ the parts of the "haves" to control the flict and alienation sociologies accord­ "have-nots" because ample evidence ing to the connected sayings "Take it has been provided showing diversity or leave it" and "There's the door"­ of dichotomies to dispel the contention both suggestions being oft-spoken by of collusion. I also do not believe that our bosses. there can be unified efforts on the My appreciation for the differential parts of the "have-nots" to overthrow distribution of power and privilege has the "haves" for the same reason. changed over the past several years. Membership in either a "have" or a However, I am not a complete convert, "have-not" category does not hold true and there is need to identify some of over time and in different locales, as my reservations. the comparison between Roosevelt's observations and the groups in Uris' book clearly showed; and further diffi- 33 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

culty if evident when someone ranks By so doing, the investigator can add high on one status scale, yet low on credence to the discipline, and conti­ another. nuity can be given to that which has However, once focus is shifted to already been learned, not through re­ micro-level economies and businesses plication because that would be im­ like IOI where absentee owners' man­ possible, but through closely-related agers yield unheralded palatine power studies. over third-estate workers, or to univer­ For example, the data used by sities which outsource teaching loads Marx and by Seeman are valid by to adjunct faculty members2 . Then the them-selves. While acquiring confir­ tensions and disparities of power, mation through continued study, those prestige, and privilege become appa­ findings can assume additional mean­ rent to even the casual observer. It is ing for the scholar-teacher when the here then that I believe conflict and constancy is affirmed directly and per­ alienation scholars are more correct in sonally. The teacher-scholar can then their understandings of class struggles say "Marx was right after all, and I can than I had been willing to acknowledge attest to his conclusions because ... " In -the divisions are real and consequen­ similar fashion, the teacher-scholar tial, although tensions and antagon­ can debate Goffman's 1961 ideas on isms vary locally. regimentation of life in total institutions by saying "Not all of our soldiers' daily CONCLUSION lives are as strictly ordered as he says they are, and I know that because ... " Personal narrative is a useful re­ A sense of trust and credibility is al­ search device for the social scientist most automatically accorded to some­ because is permits the vision of insight one who can honestly say, "Been via the voice of the first-person singu­ there, done that." lar research subject. The speaker Sociologists easily become too though may not be qualified to inter­ comfortable with old notes, and may pret personal thoughts or activities or develop myopia because they treat i­ be able to put information into a larger deal types as real types; because they intellectual context. Enter then the eth­ see the world through small openings nographer to accomplish those tasks in their ivy-covered windows; and with visual imagery for appropriate because they only view social actuality audiences. by way of questionnaires whose re­ Given that the scientist is also a sponses are coded for computer-gen­ participant in society, and thus has erated statistics. Many college stu- experiences which no one else has had, the analyst can then and should 2Another interesting study would be the use autoethnography to become the investigation of colleges' and universi­ subject of study, narrating from the ties' out-sourced instruction via tempo­ actor-observer self, putting that which rary faculty members, but I fear that acquiring sufficient information would has been recounted into appropriate be difficult. frames of reference for scholarly use. 34 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

dents are first-generation attendees, Becker, H.S. 1963. Outsiders. NY: and their families know about the "real Free Press. world" because they are police offic­ Berger, P .L. 1963. An Invitation to ers, military cadre, factory workers, se­ Sociology. NY: Doubleday. cretaries, truck drivers, prison guards, Dostoyevsky, F. 1950. Crime and Pun­ dental hygienists, carpenters, are on ishment. NY: Random House. workers' compensation disability, and Duneier, M. 1992. Slim's Table. Chi­ so on. If an instructor talks "sociolo­ cago: University of Chicago Press. gese" to students about topics, where­ Durkheim, E. 1951. Suicide. NY: Free in the student is a practical expert and Press. the teacher is not, then a built-in "B.S. Edwards, R. 1979. Contested Terrain. alarm" will warn that the forthcoming NY: Basic Books. lecture is based less on experience Forsyth, C. and C.E. Palmer. 1999. "A and more on laziness, theory, narrow Typology of Artists Found on Jack­ and limited observations, and on son Square in New Orleans' crunched numbers. French Quarter." Free Inquiry in Most of us entered the social sci­ Creative Sociology 27:9-27. ences or the humanities because we Geyer, F. 2001. "Alienation, Sociology felt they were fun, controversial, and of." Pp. 388-392 in N.J. Smelser vital to us and to others. It is time to and P.B. Baites (eds.) International make them so again by allowing us to Encyclopedia of the Social and look knowingly at our surroundings in Behavioral Sciences. NY: Elsevier. several ways. Either before the de­ Goffman, E. 1961. Asylums. Garden grees plan is finished, or during vaca­ City, NY: Doubleday. tions and sabbaticals, we should be­ Harris, M. 1968. The Rise of Anthropo­ come cops, truck drivers, stevedores, logical Theory. NY: Thomas Y. Cro­ laborers, roughnecks and roustabouts, well. or teachers in public- or inner-city Hobson, R. and R.A. Sullivan. 1990. schools, thus permitting us the oppor­ The Social Organization of Work. tunities to use our voices of the first­ Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. and the third-person singular, the ac­ Hugo, V. 1987. Les Miserables. NY: tor-observer, to challenge our world New American Library. views, academic truths, and ideal Hummel, R. 1994. Hunting and Fish­ types, in order to help our peers and ing for Sport. Bowling Green, OH: students evoke theirs. Popular Press. Kipling, R. 1900. The Ballad of East References and West. Selected Works of Rud­ yard Kipling 3. NY: Peter Fenelon Adler, P.A. and P. Adler. 1987. Mem­ Collier. bership in Field Research. New­ Lichtheim, G. 1968. "Alienation." in bury Park, CA: Sage. D.L. Sills (ed.) International Ency­ Alborn, M. 1997. Tuesdays With Mor­ clopedia of the Social Sciences 1. rie. NY: Doubleday. NY: MacMillan.

35 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Marx, K. 1959. The Economic and Seeman, M. 1959. "On the Meaning of Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 Alienation." American Sociological M. Milligan. Moscow: International Review 24:783-791. Publishers. ------. 2001. "Alienation: Psychosocio­ Merton, R.K. 1968. Social Theory and logical Tradition." Pp. 385-388 in Social Structure. NY: Free Press. NJ Smelser and D. Baltes (eds.) Nordhoff, C. and J.N. Hall. 1936. Pit­ International Encyclopedia of the cairn's Island. Boston: Little Brown. Social and Behavioral Sciences 1. ------. 1946. Men Against the Sea. NY: NY: Elsevier. Pocket Books. Seuss, Dr. 1961. "The Sneeches." Pp. ------. 1960. Mutiny on the Bounty. 20-25 in The Sneetches and Other Boston: Little Brown. Stories. NY: Random House. O'Sullivan, R.G. 1994. "Moral Entre­ Stowe, H.B. 1984. Uncle Tom's Cabin. preneurs, Local Morality, and Cutchogue, NY: Buccaneer Books. Labeling Processes." Free Inquiry Thompson, H.S. 1967. Hell's Angels. in Creative Sociology 22: 73-77. NY: Ballantine Books. ------. 1995. "Congregation Switching Tolstoy, L. 1977. "Master and Man." and Religious Revitalization." Free Pp. 67-126 in Master and Man and Inquiry in Creative Sociology 23:39- Other Stories. NY: Penguin Clas­ 41. sics. Paton, A. 1948. Cry the Beloved Uris, L. 1976. Trinity. NY: Doubleday. Country. NY: Charles Scribner's Waugh, A.R. 1955. Island in the Sun. Sons. NY: Farrar Strauss and Cudahy. Reimer, J.W. 1977. "Varieties of Op­ Weber, M. 1978. Economy and Socie­ portunistic Research." Urban Life ty. R. Roth and W. Wittrich. Berke­ 5:467-477. ley, CA: University of California Ronai-Rambo, C. and C. Ellis. 1989. Press. "Turn-ons for Money: lnteractional Zeitlan, I.M. 1968. Ideology and the Strategies of the Table Dancer." Development of Sociological Theo­ Journal of Contemporary Ethno­ ry. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice­ graphy 18:271-298. Hall. Roosevelt, T. 1920. Through the Bra­ zilian Wilderness. NY: Charles Scribner's Sons.

36 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

FICTIONAL REALITY AND THE PORTRAYAL OF JUSTICE IN MODERN SOCIOLOGY AND CONTEMPORARY NOVELS *

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL

ABSTRACT Social justice is a popular subject of discussion in sociology, politics, jurispru­ dence, as well as popular novels. The outcomes of its proceedings are equally curious because that which is "just" depends upon such variables as defining the direction that justice needs to take, allocating authority to enforce it, and public reaction to its consequences. This article represents a layered investiga­ tive journey into the portrayal of justice in nine popular series of novels because its fictional enactment represents the way that the population would like to see it enforced, but does not. Since the body of the material reviewed here are works of fiction which incorporate known data a new expression is offered. Fictional reality refers to the ways in which novelists weave fair knowledge about modern justice into stories which please their audiences, and this article explores the means by which that melding occurs. *Originally printed in Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 2006 34(2).

"You want justice done you got to get it INTRODUCTION yourself' (James Lee Burke, Moon of If these statements by three popular Red Ponies). novelists are correct then our system of justice is the subject of serious public "That's what the notion of 'justice' was despair and ridicule. A common under­ all about anyway: settling up" standing about social justice is that it (Sue Grafton, A is for Alibi). exists when that which is morally "right" prevails over that which is morally "I don't think Barbara Daggett gave a "wrong" in a legally-contested process. damn about seeing justice done, While such proceedings are intended whatever that consists of' to be swift and sure, they are often (Sue Grafton, D is for Deadbeat). slow with uncertain outcomes, leaving the population both unhappy with it, "First food, then justice. That's the and scornful of it. Contemporary writers proper ordering of world events" (Sue such as James Lee Burke, Sue Graf­ ton, and Nora Roberts understand Grafton, J is for Judgment). these mixed concerns and capitalize on them by writing books wherein "You can't leave justice to others" justice is depicted in ways which they (Nora Roberts, Northern Lights). would like to see it fulfilled. A novel,

37 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 then, becomes "an internal search for then placed on the moral entrepreneur­ truth that the author shares" writes Jeff ial roles of the books' characters. The Rovin (2005:233), author of books in a third destination for this excursion is an Tom Clancy-created series. analysis of the near-autobiographical James Lee Burke created the series method by which several of the writers of books featuring Deputy Sheriff Dave have been able to create likable and Robicheaux (1987-2003, 2005, 2006) believable fiction. Authors can accom­ and the shorter series about Billy Bob plish this task by keeping our emotions Holland from which the above state­ peaked with aversion, sensuality, and ment was taken; Sue Grafton wrote the tension carrying us to the last pages of best-selling "Alphabet" crime books their books. starring private detective Kinsey Mill­ When this article is completed, we hone (1983-2005); and Nora Roberts will be able to better understand how created many stories whose genres selected novelists enlist wide reader­ are difficult to classify. One of the rea­ ship simply by providing surrogate im­ sons that these authors, and others to ages of a justice system that works. As be identified shortly, frequently top this journey into the melding of fiction best-selling lists is that they integrate and fact begins there is need to identify geo-politics, geography, sociology, ab­ the means by which the series novels normal psychology, forensic criminolo­ were chosen for use here, as well as gy, moral entrepreneurial roles, humor, listing the specific ones which were and romance into their stories. A sec­ selected a literature review. ond reason for their popularity is that the books fulfill our thirst for an ideal NOVELS: TYPES AND CHOICES system of justice as we are taken on journeys into the unreal-real world of Excluding genres, novels fall into literature- that of fictional reality. one of two categories- series or stand­ This article represents an excursion alone books. Each has particular ap­ into that world wherein celebrated he­ peals for the authors and their audi­ roes do not fit some stereotypical im­ ences. Each has designated proper­ ages. They no longer ride white hors­ ties. Each has certain limitations. Each es, use silver bullets, follow the rules, contains different types of storylines and have the full authority of the law and characterizations. Each can be re­ behind them. As this journey begins, lated to sociological methodologies, all there are several destinations which of which need to be discussed before await our arrival. First, there is need to the chosen authors and their books are discuss the logic behind the choice of presented. series novels instead of stand-alone books; this trip requires the identifica- Series and Stand-Alone Books tion of the authors and series chosen A series of novels is one in which for examination. The second stop on there is a set of characters, locales, or this trip identifies the several ideal events which have recurring presence types of justice which are portrayed in from one book to the next. Characters the books, and special emphasis is change over time by growing older, 38 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

suffering illnesses, having family mem­ other. I read series and stand-alone bers and friends emerge and die, and books, many of each because they are moving from one place to another as both appealing even though they may jobs require. Series fans read the latest contain similar thoughts, for which two installment as soon as it is available, illustrations are provided. The opinion then anguish for months or years until about social justice provided by Nora the next one is published. Fans may Roberts at the beginning of this piece also mourn or feel betrayed when the is virtually identical to those of James series ends by design or by the death Lee Burke and Sue Grafton, but the of the author. Friendships with the book is not one of a set. Likewise, San­ characters grow as does a like-minded­ dra Brown's Fat Tuesday (1997), star­ ness with the author and fellow believ­ ring Burke Basile as a New Orleans' ers. Dave Robicheaux, for example, is cop, contains probative methods simi­ discussed among readers as if he is a lar to the ones contained in James Lee real person. Fans of his might pur­ Burke's books, but her piece is not part chase baseball caps and t-shirts em­ of a set either. blazoned with the logo for the "Robi­ The stories chosen and the people cheaux Bait and Dock" shop from an in them are fictional. Yet as we define internet source. Borrowing from socio­ subjects and their actions as having an logy's methods, there is a longitudinal existence beyond mere fantasy, we quality to series books because they voluntarily suspend our intellectual portray their characters over an ex­ understanding of fiction and treat it as tended period of time even though being real- a luxury in which we en­ each episode in the series is a story gage for purposes of entertainment. unto itself- as in static dynamics. We are just literary junkies and voyeurs In comparison, stand-alone books as we delve repeatedly into the lives of have a kinship with cross-sectional stu­ imaginary people, illusory justice, and dies in sociology. They represent a the lives of the books' creators. So why snapshot story taking place within limit­ were the books chosen and which ed boundaries rather than ones which ones were selected? are not so restricted, but which can of- ten work to the advantage of a reader. The Authors and Their Series Since there are no intended links to The series books chosen for use preceding or succeeding books, the here were originally read for recrea­ reader is free to explore other authors tional purposes. It was later deter­ or genres without feelings of guilt or mined that an organized investigation disloyalty, free to have alternative liter- of them might be possible which pro­ ary experiences without becoming moted three dominant reasons for bored by stylistic or thematic duplica- their selection. tion. The first and obvious one is that While readers are free to choose they represent a convenience sample their own forms of amusement, it from private libraries or they were bor­ should not be concluded that they are rowed from public facilities. The sec­ restricted to one type of book over an- ond reason is that the books deal with 39 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

different types of justices being ac­ She battles an alligator, near drown­ complished and they contain different ings, the confines of a pitch-black types of moral entrepreneurial roles to cavern, the ravage of a forest firestorm, fulfill justices. Third, most of the auth­ and her use of alcohol. ors who were selected have personal stories, or near-autobiographies, Alafair Burke's Samantha Kincaid which are particularly suited for their Alafair Burke is a newcomer to the creations. The series do not represent trade and daughter of James Lee random sampling because they were Burke, and has penned three Saman­ not given numerical assignments from tha Kincaid books (2002-2005). Sa­ which they were chosen. The series mantha is a Deputy District Attorney in do not represent an effort to exhaust Portland, Oregon who investigates the all possible options because that cases she is assigned. Burke's books would be an impossible task and it have been tightly and precisely written, would negate any possibility for a rela­ but we are beginning to acquire insight tively short undertaking. Given such into an uncomplicated ethical obligation reasoning the authors and their of "Get bad guys, don't get good ones." creations are identified in alphabetical (A. Burke 2005:214) This succinct phil­ order. osophy parrots the thinking of her suc­ cessful dad when he describes a "bust Nevada Barr's Anna Pigeon 'em or dust 'em" ideology of police Nevada Barr has written thirteen work" (J.L. Burke 2005:213) for Robi­ Anna Pigeon stories ( 1993-2005). cheaux and his buddy when they were Anna is a middle-aged widow who left homicide detectives in New Orleans. New York City for a career in law en­ Given the similarity of lines and near­ forcement with the National Park Ser­ simultaneous publications of two of vice. Crime has left the cities, has their books in 2005, it is not hard to transferred into our national parks, and imagine the influence that father and has contaminated them. As with most daughter have on each other. The con­ crime-mystery novels, the most signifi­ fluence of their work is even more no­ cant crime which she investigates is ticeable as we read of Robicheaux's murder; but who would want to read book-daughter, Alafair, who has a pro­ many books about a ranger who issues minent presence in his stories. camping licenses to visitors and citations for littering? In order to make James Lee Burke's Dave good stories, there are often raw greed Robicheaux factors that precipitate human harm or James Lee Burke's sabulous Dave damage the ecologies of the parks that Robicheaux stories are an all-time fa­ she has sworn to protect. Anna gets vorite among this bunch (1987-2006). assigned to many parks across the Dave Robicheaux is now a more-than­ country from the Natchez Trace to the middle-aged Deputy Sheriff in Iberia Dry Tortugas, to islands of Georgia and Parish, Louisiana. He and his sidekick Minnesota, to caverns in the south- Clete Purcel have come to roost in west, to mountain ranges in California. bayou country after controversial ca- 40 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 reers in the New Orleans Police De­ Patricia Cornwel/'s Dr. Kay partment. Resentful of outside assis­ Scarpetta tance from such an agency as the Fed­ Patricia Cornwell introduced us to eral Bureau of Investigation, he and Dr. Kay Scarpetta (1991 a-2005) as the fellow cops jeer the Feds as "Fart, chief medical examiner for The Com­ Barf, and Itch." (J.L. Burke 1995:315; monwealth of Virginia. Her duties at 2006:66) Beyond the commonplace that time included overseeing the of­ obligations of a policeman (J.L. Burke fice, giving legal testimony as needed, 2006:82-83), disputes surround him as conducting autopsies, and investigat­ he fights crime, authority, alcoholism, ing possible homicides with her friend, and the demon memory from a harsh Pete Marino, a Richmond police officer. combat tour of duty in Viet Nam. Like Over the years she has developed Anna Pigeon, most of the crimes he political rivals, helped raise an investigates are murders, but there are adventurous niece, been stalked and often deeper wrongs for which murder intimidated by le Loup-Garou, retired, is only a symptom. Organized crime in­ entered into a private business venture filtrates his turf. Corporate greed spon­ of security, and returned to her old sors environmental pollution. Vice traf­ haunts. Her life, like yours and mine, ficking targets unwary citizens. It is has changed and such ebbs and flows upon the already-poor that abusive elit­ cannot really take place in stand-alone ists impose even more "hunger, fear, books, but are staples of series. injustice, and oppression" (The Episco­ pal Church's Book of Common Prayer Janet Evanovich's Stephanie Plum 1979:392). He fights all of these social Janet Evanovich has now written ills with a moral certainty which con­ twelve numbered books starring Step­ tests his empowered duties. He too hanie Plum (1994-2006) as the bumbl­ could be labeled as an advocate for lo­ ing bond enforcement agent, or bounty calized liberation theology as he fends hunter, of Trenton, New Jersey. Plum's for people who cannot do so for them­ lack of job skills provides many laughs selves -a paladin. When manipulative, in her capers with a former hooker, a arrogant, and imperious power brokers transvestite, her funeral-lovin' and gun­ feel that they are above the law and totin' grandmother, a cousin who is cross his path, he makes them aware also her sleazy boss, two competing al­ of the errors of their ways. He may not pha males, and a vintage powder blue kill them, but does greater harm than Buick. While her job is to capture bail that which mere death accords: He jumpers, we find that she is more likely ruins them by provoking downward mo­ to be stalked by them as they destroy bility. While all this is happening he her cars than she is to nab them. receives public condemnations for his Evanovich encourages readership by aggressive methods and simultaneous inviting her fans to submit potential private approvals for their results. titles for her forthcoming books, and publicly thanking the submitter (2006).

41 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Sue Grafton's Kinsey Mil/hone so it is no wonder that he could create, Sue Grafton's Kinsey Millhone has with some help, Peter Newman, been a private detective for twenty-two U.S.M.C. (2002-2005). Newman is a years (1983-2005). Kinsey was or­ career officer who is enlisted to inter­ phaned as a young girl, raised by an dict into international nuclear and elec­ austere aunt, was a police officer, and tronics crises by recruiting military spe­ is periodically contracted by a Califor­ cialists and local partisans to combat nia insurance company to investigate militant terrorists and co,, uf.Jt politicians possible fraudulent claims. As a side who would harm him, his family, and business, she is also contracted to look his country. While the series currently for missing people, to tend a parolee, contains three books they are, per­ and is ultimately involved in murder in­ haps, the most serial of the ones used vestigations such as a true Jane Doe for this project because the stories are case upon which the book Q is for definitely linked to each other. How­ Quarry (2002) is loosely based. Graf­ ever, the Epilogue to book three sug­ ton's prolific writings are matched only gests that there may be no more be­ by reader curiosity about her next book cause Newman has been assigned "T" and how she will conclude the abe­ command of the training center at cedarian series when she reaches the Quantico, removing him from harm's letter Z. way.

Jack Higgins' Sean Dillon Kathy Reichs' Temperance Brennan, Jack Higgins' Sean Dillon books Ph.D. ( 1992-2005) chronicle the life of a for­ Finally, Kathy Reichs is a forensic mer assassin for the Irish Republican anthropologist who is employed by a Army who had a paradigm shift, and is southern university and the Montreal now working for a special intelligence police department just as her Dr. Tem­ agency within the British government. perance "Tempe" Brennan is (1997- Having ranked high on an Interpol 2006). Brennan is an expert scientist "most-wanted" list, Dillon was taken who is called by public agencies to de­ into custody by other British agents termine the classifications of recovered who recognized and needed his partic­ skeletal remains, to assist local police, ular skills. Realizing that cooperation and to bring closure to human death. was a better option than incarceration Throughout the series Brennan has en­ or execution, Dillon neutralizes such counters with outlaw bikers, military threats to world order as neo-Nazism, misconduct in Guatemala, religious oil cartels, and alliances between Irish zealots, burking for illegal organ har­ nationalists and a Russian mafia. Hig­ vesting, and is the conflicted prize of gins' continued popularity is measured competition between another dyad of by new book sales and library usage. alpha males. Reichs' popularity as an author is further reflected in the fact Oliver North's Peter Newman that a popular television series called Oliver North's military and govern- Bones is based on the Tempe Brennan mental careers are matters of record, role. 42 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

There are many other thematically­ tributive justice, corrective/substantive similar series books which could have justice, commutative justice, procedural been used, it is certain readers are fa­ justice, and vigilante justice which re­ miliar with them, and are encouraged ceive special attention. These are pre­ to conduct other investigations of them sented in summary fashion, followed in order to extend the ideas presented by their entrepreneurial roles, and are here. It is now time though to move for­ subsequently combined for application ward with and offer necessary informa­ to this article. tion about social justice and its players as they are portrayed in more than one Distributive Justice hundred popular series novels. Pollock defines distributive justice as being concerned with "allocation of SOCIAL JUSTICE: TYPES AND the goods and burdens of society to ENTREPRENEURIAL ROLES its respective members." (1994:50) In other words, it represents an effort to Social justice is a complex matter "level the playing field" ensuring that with several tandem conflicts. It has an all people have fair or equal opportu­ ideal and an actuality. It is a process nities to participate in a competitive and a product. It is something which is society. A generous extension of the achieved and is missed. It is revered thought means that people, groups, or and is reviled. It is static and is dynam­ organizations which have unfair or un­ ic. It has real-life drama and is por­ equal advantages, and abuse them, trayed in fictional form. Its co-existent should be reduced in stature and divisions may work against each other. power. Their protections and rewards Justice also has diverse shapes and need to be re-allocated or re-distribu­ goals in the same way it contains duali­ ted to others in order to prevent feudal ties. This section of the article presents monopolies or controlling groups from those ideal forms and the roles of mor­ hurting others who are not similarly al entrepreneurs within them. Such in­ favored. formation is provided in order to show how each of the series' main charac­ Corrective/Substantive Justice ters fit into our justice system, even if Corrective justice is concerned with such placements exists only in the the distribution of punishment or the combined imaginations of creative nov­ principle of "just desserts" in the tradi­ elists and their eager audiences. tion of classical criminology (Pollock 1994:50). Its cousin substantive justice Types of Justice has the presumptive definition that pro- Scholars have long been interested cedural findings are based on such i- in the forms and functions of justice. deals as fairness, equality, and impar- Such writers as Cahn (1968), Montada tiality during investigative processes (2001 ), O'Connor (2004 ), and Pollock (Cahn 1968). Disciplinary and proba­ (1994) have sifted through much litera- tive activities are to be conducted with ture and have categorized justice into the utmost discretion and made avail­ its several ideal varieties to include dis- able for public scrutiny. 43 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Commutative Justice that which it has been unable to do on According to Pollock commutative its own. justice is associated with transactions Case studies of public lynchings, for and interchanges in society when one example, have often been used to person feels unfairly treated ... for ex­ create our images of its enactment. ample, when one is cheated in a busi­ While case studies are always signifi­ ness deal or when a contract is not cant, they are limited in their abilities to completed (1994:50). That is, a busi­ explain wide-ranging causal variables, ness arrangement has "gone south" or and a number of questions illustrate formal arrangements between parties this concern: With what types of justice are not fully completed, so arbitrated are vigilantes concerned? Have legisla­ conclusions are reached. tors made the wrong laws and punish­ ments? Have police failed to protect Procedural Justice society? Have judges and juries made Cahn and Montada agree that pro­ the wrong decisions? Are certain cedural justice is a complex set of ac­ groups of people criminal solely be­ tivities which are instituted to guaran­ cause of membership? Are vigilantes tee that justice is fulfilled within social concerned with what might happen to and legal parameters of confidence. them? What are the moral foundations To be "legal" here means that discov­ for their actions? Each of these ques­ ery methods, testimony, and evidence tions has unique answers but the ability are used in strict legislated manners in to generalize beyond identified circum­ antagonistic settings. To be "antagon­ stances is specious. Besides, as is ar­ istic" here means that contending or gued, a certain amount of self-appoint­ competitive parties have the right to ed law enforcement is a necessary confront each other in open and public ingredient for fictional reality's enforce­ settings; they have equal access to all ment of justice. testimony and evidence; they are giv­ The types of justice presented here en fair opportunities to present their do not stand purely as abstractions. respective points of view; and binding They have ingredients, and the most decisions will be made by impartial notable of them is that they are com­ third-party observers. prised of people whose responsibilities are to make sure that justice happens. Vigilante Justice Broadly defined, these actors are Vigilante justice has been romanti­ called moral entrepreneurs. cized throughout mass media history; has almost always been portrayed in a JUSTICE'S MORAL negative vein; and is apparently lacking ENTREPRENEURS a wide knowledge base. A commonly­ held definition about vigilantism is that Becker (1963) provided us with the people take the law into their own term "moral entrepreneur" that repre­ hands (O'Connor 2004:1) as they skirt sents a person who has an active and the law or try to accomplish for the law a devoted interest in the direction of moral stability within a population. He 44 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

refined this classification to include does it with such zeal that social and several specific occupations which legal tolerances are stretched to their dutifully enact their moral nets (Davis fullest extent. The rule abuser be- and Stasz 1990) upon a community. comes a de facto or a de Jure vigilante, Rule creators, or rule makers, are but with righteous intentions and some legislators who create laws for people, legal backing. and these guidelines are intended to The third entrepreneurial role reflect the interests of the common stands by itself: The rule breaker is good. Rule enforcers are the policing someone who violates the standards agents who oversee the actions of of acceptable social behavior. This people to determine if their behaviors person has an alternative and person­ seem to be in accord with the rules alized moral vision which is innovative which have been imposed upon them. in nature (Merton 1968), but is cur­ Without deconstructing the scholar­ tailed by rule creators, rule enforcers, ship of Becker, O'Sullivan (1994) fur­ rule interpreters, and some rule users. ther enlarged moral entrepreneurial­ Those approved and licensed entre­ ism by identifying the rule interpret­ preneurial statuses and roles are de­ ers. These people sit in antagonistic signed to prevent the deviant or crim­ settings listening to ideological and inal enactment of individualized ethics. substantive debates, and then deter­ Now that the ideal forms of justice mine the course of justice's differential and their entrepreneurial occupations distribution. Occupations in this status have been established, it is time to may be of a full-time nature such as continue discussions about the por­ sitting judges or part-time jurors, both trayal of justice in series novels by re­ of whom are empowered to make per prising the series' main characters oc­ case decisions about the applicability cupational roles, identifying the types of laws and challenges of wrong­ of justices with which they are con­ doing. cerned, and appraising their entrepre­ Three more entrepreneurial status­ neurial roles. In most cases, the illus­ es are offered- two of which were cre- trations will be combined due to simi- ated for this use, and the third has an larities of occupational roles, but there obvious presence. Rule users are ex- will be a singular analysis. emplified by attorneys who represent both sides in a litigious setting, repre­ BOOKS' CHARACTERS, JUSTICES senting the accusers and someone be­ AND ENTREPRENEURIAL ROLES ing accused. They use the same laws, the same evidence, the same testimo- The numerous serial novels written nies, and the same rubrics of presen- by the nine authors were read in pre­ tation and decorum, but for different paration for this article. Time is now purposes. They are commonly called taken to share findings about how prosecutors and defense attorneys. Anna Pigeon, Samantha Kincaid, Dave Another entrepreneurial category is the Robicheaux, Kay Scarpetta, Stephanie rule abuser as someone who is em- Plum, Kinsey Millhone, Sean Dillon, powered to enforce the law but who Peter Newman, and Tempe Brennan fit 45 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

into the justice system based on their she follows the rules. The duties of occupations and entrepreneurial obli­ Dave Robicheaux are also magnified gations. but he has issues with authoritative guidelines. He was excused from duty Anna Pigeon and Dave Robicheaux in the New Orleans Police Department Anna Pigeon and Dave Robicheaux because of his unorthodox methods. are both cops, but with different juris­ During his employment in Iberia Parish, dictions. Anna Pigeon is a law enforce­ he is fired several times because those ment ranger within the national park methods have stayed with him, and he system and the tracts in which she is re-hired because those methods are serves. She is a federal officer, but effective nonetheless. Even though does not have the wider scope of auth­ Robicheaux is an entrepreneurial rule ority which other national, state, or enforcer because of his vocation, he county agencies have. With regard to can legitimately be called a rule abuser her job description, her duty was to re­ as well. He fights crime with equal port her findings to local authority, turn force and tenacity, going so far beyond over anything she had, be available for some moral inhibitions that he recog­ interviewing should they deem neces­ nizes his own vigilantism. " ... I couldn't sary, then butt out and be a private be mad at Clete. He was the first per­ citizen. (Barr 1999:253), but that would son to whom I always took my prob­ create boring books. lems, and in truth his violence, reck­ Dave Robicheaux's provincial re­ lessness, and vigilantism were simply sponsibility is technically limited to the other side of my own personality." Iberia Parish, Louisiana. Nevertheless, (J.L. Burke 2005:45). he boldly takes his criminal investiga­ His unconventional, but effective tions into other parishes or into other methods have resulted in a checkered cities like Baton Rouge and New Or­ career, but he has found the perfect leans, even without appropriate invita­ and like-minded partner to assist him. tions or notifications. Clete Purce! is now a licensed bail Pigeon and Robicheaux are rule en­ bond officer and private investigator so forcers who fight rule breakers in their he can cross jurisdictional boundaries territories so they are both involved in with impunity in the course of duty procedural justice. They are legally en­ which Robicheaux cannot do. As such, titled to investigate crimes, gather evi­ they often work together to commit dence and testimony, and make their mayhem and wreak havoc on bad allegations available to prosecutorial guys. Their commonality extends be­ officials. While murder is usually the yond the professional realm because crime which prompts their involvement they love each other, but not in an un­ it is often just the crime de jour prompt­ healthy way. Robicheaux and Purcell ing Pigeon and Robicheaux to delve speak of their bond as: "The Bobbsey more deeply for root causes in their Twins from Homicide ride again" (J.L. pursuits for distributive justice. Burke 2006:223); 'The Bobbsey Twins The role of Anna Pigeon is exagger­ from Homicide are forever" (J.L. Burke ated in order to make good stories, but 46 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

2006:253); and "The Bobbsey Twins other people to do their work. While from Homicide stomp ass and take Plum is technically a rule enforcer names and are here to stay, big mon." under these circumstances, her work is (J.L. Burke 2006:354) really more of a vigilante nature, but It was stated earlier that Dave Robi­ with the consent of police officers. cheaux could be called a liberation the­ Humor is added and she is woven ologist for reasons the readers of this into complex webs with clients. She article can discern for themselves. The tries to track them and apprehend same label could be attached to Anna them, but since they feel unjustly Pigeon for the equal reason: They hate abused by the legal system, they vent injustice and want to stop it. their frustrations on Plum by tracking her and specifically targeting her cars. Stephanie Plum and Kinsey Millhone Some people might call the frequent Stephanie Plum describes her job in destruction of her cars as symbolic simple terms: "I enforce bail bond re­ death or rape, but an average reader of quirements. That's the extent of my this popular form of "beach reading" authority." (Evanovich 2004:62) Kinsey might not be so inclined. The police of­ Millhone makes similar statements: ficers with whom she has frequent con­ "Cops have some leverage. A Pl has tact take unprecedented joy in her bad none." (Grafton 1987:113), and "I may luck because it only strengthens their be a licensed Pl, but that cuts no ice belief that law enforcement should be with local law enforcement. The quick­ left to the professionals rather than with est way to alienate the cops is to tramp amateurs. on their turf." (Grafton 2005:272). As a former police officer, Millhone Bounty hunters and private investiga­ would have learned one immutable tors have limited enforcement duty, but fact: The public is obliged to pay atten­ Evanovich and Grafton have created tion to the police and their question­ fake police officers to attract attentive ings. The public is under no obligation, audiences. however, to pay any consideration to Stephanie Plum's job is to track bail the work of private investigators who skippers, take them into custody, and have no official rule-enforcement pow­ remand them to the court so that dis- er. Such a detail neither disturbs Mill- positions of their cases can occur. Her hone's self-image nor does it interrupt job, then, is basically involved with cor- her work which has a definite vigilante rective justice because her clients have quality to it in that she does for the po­ broken some law and she ensures lice that which they have been unable appearances in court. Her clients, how- to do for themselves. ever, feel as if they have been unjustly The crusty police officers with whom accused. They have gotten a "bum she has contact view private detectives rap," so they are recipients of com- as intruders who would question their mutative justice. skills and interfere with their work. Mill- Bounty hunting, or skip tracing, is hone walks a tightrope in her dealings actually the duty of police departments, with them. The police can provide offi­ but they eschew it, voluntarily licensing cial information on an "off the record" 47 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

basis, can provide her with certain le­ justice by preventing abusive reigns of gal protection and assistance, but they power. One of the several objectives in are not required to "serve and protect" the Dillon stories is to deter the nasti­ her in any way which is different from ness of Hitlerian Germany from renew­ other citizens. ing its place in history, and other recur­ If Millhone only investigated insur­ ring stories address his efforts to pre­ ance claims and did not get involved in vent a single family from gaining a crimefighting then Grafton's writing ca­ stranglehold on worldwide petroleum reer would likely have been short-lived. distribution. Newman's goals are to The vigilante nature of Millhone's work prevent nuclear terrorism from the use has ensured that Grafton will continue of so-called clean and dirty nuclear de­ her series, to such an extent that real­ vices, to preserve secret communica­ life police have enlisted Grafton to pub­ tions systems from general use, and to licize information about a case which extinguish political and military sources remains unsolved, thus affirming the and abuses of power. The Dillon books belief in the viability of fictional reality. are likely to continue with emergent characters, but the Newman story may Sean Dillon and Peter Newman have reached its inevitable conclusion. Dillon and Newman are the most notable vigilantes of the nine series' Tempe Brennan and Kay Scarpetta major characters. Neither of them car- At this time the moral entrepre­ ries a badge, and while Newman's neurial positions of these investigators career in the military does involve pro- are inconclusive. Their jobs place them tecting national security, his duties on the same side of the law. They are exceed normal responsibilities. Both not policing rule enforcers even though men are employed by special agencies both of them work with police depart- of their respective governments, but ments. They are not rule interpreters those agencies would disavow their ac- who make critical decisions but offer tions if caught, leaving Dillon and New- professional expertise and opinions as man to fend for themselves -Splinter needed. They are not rule abusers who Cell-style (Michaels 2004)- if captured manipulate laws for outcome advan­ or identified as outlaws. Newman's ten- tage, but their testimonies and opinions uous legal status is particularly evident are intended to affect rule interpreters. in the third book because there he They are not rule creators who make operates under auspices of a Presi- laws, but their opinions may affect the dentially-appointed star chamber to mi- laws which legislators enact. They are tigate certain nuclear and human high- not vigilantes who work outside the law value targets because the normal rules but passionately fulfill their public duty against assassination no longer apply; alongside the police. They are both but the cabal's constitutional authority guided by the rigors of forensic and is as suspect as his protected rights. anatomic sciences which their jobs Although the operatives have differ- require, just as they are led by human ent immediate imperatives, they are decency which their subjects deserve. both working to preserve distributive They work within the combined realms 48 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

of procedural justice and corrective/ requires a moral vision which contra­ substantive justice helping to solve dicts Kincaid's. Even so, the inimical crimes so that the dead can be treated jobs of prosecuting and defending honorably and the rule breakers can be attorneys require that they present their punished, accordingly. cases before sundry rule interpreters Eight of the nine series portrayals who make the ultimate decisions about have been discussed in tandem due to the directions which justice takes. Kin­ the similarities of occupations and caid directly addresses this entrepre­ entrepreneurial roles. The last book neurial triad. character, Samantha Kincaid, needs to Once a conviction is obtained be discussed separately. either by verdict or plea­ sentencing should be easy. Samantha Kincaid Defense counsel says his Kincaid's philosophy about appre­ thing, I say mine; judge does hending and punishing the "bad guys" what he wants is no different from the moralities of her (A. Burke 2005:214). fellow series' stars, but her entrepre- neurial status is beyond doubt. She is a Kincaid's occupation represents rule user who is positioned on the clear examples of entrepreneurial inter- prosecutorial sides of corrective/sub- action and the mingling of justices stantive justice and procedural justice which can be shown with Venn dia- whose litigious occupation places her grams: They overlap, invading the in complex relationships with other mo- boundaries of each other. Those amal- ral entrepreneurs. Kincaid and rule en- gamations can also be exemplified forcers work on the same side of the through emergence of a new popular law for similar purposes, but there are culture term co-opetition. This word times when the two occupations have was first noticed during the broadcast ideological and pragmatic differences of a NASCAR race and it refers to the of opinion. friendly competition between racecar Prosecutors and police officers are drivers. All of them want to win, but supposed to work as a team to defend sometimes they will help team mem- citizens from criminals. Sometimes po- bers or friends, all rivals, obtain an ad- lice officers become corrupted, abuse vantage on the track. Kincaid and other the law and civic responsibility, testi-lie moral entrepreneurs want to win, but (A Burke 2005: 138), or take others into sometimes they must relinquish a custody in order to detract attention particular advantage in order for justice from themselves. They have become to prevail. rule abusers and it is Kincaid's duty to Whether or not the nine authors are investigate them and prosecute them specifically familiar with the sociological just as she would any other rule and popular culture expressions used breaker. here is speculative. It is noted, though, As a prosecuting attorney Kincaid's that they are familiar with the concepts obligations stand in opposition to de- behind the terms, and such compre- fense attorneys whose rule user job hension has made all of them comer- 49 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

cially successful. Their achievements qualitative and humanistic approach to may also be founded upon an empa­ social population research which al­ thetic and experiential "been there, lows us to envision the daily activities done that" empiricism, which now of subjects, described by them, and deserves attention. interpreted by specialists. In pure ethnography, the researcher SOCIAL SCIENCES AND uses the voices of insiders to tell the FICTIONAL REALITY peoples' stories using the perspective of the third-person singular or plural as The ability to create compelling sto­ the Yanomamo ... , the Danis ... , or the ries requires an active imagination, of Swazi ... for example. A variation of course. Plots must be credible. Char- ethnography is autoethnography acters must seem like people whom wherein the researcher describes life the readers would know. Places and as seen by the combined points of view events may be easily identified. Many provided by the first-person and third­ of the data contained in fictional reality person singular as "I-the-hunter," "!­ can be acquired through traditional lib­ the-biker," or "I-the-stripper," for exam­ rary research methods. Many feel, ple. Because the researcher has however, that a good story is ultimately unique experiences as everyone else dependent on the author's life. The does, the analyst becomes the object writer is so intimately familiar with the and the subject of investigation as storyline, the people who are por­ O'Sullivan (2002) showed in his article trayed, and the places that are visited, about industrial labor-management that the written word and the written conflict. world are merely extensions of the Autoethnography allows the writer writer's self. This point is substantiated to describe and interpret that which is with discussions about research meth­ seen personally. It is a life-story ap­ ods in cultural anthropology and socio­ proach which is useful for some types logy with their relevance to recreational of social research, but that term is too literature. arcane for this project, so that meth­ odological term is replaced with near­ ETHNOGRAPHY,AUTO­ autobiography for several reasons. ETHNOGRAPHY, AND NEAR­ None of the authors' books are declar­ AUTOBIOGRAPHY ative accounts about their lives. Simi­ larly, they do not combine the first-and Ethnography is the field methodo- third-person voices as in, for example, logy of cultural anthropology. Based on "I-the-lawyer". Their stories are near­ the work of embedded researchers, it autobiographies written with prosaic allows us to view the lifestyles of and fact-based qualities which support populations with which most of us this research, as is paraphrased from would not be familiar were it not for Roberts (2000:306). George and Louise Spindler's Case The novelist eases into the story Studies in Cultural Anthropology from because it is a familiar one. The main Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. It is a person portrayed is someone whom 50 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

the author knows intimately as are the Nevada Barr secondary characters. The author's ex­ Anna Pigeon is a direct reflection of periences, feelings, and beliefs are her creator. Both are (or have been) transferred to the readers via the story­ law enforcement rangers in their for­ line and the people in it. ties. Both have a sister named Molly. People whom the novelists know Both fled the big city in favor of the Na­ are renamed or become combined por­ tional Park Service (Davies 2004:3). trayals. Community names or locale Barr has served as a ranger in at least names may be changed, but they may two of our national parks: Track of the retain their familiar identities. Local Cat (1993) takes place in the Guada­ economies and political currents, as lupe Mountains National Park in Texas; well as global economies and geopoli­ then Deep South (2000) and Hunting tics, serve as infrastructures for the Season (2002) occur along the Natch­ books. The author's hometown, favor­ ez Trace in Southern Mississippi. ite cuisine, subcultural lingo, commun­ Barr was apparently introduced to ity patois, and local atmosphere be­ the National Park Service as an occu­ come those of the lead character pation because her first husband was whose sense of justice appears to re­ involved with the agency's responsibil­ flect that of the author. The writer's life ity, and that alignment " ... raised Barr's story becomes the biography of the interest in conservation and wildlife" protagonist. The novelist is embedded (Davies 2004:1 ), which are endemic in a private domain and chooses to portions of her plots. If she has not make it public province with fictional served as a ranger in the other books, and not-so-fictional stories woven into it seems fairly obvious that she has the fabric of fictional reality. visited them extensively; just as she has provided us with sufficient amounts WHO WAS WHERE AND of information in the ACKNOWLEDG­ WHAT DID THEY DO? MENTS sections to let us know that she has done her homework. Seven of the authors have personal stories which made them especially Alafair Burke qualified to create their novels, their The real Alafair Burke was named characters, and provide sufficient foun­ after her great-grandmother, raised in dation material to make their yarns southern Louisiana, attended Reed seem believable. Information about the College and law school at Stanford writers was obtained from several sour­ University, became a public prosecutor ces which include dust-jacket bio­ in Portland, Oregon, took a staff posi­ b/urbs, the writers' Internet home page tion teaching law at Hofstra University, sites, Wikipedia listings, and email and became a novelist like her dad. communications with two of the writers. The fictional Alafair Robicheaux was These novelists are discussed in al­ saved from drowning in a plane crash, phabetic order, concluding with Kathy was adopted by Dave Robicheaux, and Reichs who seems to have written four attended Reed College and law school, of her novels just for use here. before becoming a public prosecutor in 51 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Portland, Oregon (J.L. Burke 2005). coastal Louisiana and Texas. Jim told The real Alafair's father writes about a me that both he and Robicheaux were sheriffs detective, while her fictional well aware of the dangers of alcohol "daughter" Samantha Kincaid has a abuse, and they take appropriate steps dad who is a retired police officer. With to avoid those dangers. Burke vowed such information, it is easy to identify Robicheaux was not his reincarnation, Samantha Kincaid's ancestry. She is a but instead reflected more of an experi­ descendent of three Alafairs, as Alafair ential self who shared many of the Samantha Burke has confirmed with same emotions and morals as he did. me: Her dad's maternal grandmother Robicheaux's father was an alco­ Alafair Holland Benbow, Alafair Burke, holic and Robicheaux is a recovering and Alafair Robicheaux. one. Robicheaux, like Burke, was Burke's ability to write keenly and raised in the Deep South gulf coast knowledgeably is due to the fact that region. Both men love bayou country she can use the voice of an occupa­ and balk at people who would abuse it. tional insider. A prosecuting attorney Robicheaux has held many jobs like who regularly interacts with other rule his creator, and one of those occupa­ users, rule enforcers, rule interpreters, tions was board-road construction, or rule breakers, and rule abusers is in an oilfield "swamping," for heavy vehicles ideal position to portray the backstage which I did once between semesters. It arena of negotiation in pursuit of jus­ was hard, dirty, dangerous, and low­ tice. A prosecuting attorney has an alli­ paying work. Burke and Robicheaux ance with the local morality of a com­ both live in Iberia Parish, have munity (O'Sullivan 1994) to pursue jus­ daughters named Alafair, and ponder tice for the greater good of all- to nab the strengths and frailties of human criminals even if they are local officials, nature and our system of justice. to debate with defense attorneys, and Throughout the series there are to sway the opinions of judges and several themes which are intense juries. A prosecutor-turned-novelist can issues for Burke and Robicheaux. They create vivid images of investigations, are environmentalists committed to interrogations, and degradation cere­ protecting coastal wetlands. They both monies. A prosecutor turned-novelist disdain the persistent antebellum two­ who is the daughter of an accom­ caste system wherein the artistocracy plished writer can learn much at home. or aristocrat wannabes abuse the masses at will. As such, the writer and James Lee Burke his creation are both champions for the As the author of fifteen Dave Robi- underdogs. Burke and Robicheaux are cheaux books, two other shorter series, also keenly aware of the effects of and several stand-alone novels, Burke alcoholism and the nature of Louisiana has received numerous literary awards. politics. Alcoholism and sobriety com- He was born in Houston, Texas and pete for one's self-esteem, self-image, after many jobs settled into writing as a and self-portrayal in opposing ways. career. He is intimately familiar with the Robicheaux admits that sobriety and fragile and fruitful environment of stupors can be equally scary and tenu- 52 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ous places when he states that "[f]or Robicheaux and his quests for justice. the recovering alcoholic introspection There are more than enough allusions and solitude are the perfect combina­ and proverbs in the books, though, to tion for a dry drunk" (J.L. Burke 2005: suggest that the mirroring is substan­ 29). tial. Readers would like to learn more, Similarly, but for now must wait until the next There is no possession more chapter in his life is published. valuable than a sober sunrise, and any drunk who demands Patricia Cornwell more out of life than that will Patricia Cornwell has written sev­ probably not have it. eral non-fiction books (1991-2005) as (J.L. Burke 2006:60) well as two series of novels, from which the Kay Scarpetta stories were Louisiana politics has had a notori­ chosen for use here. To date, there are ous reputation from the days preceding fourteen books about the life and work Huey Long to the modern era. Political of the now-former Chief Medical Exam­ positioning is not so much of a job or a iner for the Commonwealth of Virginia. public service as it is engrained life­ Cornwell is a novelist, not a medical style, especially when it takes place doctor, so Scarpetta is not the writer's south of Baton Rouge and Interstate reincarnation. The series is loaded with 10. It seems to be reserved for people vivid descriptions of autopsies, forensic who would sell their souls and morality, methods of investigation, and the we/­ then skew justice and the state for per­ tanschaung of crusty and seasoned sonal privileges and stations of power police officers, such as Scarpetta's de­ as Robicheaux muses on this condi­ dicated friend Pete Marino which were tion. produced by a good imagination and The person who believes he related research. can rise to a position of wealth Cornwell is often credited for her and power in the state of Loui­ accuracy and expertise, an expertise siana and not do business acquired by working at the Virginia with the devil probably knows Chief Medical Examiner's office, where nothing about the devil and she witnessed hundreds of autopsies. even less about Louisiana. Cornwell also worked for three years (J.L. Burke 2005:95) as a Voluntary Police Officer and would often work the arduous midnight shift. Throughout the series, and espe­ She has undertaken intensive training cially in Pegasus Descending (J.L. at the FBI Academy in Quantico, Burke 2006:66-67), we read of the Virginia, and has run the 'Yellow Brick corruption existing between politics, Road', a grueling obstacle course for crime, avarice, vice, and justice turned recruits ... (Rabago n.d. 1 ). upside down which Robicheaux abhors To that end, Cornwell speaks of yet faces as a cop. herself: I do not know how much of James It is important for me to live in Lee Burke is actually reflected in Dave the world I write about. .. If I 53 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

want a character do or know ern Europe during the cold something, I want to do or war. Subsequently, he was a know the same thing. circus roustabout, a factory (Cornwell 2005b). worker, a truck driver, and a laborer before entering college Whether or not the stories are at age twenty-seven. He has based on actual or composite cases is degrees in sociology, social a matter of conjecture. There is, how­ psychology, and economics ever, a consistent rumor that one of her from the University of London, recurring villains is similar to an actual and a doctorate in Media from serial killer, but Cornwell has never Leeds Metropolitan University. verified that suggestion (Rabago n.d.: 1-2). Higgins seems to be a man of many Cornwell's popularity as a storyteller talents, several of which have pro­ is evident by her wide audience, and minent places in his books. He is an she has earned numerous awards from accomplished scuba diver and there mystery writers' associations. The bio­ are several occasions in the stories blurb data from her book Trace where Dillon uses that skill to his (Cornwell 2004) also indicate that she advantage. Higgins, a former soldier, has helped establish the Virginia Insti­ would be knowledgeable about guns tute of Forensic Science and Medicine, and ballistics, as is Dillon. There is the first forensic training facility of its though another major element of kind in the nation, and serves as the Higgins' background which he uses to lnstitute's Chairman of the Board. good advantage in the series. It would seem then that Cornwell is Dillon is " ... a walking contradiction - an avid student of writing and science, warm and humorous, yet he kills at the allowing her to combine fact and fiction drop of a hat" (Higgins 2005:17). Dillon into enjoyable formats. is a hired gun who is paid to support social movements, but he is most pro­ Jack Higgins minently known in the series as a for­ Jack Higgins is one of the pen mer IRA terrorist who once plotted an names used by Harry Patterson (Wiki­ unsuccessful assassination of a pop­ pedia 2005a), but the readership world ular British Prime Minister. Higgins' has become more comfortable with the background naturally led to the crea­ pseudonym. His most recent book tion of Dillon through his formative Without Mercy (2005) contains the years in Northern Ireland where he wit­ following bio-blurb statement. nessed the effects and the tactics of Higgins, who lived in Belfast urban and freedom terrorism. In the until he was twelve, had sev­ beginning of the series there was no eral close calls with bombs love lost between Dillon and anglo­ and gunfire at an early age. philes, but he was persuaded to think After leaving school at fifteen, otherwise and uses his crafts to strike he served three years with the against anyone who poses a threat to Royal Horse Guards in East- international political and economic 54 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

stability- even against his former IRA correspondent and military analyst for associates. When international terror­ a mass media network. ists or worldwide gangsters hurt his There are many allegations about friends, he executes a dark combina­ covert operations in which Lt. Col. tion of distributive and corrective justi­ North had either been a participant or ces upon them because that is his job. an architect, but I am not positioned to At the same time, he exacts an even either substantiate them or refute them. darker and merciless vigilante justice I feel that it would be safe to assume upon those enemies due to deep loyal­ though that Lt. Col. North was aware of ty to his friends. the kinds of operations in which Peter Higgins and Dillon are worldly and Newman was engaged, so the fictional savvy men whose practical under­ U.S. Marine and his work may also be standings of geopolitics and global composite constructions. economics extend far beyond theore­ There is another element in the tical understanding. Both men are also lives of Lt. Col. North and now General students of history in that two of the Newman wherein art reflects reality. books in the Dillon series address the Biographical data state that Oliver possible revival of Nazism, and one of North was raised as a Roman Catholic these recalls Martin Bormann's escape but now participates in evangelical from Germany at the end of World War Christian activities (Wikipedia 2005b). II. Dillon's failed assassination effort is Newman's Christian wife and their based on an actual attempt on the life combined beliefs and work in Christian of former Prime Minister John Major. outreach programs became important Given all that, I wonder what Higgins' elements as the series progressed in at classes were like when he taught, and least two integrated ways: Religious am I especially curious about how conflict is an endemic ingredient to many of his world views on social international terrorism, and potential justice are projected in Sean Dillon? harm to his family supercedes New­ They are probably substantial. man's loyalty to country. Newman's senses of national loyalty and preferred Oliver North forms of justice may be cautiously The American public was first intro­ inferred, but I am better able to guess duced to Lt. Colonel Oliver North, at North's by simply looking at his mili­ U.S.M.C. during the televised debates tary education, his length of military on congressional inquiries into the Iran­ duty, and the oath to which military Contra Affair during the presidency of people give allegiance. All U.S. military Ronald W. Reagan. We were told that personnel, officers and enlisted pledge Lt. Col. North, a graduate of the U.S. to defend their country against all Naval Academy at Annapolis, Mary­ enemies foreign and domestic. Oliver land, had served in Viet Nam and in North and Peter Newman were so other global hot-spots, and was a mili­ sworn and they did so in reality and in tary and intelligence advisor in Wash­ fiction. ington, D.C. He now serves as a war

55 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Dr. Kathy Reichs gations during the daytime, and at Dr. Kathy Reichs has her Ph.D. in night she writes a series of crime­ physical anthropology from Northwest­ inspired novels starring Kathy Reichs. ern University; she teaches at the Uni­ Reichs invented Brennan, then Bren­ versity of North Carolina-Charlotte; is a nan invented Reichs in a manner which certified forensic Anthropologist; works is reminiscent of Samantha Kincaid's for the Office of the Chief Medical ancestry. Examiner for the State of North Carolina and for the Laboratoire de Commentary Sciences Judiciares et de Medicine Samuel Pepys (b1633-d1703) was Legale for the Province of Quebec; is a renowned public servant, chrono­ an executive for the Board of Directors grapher and diarist who recorded his­ of the American Academy of forensic tory as it was happening and life as he Sciences; and is a popular novelist. It viewed it (Wikipedia 2005c). Had he is relatively easy to surmise that the life written novels, I foresee they would of Tempe Brennan imitates that of have been epochal and Dickensian. Kathy Reichs as Reichs tells us in her Instead, he wrote a diary dedicated to own words. the patterns of his life. In some ways, At the end of several books the seven near-autobiographical au­ Bare Bones (2003:305-306), Monday thors identified in this section wrote in a Mourning (2004:301-303), Cross Pepysian diarist tradition. The novelists Bones (2005:349-351 ), and Break No substituted themselves with surrogate Bones (2006:335-337) we read sec­ portrayals in a variety of occupational tions called "From the Forensic Files of roles to signify how social justice could, Kathy Reichs" in which she identifies and perhaps should, happen. One the means by which she became in­ could imagine that Pepys would have volved in investigations which resulted liked the several authors addressed in those books. She states: "For legal here, especially those who projected and ethical reasons I cannot discuss themselves into their fictional realities. any of the real-life cases that may have inspired [my books], but I can share CONCLUSION with you some experiences that contributed to the plot[s]." (2003:305; Reading novels gives the readers 2004:301) and then outlines the opportunities to suspend personal dis­ stories' developments. belief in the falsity of the stories. We It is evident to many other readers treat the plots as possible for reasons that Kathy Reichs can write about the of entertainment and recreation. The work and the adventures of Tempe ability to create a series of novels is Brennan with full experiential authority, dependent on the writer's skills to have and there is an interesting reversal of the characters change and to create roles in the television series Bones new plots, and this may mean the sto­ which is based on Reichs' books. ries contain more than a little near- Tempe Brennan, the lead character in autobiographical reasoning: The writer the show, engages in forensic investi- addresses subjects, people, and pla- 56 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ces which are familiar by mingling notion that the American public has fiction and reality into plausible plans. significant emotional concerns about The purpose in writing this article our system of social justice which does was to show how successful blends not meet our expectations. We want between fact and fiction happened in good guys to win, bad guys to lose, the series novels from nine different and justice to prevail; but all too often authors. The novelists portrayed peo­ our ideals are left unfulfilled, leaving us ple in diverse entrepreneurial roles saddened, in despair, and untrusting. whose personal moralities and job As a possible means of abating our responsibilities required that they ad­ worries novelists have identified the dress wrongful behavior and the ad­ taproots of that disquietude and they ministration of justice in different ways. have created likeable rule users, rule Two of the series' people were law enforcers, rule abusers, rule interpret­ enforcement agents. Two of the series' ters, rule breakers, and vigilantes who people were engaged in work adjacent satisfy our social ideals, at least in our to formal law enforcement. Two of the imaginations. The authors have done series' people were involved in forensic so through creative combinations of in "clearing" a crime. fiction and fact, yet when all is said and When arrests are made, or when done, fictional reality depends on wob­ rule breakers are terminated, the story, bling for its very existence. It is that the book, and our investment have wobbling beyond known data, that cre­ ultimately reached "THE END." Crimes ative combination of fiction and fact, cleared or tyrants vanquished denote which keeps the reader's imagination prima facie evidence that justice has and quizzical nature begging for more been fulfilled and our thirsts are fictional reality. quenched; not in real life, of course, but only in our imaginations created for ENDNOTE our entertainment by novelists of fic­ tional reality. In The Historian, a recent Series of related interest which and popular novel about Dracula, the were not included are: The Jack author writes that " ... the line between Ryan books written by Tom Clancy, literature and history is often a wob­ and the NetForce, Op-Center, Pow­ bling one (Kostova 2005:27 4 ), which er Plays, and Splinter Cell series was later rephrased as "what can you created by Clancy; the investiga­ expect. .. when historians begin using tions of Dr. Alex Delaware, psycho­ their imaginations" (Kostova 2005: logist-detective, by Jonathan Keller­ 384 ). While these thoughts are ex­ man; the wanderings of "insurance pressed in a novel about a search to investigator" Travis McGee penned separate the historical Dracula from by John D. McDonald; the Jack Au­ impressionistic versions of the person, brey "Master and Commander" na­ the same can be said about the por­ val series by Patrick O'Brian; Sara trayal of justice in crime and intrigue Paretsky's Chicago-based detective novels. V.L. Warshawski; James Patter­ This article is premised on the son's Dr. Alex Cross as detective- 57 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

psychologist; and the comedic-mys­ ------. 1990. A Morning for Flamingoes. tery books starring Bubbles Yablon­ Boston: Little Brown. sky as a beautician-turned-reporter ------. 1992. A Stained White Radiance. which were written by Sarah Stroh­ NY: Hyperion. meyer and inspired by Janet Evano­ ------. 1993. In the Electric Mist with vich. Confederate Dead. NY: Hyperion. ------. 1994. Dixie City Jam. NY: References Hyperion. 1995. Burning Angel. NY: Barr, N. 1993. Track of the Cat. NY: St. Hyperion. Martin's. ------1996. Cadillac Jukebox. NY: ------. 1994. A Superior Death. NY: Put- Hyperion. nam. 1998. Sunset Limited. NY: ------. 1995. Ill Wind. NY: Putnam. Doubleday. ------. 1996. Firestorm. NY: Putnam. ------. 2000. Purple Cane Road. NY: ------. 1997. Endangered Species. NY: Random House. Putnam. ------. 2002. Jolie Blon's Bounce. NY: ------. 1998. Blind Species. NY: Put­ Simon and Schuster. nam. ------. 2003. Last Car to Elysian Fields. ------. 1999. Liberty Falling. NY: Put- NY: Simon and Schuster. nam. ------. 2004. In the Moon of Red Ponies. ------. 2000. Deep South. NY: Putnam. NY: Simon and Schuster. ------. 2001. Blood Lure. NY: Putnam. ------. 2005. Crosses to Bear. NY: ------. 2002. Hunting Season. NY: Put- Simon and Schuster. nam. ------. 2006. Pegasus Descending. NY: ------. 2003. Flashback. NY: Putnam. Simon and Schuster. ------. 2004. High Country. NY: Putnam. Cahn, E. 1968. "Justice." Pp. 341-347 ------. 2005. Hard Truth. NY: Putnam. in D.L. Sills ed. International Ency­ Becker, H.S. 1963. Outsiders. NY: clopedia of the Social Sciences 8. Free Press. NY: MacMillan. Brown, S. 1997. Fat Tuesday. NY: Cornwell, P. 1991a. Postmortem. NY: Warner Books. Scribners. Burke, A. 2002. Judgment Calls. NY: ------. 1991b. Body of Evidence. NY: Henry Holt. Scribners. ------. 2004. Missing Justice. NY: Henry ------. 1992. All that Remains. NY: Holt. Scribners. ------. 2005. Close Case. NY: Henry ------. 1993. Cruel and Unusual. NY: Holt. Scribners. Burke, J.L. 1987. The Neon Rain. NY: ------. 1994. The Body Farm. NY: Henry Holt. Scribners. ------. 1988. Heaven's Prisoner. NY: ------. 1995. From Potter's Field. NY: Henry Holt. Putnam. ------. 1989. Black Cherry Blues. NY: ------. 1996. Cause of Death. NY: Boston: Little Brown. Putnam. 58 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

------. 1997. Unnatural Exposure. NY: ------. 1985. B is for Burglar. NY: Henry Putnam. Holt. ------. 1998. Point of Origin. NY: Put­ ------. 1986. C is for Corpse. NY: Henry nam. Holt. ------. 1999. Black Notice. NY: Putnam. ------. 1987. D is for Deadbeat. NY: ------. 2002. The Last Precinct. NY: Put- Henry Holt. nam. ------. 1988. E is for Evidence. NY: ------. 2003. Blow Fly. NY: Putnam. Henry Holt. ------. 2004. Trace. NY: Putnam. ------. 1989. Fis for Fugitive. NY: Henry ------. 2005a. Predator. NY: Putnam. Holt. ------. 2005b. Patricia Cornwell. Re------. 1990. G is for Gumshoe. NY: trieved from http://www.patricia Henry Holt. cornwell.com. ------. 1991. H is for Homicide. NY: Davies, J.M. 2004. Nevada Barr. Henry Holt. Retrieved from http://olemiss.edu/ ------. 1992. I ls for Innocent. NY: Henry dets/english//ms-writers/d ir/barr_ Holt. nevada. ------. 1993. J is for Judgment. NY: Episcopal Church, The. 1979. Book of Henry Holt. Common Prayer. NY: Seabury. ------. 1994. K is for Killer. NY: Henry Evanovich, J. 1994. One for the Holt. Money. NY: Martin's. ------. 1995. L is for Lawless. NY: Henry ------. 1996. Two for the Dough. NY: St. Holt. Martin's. ------. 1996. Mis for Malice. NY: Henry ------. 1997. Three to Get Deadly. NY: Holt. St. Martin's. ------. 1998. N is for Noose. NY: Henry ------. 1998. Four to Score. NY: St. Mar- Holt. tin's. ------. 1999. 0 is for Outlaw. NY: Henry ------. 1999. High Five. NY: St. Martin's. Holt. ------. 2000. Hot Six. NY: St. Martin's. ------. 2001. P is for Peril. NY: Henry ------. 2001. Seven Up. NY: St. Mar- Holt. tin's. ------. 2002. Q is for Quarry. NY: Henry ------. 2002. Hard Eight. NY: St. Mar­ Holt. tin's. ------. 2004. R is for Ricochet. NY: ------. 2003. To the Nines. NY: St. Mar­ Henry Holt. tin's. ------. 2005. Sis for Silence. NY: Henry ------. 2004. Ten Big Ones. NY: St. Holt. Martin's. Higgins, J. 1992. Eye of the Storm. NY: ------. 2005. Eleven on Top. NY: St. Putnam. Martin's. ------. 1993. Thunder Point. NY: Put­ ------. 2006. Twelve Sharp. NY: St. nam. Martin's. ------. 1994. On Dangerous Ground. Grafton, S. 1983. A is for Alibi. NY: NY: Putnam. Henry Holt. ------. 1995. Angel of Death. NY: Put- nam. 59 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

------. 1996. Drink with the Devil. NY: ------. 2002. "Voluntary Serfdom: An Putnam. Ideological Journey into Dual-class ------. 1997. The President's Daughter. Labor Conflicts and Possible NY: Putnam. Workers' Solutions." Free Inquiry in 1998. The White House Creative Sociology 30: 119-133. Connection. NY: Putnam. Pollock, J.M. 1994. Ethics in Crime and ------. 2000. Day of Reckoning. NY: Justice. (2nd ed.) Belmont, CA: Putnam. Wadsworth. ------. 2001. Edge of Danger. NY: Put­ Rabago, S. n.d. Patricia Cornwell Phe­ nam. nomenal Women. Retrieved from ------. 2002. Midnight Runner. NY: Put­ http:llwww.phenomenalwomen. nam. com/showcase/writinglshelli_rabago ------. 2003. Bad Company. NY: Put­ .htm. nam. Reichs, K. 1997. Deja Dead. NY: Scrib­ ------. 2004. Dark Justice. NY: Putnam. ners. ------. 2005. Without Mercy. NY: Put------. 1999. Death Du Jour. NY: Scrib­ nam. ners. Kostova, E. 2005. The Historian. NY: ------. 2000. Deadly Decisions. NY: Little Brown. Scribners. Merton, R.K. 1968. Social Theory and ------. 2001. Fatal Voyage. NY: Scrib­ Social Structure. NY: MacMillan. ners. Michaels, D. 2004. Splinter Cell. NY: ------. 2002. Grave Secrets. NY: Scrib­ Berkley Books. ners. Montada, L. 2001. "Justice and its ------. 2003. Bare Bones. NY: Scrib­ Many Faces: Cultural Concerns." ners. Pp. 8037-8042 in N.J. Smelser and ------. 2004. Monday Mourning. NY: P.B. Baltes eds. International Ency­ Scribners. clopedia of the Social and Behav­ ------. 2005. Cross Bones. NY: Scrib­ ioral Sciences 12. NY: Elsevier. ners. North, 0. and J. Musser. 2000. Mission ------. 2006. Break No Bones. NY: Compromised. Nashville: Broadman Scribners. and Holman. Roberts, N. 2000. Carolina Moon. NY: ------. 2003. The Jericho Sanction. Putnam. Nashville: Broadman and Holman. ------. 2004. Northern Lights. NY: Put­ ------. 2005. The Assassins. Nashville: nam. Broadman and Holman. Robin, J. 2005. War of Eagles. NY: O'Connor, T. 2004. "Vigilantism, Vigil­ Berkley Books. ante Justice and Victim Self-Help." Wikipedia. 2005a. Jack Higgins. Re­ Retrieved from http://faculty.newc. trieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/ edu/toconnor/200/300lect1 O.htm. wiki/Jack _ Higgins. O'Sullivan, R.G. 1994. "Moral Entrepre­ ------. 2005b. Oliver North. Retrieved neurs, Local Morality, and Labeling from http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oli Processes." Free Inquiry in Creative ver_North. Sociology 22:73-77. 60 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

------. 2005c. Samuel Pepys. Retrieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sa muel_Pepys.

Moving Beyond Borders Julian Samora and the Establishment of Latino Studies Edited by Alberto Lopez , Barbara Driscoll de Alvarado, and Carmen Samora ISBN 978-0252076565

The lifework of a pioneering scholar and leader in Latino studies.

Moving Beyond Borders examines the life and accomplishments of Julian Samora, the first Mexican American sociologist in the United States and the founding father of the discipline of Latino studies. Detailing his distinguished career at the University of Notre Dame from 1959 to 1984, the book documents the history of the Mexican American Graduate Studies program that Samora established at Notre Dame and traces his influence on the evolution of border studies, Chicano studies, and Mexican American studies.

Samara's groundbreaking ideas opened the way for Latinos to understand and study themselves intellectually and politically, to analyze the complex relationships between Mexicans and Mexican Americans, to study Mexican immigration, and to ready the United States for the reality of Latinos as the fastest growing minority in the nation. In addition to his scholarly and pedagogical impact, his leadership in the struggle for civil rights was a testament to the power of community action and perseverance. Focusing on Samara's teaching, mentoring, research, and institution-building strategies, Moving Beyond Borders explores the legacies, challenges, and future of ethnic studies in United States higher education.

Contributors are Teresita E. Aguilar, Jorge A. Bustamante, Gilberto Cardenas, Miguel A. Carranza, Frank M. Castillo, Anthony J. Cortese, Lydia Espinosa Crafton, Barbara Driscoll de Alvarado, Herman Gallegos, Phillip Gallegos, Jose R. Hinojosa, Delfina Landeros, Paul Lopez, Sergio X. Madrigal, Ken Martinez, Vilma Martinez, Alberto Mata, Amelia M. Munoz, Richard A. Navarro, Jesus "Chuy" Negrete, Alberto Lopez Pulido, Julie Leininger Pycior, Olga Villa Parra, Ricardo Parra, , Victor Rios, Marcos Ronquillo, Rene Rosenbaum, Carmen Samora, Rudy Sandoval, Alfredo Rodriguez Santos, and Ciro Sepulveda.

61 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

SOCIAL VARIANCE AS IT EXISTS BETWEEN CONFORMITY AND DEVIANCE: FOLLOWING SOME ADVICE FROM OGBURN*

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL

Abstract The purpose of this article is to introduce social variance as the "stuff'' that exists between conformity and deviance in modern sociology. We often over­ emphasize the either-or qualities of conformity and deviance, presuming that nothing lies between them. A foot-long ruler is not intended to look at O or 12 on a stick, so why do we do that very thing? By borrowing generously from novels, distance measurements and art, social variance represents aberrations from conformity and from deviance as a new subject in a discipline which has been dedicated to traditional definitions, dualisms, and labeling theory. *Originally printed in Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 2007 35(1).

"No one Sampson or I spoke to that "[Joan had] read about religious morning had seen anything out of the fanatics who fondled snakes, but a ordinary around Sojourner Truth turtle fixation was borderline deviant" School. We heard the usual com­ (Carl Hiaasen, Lucky You 1997). plaints about drug pushers, the zombie-like crackheads, the prossies "As a civilization, through who work on Eighth Street, the consensus, we agree on what is growing number of gang bangers ... But normal, but this consensus is as nothing out of the usual" wide as a river, not as narrow as (James Patterson, Jack & Ji/11996). the high wire above a big top" (Dean Koontz, Life Expectancy 2004 ). "We were discussing duels and when they were, by general consent, " ... no venal or meretricious enterprise permissible when they were existed without a community's universally condemned and when they consent" (James Lee Burke, were absolutely required" Jolie Blon's Bounce 2002). (Patrick O'Brian, The Truelove 1992). "Something can be legal but not moral" (Steve Perry, Cybernation 2001 ).

"It all simply comes down to good guys and bad guys" (Jimmy Buffett, A Salty Piece of Land 2004).

62 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

INTRODUCING SOCIAL open and unattended activities which VARIANCE were once considered to be unaccept­ ing, but are now commonplace. Steve Novelists often exist on the Perry, a writer for the Tom Clancy-cre­ periphery of core social institutions ated NetForce series, informs us that (Steward 1955) as one type of periph­ legally-accepted behaviors do not al­ eral activist, writing stories containing ways meet the ethical ideals of a com­ ideas about key social and sociologi­ munity: A city in central Illinois, for cal issues, like conformity and devi­ example, is the location of a famous ance, in ways that audiences can ac­ adult night club, a strip joint, which cess and understand, easily. Singer­ was once featured on a Donahue tele­ songwriter-novelist-actor Jimmy Buffet vision episode. Finally, Carl Hiaasen, writes that we often dichotomize social who usually writes comic tales about phenomena for reasons of conve­ ecological and exile politics in south­ nience, comprehension, and clarity, ern Florida, reminds us that even mild­ and some of those visions can serve ly deviant behavior can have limited as bases for social labeling. James social tolerance. Lee Burke, author of the popular Dave These authors are, of course, nov­ Robicheaux detective/mystery series, elists with much literary license who reminds us that communities often are not required to cite data and permit an illegal activity, such as pro­ sources, so we should not treat them stitution, to exist because it is deemed authoritatively. Still, they identify col­ useful, just as poverty and unem­ lectively a triptych of key themes in ployment have been called functional sociology. It is often difficult to have (Gans 1971 ). Dean Koontz states that unequivocal definitions for conformity in a pluralistic society consensus of and deviance and their applications; opinion regarding social morality may we often think in oppositional frames be difficult to achieve. Some conduct of reference; and we do love our la­ codes are designed with broad para­ bels. Consequently, we can no longer meters of application, resulting in mul­ subscribe to conformity and deviance tiple reactions and sanctions which are as depicted in the following way: differentially enforced. Patrick O'Brian Conformity------Deviance author of the Jack Aubrey "Master and Commander" naval series, confirms Instead, we could think about the that norms are not universal, needing range of tolerance for both conformity to be seen in cultural context which and deviance as being extremely fluid, Konty (2007) calls defining deviance existing on sliding scales, in the "sideways" because " ... rules are not following visual manners. evenly distributed with and across Conformity-----"7Deviance societies ... " Konty (2006:630). Detec­ Conformityf------Deviance tive Alex Cross, created by James Patterson, confirms that citizens and There is, though, yet another way public officials have become inured to to visualize the issues of conformity

63 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

and deviance because they, and peo­ tients, seeing a therapist, between ples' responses to them, are not al­ jobs right now, or work-release con­ ways what they seem to be. victs like many of my fellow workers; Mathematicians use rulers to mea­ and Chamblis (1973) wonders how the sure the infinite number of discrete community's people would really view distances between O and 12 on a foot­ the Saints if their actual delinquency long stick. The end points are used was known, just as he wonders wheth­ only as places of reference. Artists, in er or not the Roughnecks could have similar fashion, do not rely solely on actually been assigned grades higher the primary colors of red, blue, and than "Cs?" yellow in their creations. They blend Much of instructional sociology is them, varying the originals, making an dedicated to "buzz word" approaches, endless array of hues. Moralists and encumbered by ideal types and dual­ sociologists, however, may not yet istic reasoning, and bound to shop­ have reached this same level of prag­ worn illustrations for the phenomena matic sophistication because that we study. Instead, we need to provide which is "right" and "wrong," "normal" students and ourselves with oppor­ and "abnormal," "approved" and "dis­ tunities and accreditation to play with approved," conformity" and "deviance," new approaches, thinking "outside the "good guys" and bad guys," "criminals" box," relying on non-traditional sour­ and "non-criminals," and "legal" and "il­ ces of inspiration and sponsorship of legal" are ideologically charged ideas new research, and there is a sociolo­ sitting at opposite ends of scales of gical precedent for such an approach. propriety as ideal types. Actual illus­ It was Ogburn (1930) who said that we trations of them exist somewhere should sometimes leave the labor­ between the opposites, as can be atory, refresh ourselves, and return to shown visually work renewed. It can be tempting to Conformity"7 Variance~ Deviance look at the word with myopic vision reality as seen through sociology The term social variance is intro­ rather than reality through the eyes of duced here as that which exists some­ others. Those "others" such as novel­ where between the polarized ideas of ists, have made their own observa­ conformity and deviance. This new tions which are often molded into their term was created to reflect a wide stories. Even though such thoughts range of illustrative legal-but-not totally are not framed in sociological para­ acceptable, illegal-but-not-totally-unac­ digms, and even though they are pre­ ceptable, once stigmatized-but-now­ sented to a reading public in recrea­ defined down, as well as the quirky/ tional formats, they should not be de­ odd/idiosyncratic/unusual/strange be­ nied by sociologists; instead, those i­ haviors which exist in a community. deas can be embraced by us as points There are often lingering questions of of departure for research, and this doubt, for example, when others tell us type of foundation has already been that they are ex-convicts, recovering used. alcoholics/addicts, former mental pa- O'Sullivan (2002) discussed his 64 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

paradigm shift to an appreciation for quires dynamic and venturesome ex­ the conflict approach as he reflected plorations, not static convenience. As upon his occupational move into a Konty (2006) argues, we have arrived private factory environment. In partial at a threshold in the history of confor­ support of his epiphany he cited mity-deviance studies. We must stay numerous bodies of recreational litera­ true to such notable scholars as Beck­ ture that depicted the presence of er (1963) and Goffman (1963), but we dualistic class structures in diverse must also strike out in new directions places and times, even though the cri­ of study. We can do all of this by look­ teria for membership in the upper- and ing critically at our terminologies, re­ lower-classes varied considerably. evaluating how we envision the sub­ O'Sullivan neither validated nor vilified ject matter, looking at our labeling pro­ the oppositional classes he encoun­ cess, and by creating new methods of tered in his reading, nor did he attempt study which would include alternative to deconstruct or subvert them by foundations for research. questioning their moral hierarchies. Now that the term and the bases Instead, he used them to better for social variance have been intro­ understand the types of arguments duced and visually signified, there is that conflict theorists use in their dia­ need to explain the expression's logues about social disharmony. Simi­ origin. There are three. larly, this study makes no efforts to support or deny the foundations for EXPLAINING THE ORIGINS OF social norms, the inherent tension be­ SOCIAL VARIANCE tween conformity and deviance, or the justification for the labels of conform­ Several tasks need to be complet­ ist or deviant. They are beyond the ed in order to successfully explain the scope of this piece as it is based on origins and utility of the new term. public sentiment expressed in litera­ First, there is a need to talk about the ture, which can give us the opportuni­ fact that the multiplicity of norms in our ty to remove ourselves from Ogburn's society makes it almost impossible to "laboratories," to venture into new ar­ have moral constancy upon which any eas of exploration and explanation, interpretations of conformity and devi­ making sociology a more comprehen­ ance are based. Second, there is a sive, interesting, accurate, up-to-date, need to review strengths and weak­ and grounded activity. nesses about dualistic reasoning in If we never extended ourselves be­ order to show how its use can hamper yond ideal types, never used our ex­ thinking about anything between con­ periences as the bases for research, formity and deviance. Third, and last, and relied only on existing data, repli­ labeling theory, in the broadest sense, cations, and previous questions and will be discussed to show how deviant explanations then our discipline would behavior labels, or stigmas, have never have grown; and if we do not fostered traditional thinking; and to delve into new realms of curiosity it will show how deviancy has been defined grow no further. Our discipline re- down, and up, at least in terms of 65 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 labeling while the original forces which social sanctions applied which are created the labels remain with us. intended to serve as specific punish­ ments for offenders and as warnings Social Variance Founded in Social to would-be offenders. However, our Norms legal system is complicated and diver­ Introductory textbooks in sociology sified consisting of civil and criminal have a chapter dedicated to the sub­ statutes, state and federal jurisdic­ ject of social deviance which usually tions, canonical laws and the military's defines it as behavior patterns which Uniform Code of Military Justice violate social norms. Those same text­ (UCMJ), all having unique responses. books also contain a chapter which is For example, the violation of certain concerned with the subject matter of canonical laws and UCMJ codes are culture which identifies prevalent types handled internally, without civilian of norms in a people's lifestyle, and responses, but when criminal codes that list of norms is usually comprised are violated by church members or of folkways and mores, but may also when military personnel violate com­ include laws and social institutions. munity standards, civil proceedings Socialization into a culture involves the may result. internalization of those social norms in Norms, especially laws, are com­ order to do that which is desired, plex things, requiring collective agree­ necessary, and normal. Conformity is ments based on shared ethics or mor­ expected and deviance is not, but may als, constructed consistency, applica­ be normal, so deviance receives the tions, enforcement, interpretation, ad­ disproportional amount of social atten­ judication, and consequences. At the tion and ethical condemnation. Those very least they require several occu­ norms need to be reviewed in order to pational statuses and roles as Becker see how both conformity and deviance (1963), Weber (1967), Reid (1991 ), may be more fleeting than rock-solid. and O'Sullivan (1994, 2006) have Folkways, mores, and laws exist for shown, whose occupants are specifi­ different reasons, have different con­ cally authorized to create, enforce, structions and are enforced differently. and interpret rules of conduct as they Folkways refer to behaviors which are encounter formal disputes. There are asked to be followed for reasons of others, outside officialdom, who also courtesy and respect, and if they are have vested interests in the moral­ violated the person may be considered legal well-being of a community and to be rude and impolite, but not likely may lack legal franchise, but they can to be formally and publicly sanctioned. be more influential than powerful. Mores are more important expecta­ Symbolic crusaders (Becker 1963; tions because they have societal sur­ Weitzer 2006) are mobilized against vival built into them, as in social insti­ something broadly-defined as sinful or tutions; but they also exist to protect harmful, as shown in the temperance individual rights, dignity, and property. movement (Gusfield 1963) or in the Laws are codified norms, put into movement against prostitution (Weit­ statute forms with formal negative zer 2006). The crusaders often have a 66 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

religious foundation to their beliefs and point. Heyl (1979), Reiss (1987) and activities, a moral righteousness, but Calhoun (1992) all studied the subcul­ lack the formal ability to impose their tural world of prostitution which exists wills and beliefs upon others. To repair as a criminal offense in most locales. that deficiency they may align them­ These three writers, however, have selves with those who do, forming shown that there are strict guidelines alliances against something which to be followed by participants. In none becomes morally and legally harmful, of their works was it shown that the now enforceable. sale of sex was a matter of personal So when textbooks state that devi­ promiscuity, but rather it represented a ance is defined as rule-breaking be­ job or a matter of economic need. havior, there is a gross over-simplifica­ Similarly, F.D. O'Sullivan (1928:271- tion of complex issues which should 274) and Stark (1987) agreed that cer­ spawn many questions that are related tain elements of disorganized urban to the concerns of Chambliss and zones tended to be breeding grounds Mankoff (1976) when they asked for juvenile delinquency. For example, "Whose Law, What Order?" An addi­ in subterranean subcultures the incar­ tional list of questions includes: What ceration of youths for their offenses is types of norms? What are the morali­ more common than not, and tends to ties behind those norms? Who made enhance further deviant behavior due the norms? Who is evaluating the be­ to labeling and learning effects (Tan­ havior? Who is enforcing the norms? nenbaum 1939; F.D. O'Sullivan 1928). Are conformists obliged or merely In such ecologies as these, deviant invited to follow the rules? Does the behavior may be more a matter of pre­ person who is evaluating, or attempt­ dictable normalcy than an abnormality, ing to enforce conduct norms have the as such sociologists as Durkheim authority to do so? When we talk (1938), Moynihan (1993), and Hender­ about deviance, are we talking about shott (2002) as well as novelists all wrongful behavior or that which Burke, Patterson, and Hiaasen would seems to violate those mores and likely agree. The questions "What is laws which reinforce each other? What normal?" and "What is abnormal?" can are the rewards for conformity, or are no longer be answered easily. they just the absence of punishments? In an important discussion about Are these questions meaningful to rural-urban studies, Dewey (1960) rule-breakers, or only to us as we pon­ stated that the referent points on a der them? continuum need to be clearly articu­ Conformity and deviance are not lated to make analyses viable; if those defined simply, and the problem of points are phrased in ambiguity then assignment becomes even more com­ there may be need for abandonment plex when we discuss the presence of of study or re-clarification of termino­ groups, subcultures, and/or counter­ logy. That which was true then applies cultures. Conformity to one set of to discussions about a conformity­ norms may actually violate another, deviance scale as well. If the defini­ and two sets of examples illustrate this tions for conformity and deviance do 67 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

not clearly identify which types of ments. Proscriptive norms are prohibit­ norms elicit conformity or deviance, tive thou shalt not dictates. If we follow then we need to rework our explana­ these commands by doing what we tions. Currently, their definitional bas­ are supposed to do, or by avoiding es are squishy, or tenuous, at best so actions which are forbidden, we are, at we need to revise them and consider least at face value, conforming. If, the utility of an in-between concept however, we fail to do as we are told, such as :,ocial variance, and continue or if we engage in taboo acts, we are to explore its second explanation of engaging in some form of social devi­ origin. ance if the norms and the acts are strictly defined as being opposites. Social Variance Founded in With only a few notable exceptions Dualistic Reasoning such as the terms suburban, urban, The history of sociology is full of and exurban discussed in relation to a oppositional categorizations including rural-urban division, there are no inter­ types of groups, relationships between stitial typologies between oppositional people, social organization, societal categories as gray is a blend of black systems, and other social forms which and white. To suggest that only ex­ are too numerous to discuss and tremes exist is to commit a dualistic unnecessary here. There are also fallacy of reasoning under the pre­ several substantive discussions in sumption that extreme ends are per­ sociology which pertain directly to fectly constructed, always applicable, dualistic reasoning about conformity and lacking ambiguity. Such issues as and deviance. We have, for example, hot or cold or fast and slow can have dialogues about the normal and the quantified variances, but such con­ pathological from Durkeim (1938). cerns as prescriptive and proscriptive Lemert (1951) taught us about primary norms, conformity and deviance, and deviance and secondary deviance; conformists and deviants are so load­ Chambliss (1973) introduced us to the ed with moral and political positioning Saints and the Roughnecks; and from that absolutist interpretations are prob­ Becker (1963), we have a two-dimen­ lematic, further contributing to a fallacy sional look at conduct and social reac­ of reasoning. ion to it. He talks to us about rule-abid­ This analytic error has special rele­ ing and rule-breaking behaviors, and vance when used in discussions about then about acts that are not perceived criminal or delinquent acts, those la­ as being deviant and those which are. beled as criminal or delinquent, and Furthering previous discussions about three case studies centering on the types of norms there are two which reactions of various moral entrepre­ deserve special attention, and they are neurs are used in illustration. Psycho­ prescriptive norms and proscriptive logist Mike Roberts, who worked with norms. the San Jose, CA Police Department, Prescriptive norms remind us of the reported that police officers divided the need to engage in certain forms of world into two distinct categories of behavior as thou shalt types of state- people, "assholes and cops" (Meredith 68 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

1984:22). Chambliss (1972) reported and conclude that there are no such the police and the Roughnecks were things as absolute versions of confor­ always in a state of conflict, but the mity and deviance, but only conducts police often viewed the Saints' acts of which exist somewhere on various delinquency as just "sowing wild oats." conformity-deviance continuua that There is yet a third case study elicit diverse reactions from observers. illustrating the necessity for a middle­ Social variance is not an attempt to ground social variance, and that in­ undermine or trivialize our understand­ volved high-profile "celebrity justice" ings of norms and the social opposites trials which took place in two of Cali­ of conformity and deviance. Instead, it fornia's court systems. The athlete­ enhances them by adding another ele­ actor O.J. Simpson was accused of ment and reaction to them. Unfortu­ murdering his ex-wife and an ac­ nately, the actual expression social quaintance of hers. The American variance and the subsequent term public, a labeling body, was split in its social variant contain some ambiguity, opinions about Simpson's criminal also due to fluidity of any existing status, but the public was not his crimi­ definitions from which they can be nal court jury which officially deter­ derived. Nonetheless, the new term mined that Simpson needed to be ac­ gives us another opportunity to think quitted on both charges, and he was. critically about the over-simplified way Thinking dualistically, he was not a we have traditionally treated the sub­ criminal and wrongfully accused. jects of conformity and deviance. Nov­ Later, in civil proceedings against him elists recognize this deficiency so it is that used different criteria for jury time for us to do the same. decisions, Simpson was found to be The first section of explanation for responsible for the two deaths and the use of the term social variance was held accountable to the victims' stated that the presence of so many surviving families. types of norms makes it difficult to Two separate and legitimate court have universal visions of conformity systems placed Simpson at opposite and deviance. The second section, ends of a spectrum simultaneously. illustrated with the O.J. Simpson case, Unless a person is straddling a state affirmed that dualistic thinking may be line border, with one foot on each out-of-place in our understandings of state, it is fairly impossible to be in two conformity and deviance. It is now places at once. Once again, Dewey is time to take a look at the labeling used to assess the possibility of over­ approach in sociology to see why the lapping traits. expression was created. Dewey (1960:65) stated: "[t]here is no such thing as urban culture or rural Social Variance Founded in Social culture but only various culture con­ Labeling tents somewhere on the rural-urban So, where are all the old "bad continuum." When we look at the mul­ guys," (Buffett 2004 ), " ... drug push­ titude of conduct norms and their ap­ ers... crackheads... prossies, [and) plications we can paraphrase Dewey gangbangers" (Patterson 1996), the 69 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

"genetically deficient numskull" (Hiaa­ for participants, such as the old CO­ sen 2006), and "Nuts, Sluts, and YOTE organization of prostitutes has Perverts" (Lazlos 1985)? They are still done for people in the sex-for-sale in­ here, but they are now identified and dustries. Those same groups also rally perceived differently. to the support of other stigmatized Social labels, such as stigmas for groups to increase public awareness deviant behavior and halos for con­ with facts rather than impresssions. forming behavior are convenient de­ Popular culture media fare show vices for us. They are founded in per­ that people who were once stigma­ sonal or collective moralities, help us tized are now normalized and human­ to define who we are and what we ized- shown to be just like the rest of believe, and they help us to distinguish us. In some cases, the deviant be­ between insiders and outsiders so we haviors are so commonplace that pub­ can separate ourselves from those lic officials and police do not have re­ who do not act or believe as we do. sources, time or energy to curb them, People with authority use labels, peo­ consigning them a tacit legitimacy. ple with influence use them, and peo­ While Hendershott (2002) would argue ple who have no recognized authority making the abnormal normal is due to or influence use them so frequently moral decay, the effect of such chan­ and casually that it is difficult to deter­ ges is that the behaviors and the peo­ mine whether or not the labels are jus­ ple who engage in them are no longer tified; and that is a significant problem considered so deviant, better under­ when discussing the subjects of con­ stood, and thereby needing a new formity and deviance. place on the old conformity-deviance Whether or not we accept Moyni­ scale. The behaviors are not gone, but han's 1973 thesis that we are defining our reactions to them have been deviancy down, Karmen's 1994 criti­ modified, perhaps to a variant status. cism of Moynihan's premise, including Over the past several decades, the idea that we are defining deviance there has been a specifically identi­ up (Adler and Adler 2008; Karmen fiable social movement which aided in 1994 ), is a personal choice. The fact the de-stigmatization process, remov­ remains though that many old orienta­ ing responsibility from the actor, and tions toward deviance and stigmatiza­ that explanation is the medicalization tion, as well as toward conformity and of deviance (Davis 2006; Hafferty the halo effect, are changing. We are 2006). This controversial approach is no longer limited to old visions as we based on the idea that medical have been, and there are several pos­ professionals and medical scientists sible causes for these paradigm shifts are strategically and advantageously in the American public. placed to use their expertise in diagno­ Once-stigmatized groups have be­ sis and treatment of some forms of come more publicly open in displays of deviance, treating them as medical their lifestyles, perhaps lobbying for rather than social issues. For example, new laws protecting them against dis­ Davis (2006:59) cites findings indicat­ crimination. Some provide assistance ing that such concerns as lunacy, de- 70 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 generacy, sin, and poverty have been calization which reflect upon discus­ defined as illnesses in need of appro­ sions presented earlier in this article. priate social policies, programs, and The first concerns the problem of monies, to "treat" them, as we take whether or not medical practitioners or doses of medicine for certain types of medical scientists have the right, ex­ illnesses. In the same manner, homo­ pertise, or authority to serve as social sexuality and alcoholism are now engineers who can define what society identified as having biological bases needs, which actions are "good" or so individuals may no longer be ac­ "bad" and how "bad" acts or "bad" cused of choice/habit based behavior people can be treated or cured? Since or differential socialization. Novelist studies in social deviance are also Sarah Strohmeyer addresses our studies in social power, we must recall obsession with "treatment" drugs in the two questions of Chambliss and one of her romantic comedy books Mankoff (1976), and their subsequent about Bubbles Yablonsky -hairdresser derivatives. The answers may be elu­ and reporter. sive and not held by all. I considered all the possibilities The next concern revolves around that could be damning: drugs to the perception that something was treat depression, drugs to re­ missing from the works of Davis and of duce the severity of mental ill­ Hafferty, and that something is a spe­ nesses like schizophrenia and cific and a general theoretical defici­ frightening diseases such as ency. If deviance can be defined in cancer. There were drugs to medicalized and directional terms, treat impotence, embarrassing then conformity should be explained foot odor, uncontrollable flatu­ similarly, but is not. Medicalization lence, kleptomania, rampant cannot explain conformity, nor can this swearing, homicidal and suicidal approach explain how a person's tendencies, menopausal hot "backstage" behavior is deviant while flashes and ravenous food crav­ public demeanor seems in accord with ings (Strohmeyer 2006:280). a group's wishes. Can "bad genes" or the absence of a "scruples gene" Extending this thought, can we explain corporate executives' uses of treat such norm violations as failure to slick accounting methods to steal get an education, failure to vote, fail­ megabucks from unsuspecting stock­ ure to shake hands with glove re­ holders and company employees? moved, failure to help senior citizens Fortunately we have a long explan­ cross streets safely, failure to say "par­ atory history which has tackled such don me" when we sneeze in crowds, critical issues as the origins and ampli­ or, as happened to me in the Army, fication of conduct norms (Buckley failure to remove a cigarette from my 1967; Quinney 1970); the possible re­ mouth as I saluted an officer, as mala­ sults of labeling (Becker 1963; Goff­ dies which can be treated with "won­ man 1963; Lemert 1951; Tannenbaum der drugs?" 1938); as well as the role of differential There are serious issues with medi- opportunity and its directional influ- 71 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ence (Cloward and Ohlin 1960). Differ­ labeling as novelists have already ent types of personal epiphanies are shown is possible. documented by Denzin (1989) and by O'Sullivan (1999), and by combining DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION them with symbolic renunciations (Lambert and Lambert 1964), we can In a perfect world, all of our norms envision how volitional changes in are clearly defined, applied, and have peoples' life can occur such as transi­ equal consequences, but such is not tions from lifestyles of alcohol abuse the case as novelists clearly show to or sinfulness to ones of sobriety or sal­ readerships wider than sociology's au­ vation (Denzin 1986, 1987; O'Sullivan diences. Novelists are not required to 1999). We can also rely on discus­ collect data as they begin their stories, sions of a thrill-seeking element in per­ but they may use them, and public sonality theory (Farley 1986); the im­ perceptions, as they depict discrepan­ pact of such values as attachment, cies between the ideal and the real. commitment, involvement, and beliefs Conformity and deviance are crea­ in a conformity-deviance configuration ted in the very process of norm con­ (Hirschi 1969) and the possibility of struction which dictate what we should lifestyle drift (Matza 1964 ). The para­ and should not do. If we adhere to digm of adaptation to social goals and norms of conformity, we are called their means of achievement (Merton conformists, and if we violate them, we 1967) is a sociological staple, just as are called deviants or worse. There analyses of differential association and are so many formal and casual norms role learning (Sutherland and Cressey covering so many areas of jurisdiction 1978) are required reading for us. that is impossible to identify them all, Finally we have the presence of sub­ and more are constructed every day in terranean values (Matza and Sykes various legislatures. Further, not all of 1961) which might explain corporate them are of equal consequence, so leaders' fiduciary greed and criminal there will be differential responses to activity. Collectively, these other ex­ them, as is the case of sanctions planations attend to many of the is­ applied to misdemeanor criminal of­ sues about conformity and deviance fenses compared to those for felony which biomedical accounts cannot criminal offenses. All of this suggests accomplish alone. that our traditional orientations to con­ There is no specific theory that can formity and deviance are more flexible explain how socially-variant acts occur than customary, so there is need to nor is there any specific type of norm reassess how we view the traditional which allows us to say which acts are conformity-deviance continuum be­ indicative of social variance. Instead, cause old ideas may no longer be ap­ social variance represents a reaction plicable. Social variance is not intend­ to, and a refinement upon, traditional ed to replace our understandings a­ ways of looking at social norms, oppo­ bout conformity and deviance. Instead, sitional ways of thinking, and social it adds to them.

72 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Sociologists Adler and Adler, Kar­ Chambliss, W.J. and M. Mankoff. Eds. men, Konty, Moynihan, and Lazlos tell Whose Law. What Order? A Con­ us that the discipline and the subject flict Approach to Criminology. NY: matter of sociology are continually John Wiley and Sons. changing new paradigms are created, Cloward, R.A. and L.E. Ohlin. 1960. new areas of interest are emerging, Delinquency and Opportunity. NY: and the roles of sociologist-as-acade­ Free Press. mician, sociologist-as participant, soci­ Davis, J. 2006. "How Medicalization ologist-as-practitioner, and sociologist­ Lost its Way." Society 434:51-56. as-reporter are changing regularly. Denzin, N.K. 1986. 'The Stories Alco­ When we write that former "deviants" holics Tell: A Cultural Analysis." Pa­ are being redefined and studied anew, per presented at the Annual and when we create new ways to Meetings of the Midwest Sociologi­ assess social conformity and devi­ cal Society. Des Moines, IA. ance, we should consider ourselves as ------. 1987. The Recovering Alcoho­ being a part of the change process lic. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. and talk to our audiences about infor­ ------. 1989. Interpretive Interaction­ mation which peripheral activists ism. Newbury Park, CA: Sage already know and share with their Dewey, R. 1960. "The Rural-Urban followers. Continuum: Real But Relatively Unimportant." American Journal of References Sociology 60:60-66. Durkheim, E. 1938. Rules of the So­ Adler, P.A. and P. Adler. 2006. "The ciological Method. NY: Free Press. Deviant Society." Deviant Behavior Farley, F. 1986. "The T Factor in Per­ 30: 129-148. sonality Theory." Psychology To­ Becker, H.S. 1963. Outsiders. NY: day 20:44-50, 52. Free Press. Gans, H.J. 1971. "The Uses of Pover­ Buckley, W. 1967. Sociology and Mo­ ty: The Poor Pay All." Social Policy dern Systems Theory. Englewood Jul/Aug 20(2). Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Goffman, E. 1963. Stigma. Englewood Buffett, J. 2004. A Salty Piece of Land. Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Boston: Little Brown. Gusfield, J.R. 1963. Symbolic Cru­ Burke, J.L. 2002. Jolie Bion's Bounce. sade. Urbana, IL: University of Illi­ NY: Simon and Schuster. nois Press. Calhoun, T.C. 1992. "Male Street Pro­ Hafferty, F .W. 2006. "Medicalization stitution: Introduction Processes Reconsidered." Society 43:41-46. and Stigma Containment." Sociolo­ Hendershott, A. 2002. The Politics of gical Spectrum 33:35-52. Deviance. San Francisco: Encoun­ Chambliss, W.J. 1973. "The Saints ter Books. and the Roughnecks." Society Nov/ Heyl, B.S. 1979. The Madam as an Dec 24-31. Entrepreneur: Career Management in House Prostitution. New Bruns­ wick, NJ: Transaction Books. 73 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Hiaasen, C. 1997. Lucky You. NY: Moynihan, D.P. 1993. "Defining Devi­ Knopf. ancy Down." American Scholar ------. 2006. Nature Girl. NY: Knopf. 62:17-39. Hirschi, T. 1969. Causes of Delin­ Ogburn, W.F. 1930. "The Folkways of quency. Berkley, CA: University of a Scientific Sociology." Publications California Press. of the ASA 16: 1-11. Retrieved from Karmen, A. 1994. "Defining Deviancy http://spartan.ac.brocku.caHward/ Down: How Senator Moynihan's suplogburn1929.html. Misleading Phrase About Criminal O'Brian, P. 1992. The Truelove. NY: Justice is Rapidly Becoming Incor­ W.W. Norton. porated into Popular Culture." Jour­ O'Sullivan, F.D. 1928. Crime Detec­ nal of Criminal Justice and Popular tion: Chicago: O'Sullivan Publishing Culture 2:99-112. House. Konty, M. 2006. "Of Deviance and O'Sullivan, R.G. 1994. "Moral Entre­ Deviants." Sociological Spectrum preneurs, Local Morality, and La­ 26:621-631. beling Processes." Free Inquiry in ------. 2007. "Defining Deviance Side­ Creative Sociology 22:73-77. ways." Paper presented at the ------. 1999. "Bill W. Meets the Span­ annual meetings of the Mid-South ish Armada: Sinners' and Saints' Sociological Association, Mobile, Retold Epiphanies from A.A. to AL. Cursillo." Free Inquiry in Creative Koontz, D. 2004. Life Expectancy. NY: Sociology 27:27-33. Bantam Books. ------. 2002. "Voluntary Serfdom: An Lambert, W.W. and W.E. Lambert. Ideological Journey into Dual-class 1964. Social Psychology. Engle­ Labor Conflicts and Possible Work­ wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. ers' Solutions." Free Inquiry in Cre­ Lazies, A. 1985. 'The Poverty of the ative Sociology 30: 119-133. Sociology of Deviance: Nuts, Sluts, ------. 2006. "Fictional Reality and the and Perverts" Pp. 373-394 in Theo­ Portrayal of Justice in Modern Soci­ ries of Deviance, 3rd ed. S.H. ology and Contemporary Novels." Traub and C.B. Little, eds. Itasca, Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology IL: F.E. Peacock. 34:133-149. Lemert, E.M. 1951. Social Pathology. Patterson, J. 1996. Jack and Jill. NY: NY: McGraw-Hill. Warner Books. Matza, D. 1964. Delinquency and Drift. Perry, S. 2001. Cybernation. NY: NY: John Wiley and Sons. Berkley Book. Meridith, N. 1984. "Attacking the Roots Quinney, R. 1970. The Social Reality of Police Violence." Psychology of Crime. Boston: Little, Brown. Today 18:20-26. Reid, S.T. 1991. Crime and Crimino­ Merton, R.K. 1967. Social Theory and logy, 6th ed. NY: Holt Rinehart and Social Structure. NY: Free Press. Winston.

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Reiss, A.J. 1987. "The Social Integra­ Sutherland, E. and D.R. Cressey. tion of Peers and Queers." Pp. 352- 1978. Criminology (10th ed.). Phila­ 360 in Deviance: The lnteractionist delphia: Lippincott. Perspective (5th ed), E. Rubington Tannenbaum, F. 1938. Crime and the and M.S. Weinberg, eds. NY: Mac­ Community. NY: Columbia Univer­ Millan. sity Press. Stark, R. 1987. "Deviant Places: A Weber, M. 1967. On Law in Economy Theory of Ecology of Crime." Crim­ and Society. NY: Simon and inology 25:893-909. Schuster. Steward, J. 1955. Theory of Culture Weitzer, R. 2006. "Moral Crusade Change. Urbana, IL: University of against Prostitution." Society 43:33- Illinois Press. 38. Strohmeyer, S. 2006. Bubbles All the Way. Thorndike, ME: Center Point Publishing.

Chuck Hagel: Moving Forward By Charlyne Berens ISBN 0803210752

In late August 2004 the Republicans were celebrating the nomination of incumbent George W. Bush for another term as president of the United States. In the midst of the festivities, Chuck Hagel, a senator from Nebraska, was telling reporters that the Republican Party had come loose of its moorings. This was a bold position for someone identified by the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and Boston Globe as a prospective 2008 presidential candidate, but it was not surprising coming from a Republican senator who had also recently remarked that the occupation of Iraq was poorly planned and that it had encouraged the spread of terror cells throughout the world. Who is Chuck Hagel, what is his story, and is he a genuine player on the national political stage? Charlyne Berens sets out to answer these questions in her close and careful look at one of the most interesting and independent figures on the current American political scene.

Having survived a tour of duty in Vietnam and having made a fortune as a pioneer in the cellular phone industry, Chuck Hagel seemingly came out of nowhere to beat a popular sitting governor in a race for the U.S. Senate in 1996. Berens charts Hagel s quick rise to national recognition and influence and examines the background that has led Hagel to an outspoken internationalism that often puts him at odds with his own party and president. This complex, plain-spoken Nebraskan may be on his way to the White House. Charlyne Berens explains why CHUCK HAG(l and how.

75 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

SHAPING VISUAL SOUND: A FRIENDLY LOOK AT TOTAL INSTITUTIONS AND THEIR ROLE IN THE SUBCULTURE OF COMPETITIVE MARCHING MUSIC*

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL

Abstract Visual sound is the intricate blend of thematic music, marching, interpretive dancing, and colorful costuming that emerged in the early 1970s as modern drum and bugle corps and competitive high school marching bands engaged in field competitions against other corps and bands. The performance seasons for corps and for bands are intense, lasting only a few months, and each competi­ tion reflects a complex intersection of artistry, ambition, athleticism, and awards. This article is premised on the idea that a friendly version of total insti­ tutions is a latent development in the performance histories of drum corps and high school marching bands, and some personalized, illustrative, ethnographic, and numerical data, as well as descriptive narratives, are used to portray their emergence and role in this performance subculture. Rehearsal camps for corps and bands, and life on tour for corps, as types of controlled-movement environ­ ments, have become vital and virtual necessities for performance development and competitive success as musicians and dancers enter the fields of competi­ tion for their shows which last from ten to twelve minutes on football fields before fans, spectators, other contestants, and judges. *Originally printed in Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 2008 36(1).

INTRODUCTION mance criteria and judging standards for their respective participants. Drum Corps International (DCI) and I belonged to a small corps in its Bands of American BOA 1 are two non­ percussion/drum line, and my daugh­ profit organizations that sponsor music ter was a member of a state champi­ performance and music education in onship marching band during her four the U.S. The domain of DCI is primari­ years of high school. I have visited a ly drum and bugle corps, sometimes corps and the band while in camps; at­ simply called drum corps, whereas tended many competitions; have taken BOA works with secondary education notes regarding the music played; programs, especially high school evaluated the programs with estimated bands. The two organizations were scores and rankings; and, have com­ born at about the same time (DCI in pared my estimates against actual 1972 and BOA in 1975), have com­ programs and rankings. I am also a mon interests, and both set the perfor- sociologist who, having been in the

76 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

army, having read Goffman's Asylums tive 2007 seasons as they reflect tight­ (1961 ), and having taught in prisons, ness of life and partial registers of the found that some elements of total insti­ effects of their training schedules. tutions apply to competition seasons The two corps and the band were for drum corps and high school bands, selected as a combination of conve­ but with differences of purposes. nience, purposive, comparative, and Total institutions are usually seen biased samples. They were not cho­ as controlled-movement environments sen randomly. The Cavaliers is my fa­ that are organized for the impartial vorite drum corps, and it is a perennial treatment of their residents, with the favorite for many others. The Glass­ administration having primacy over the men was selected as a comparative individual, working to ensure that corps that is always a contending one, power differential. In contrast, the total but it rarely wins big competitions. The institution element of rehearsal camps Marching Grey Ghosts was chosen as and life on tour for corps and for bands the high school band because it is is designed to build confidence, com­ local, providing inspiration, and sever­ petence, artistic skills, stamina, and al people affiliated with it offered me pride as the performance journey their assistance and encouragement. takes place. This project reflects an Drum corps and competitive high exploration into the differences be­ school bands are not the same things, tween some traditional interpretations but are closely related, and their fea­ of total institutions with a variation of tures are generously interwoven. One them wherein enhancement of the self of their commonalities is the creation and talents, not the mortification of of a total institution-like existence for them, are focal concerns. their rehearsal and performance sea­ This study is a complex one, involv­ sons, so a discussion about total insti­ ing several overlapping and staged tutions is in order. elements. Included are discussions about total institutions as they have TOT AL INSTITUTIONS been viewed and studied traditionally; a discussion about the inspiration for Goffman did not invent total institu­ this project; a discussion about how tions; rather he outlined their special the classic era of drum and bugle features and purposes. Others, such corps evolved from its military back­ as social reformers, novelists, social ground; how that era evolved into the scientists, and film producers knew modern one of DCI and BOA; an alter­ about them long before the arrival of native look at the total institutional ele­ Goffman's book. Jeremy Bentham was ment of life for three performing units­ credited in the late 181h century with DCl's The Cavaliers from Rosemont, designing the panopticon prison where IL, its Glassmen from Toledo, OH, and inmates are constantly monitored by the Marching Grey Ghosts from Illinois guards, thereby reducing individuality Valley Central High School in Chilli­ and en-hancing depersonalization. In cothe, IL; and the performance sched­ 1862/2002, Fydor Dostoyevsky wrote ules and score data from their respect- about prison camps in Tsarist Russia 77 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

in his book House of the Dead. Sorokin (1950). Then a modern religi­ Psychologist Bruno Bettelheim wrote ous movement is viewed from a critical in 1943 about detainees' adaptive perspective and a friendlier one that is mechanisms in Holocaust-era concen­ aligned with the utility of total institu­ tration camps; in 1953 film producer tions for competitive music. Billy Wilder gave us the movie Stalag The Christian revitalization move­ 17 about conflict and turmoil in a ment called cursillo emerged in Spain Hitlerian Germany P.O.W. camp; and in the late 1940s, took root in u 1~ U.S. in 1957 actor/producer/director Jack in 1950s, and is a renewal staple for Webb released the movie The 0./. several major denominations. It has about U.S. Marine Corps boot camp at been described by Marcoux ( 1982), Parris Island, SC. We see through criticized by Dragostin (1970) and these illustrations that organizational parsed by O'Sullivan (1988, 1989, concern for control over the lives of 1997, 1999). residents or incarcerants is maximized Entry into this redemptive religious with concern for their comfort and well­ movement and non-territorial commu­ being minimalized, and this differential nity (O'Sullivan 1997) occurs during a is ensured by three dominant features sequestered three day weekend of of total institutions: (1) batch/commu­ religious education as religious seek­ nal living environments, (2) strict or­ ers (Lofland 1966) join to enhance dering of daily routines, and (3) the their senses of religious self. Its initi­ loss of individual autonomy and indi­ ates voluntarily separate themselves viduality because everyone lives their from friends and family to hear talks lives in common (Goffman). about religious piety, study, and action Total institutions exist as types of as stages of cognitive development formal organization that operate under (O'Sullivan 1988), the possible effects different philosophies and their mem­ of appropriate linguistic skills berships are filled in diverse ways. (O'Sullivan 1989), as well as personal One basic principle of management is witnessing as the telling of retold the belief that residents deserve to be epiphanies (O'Sullivan 1999). there and are threats to society, so life Sleep, meals, meetings, and group there must be harsh as punishment. discussion periods are tightly sched­ There are many survivors of prisoner uled because there is much to be of war and concentration camps who done in a short period of time that is have written about their experiences managed by gentle mentors, volun­ using the first-person voice of experi­ teers, and personal sponsors. It is this ence combined with social science. very structuring, though, that Drago­ Some of those survivors who would stin criticizes, claiming that the unsus­ confirm Goffman's study and the puni­ pecting seekers are blindsided or tive element of total institutions would lulled by the movement's bandwagon include Bettelheim, American diplomat of moral appeals that are cloaked red Alexander Dolgun (1975), Nobel Prize herrings for its forced indoctrination winner Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1973, and elitist membership, making it more 1974, 1976), and sociologists Pitirim totalitarian than humanitarian. 78 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

O'Sullivan though does not deny are made through shared preparations controlled activities are elements of as many become one. the cursillo weekend, but he feels its The shaping of skilled performers' purposes are more self-enhancing and artful field shows usually begins in re­ self-fulfilling than Dragostin contends. hearsal camps, and are often contin­ People seek the cursillo weekend so­ ued with life on the road. Both require lace to become better Christians, and participants and their chaperones to there are amiable others to guide the live closely and intimately with others, seekers in their religious journeys. sharing their daily routines. Just as Likewise, musicians and dancers join military enlistees, prison camp in­ drum corps and high school bands as mates, and cursillo initiates relinquish performance seekers to become better personal privacy and some individual­ at what they do, to learn about them­ ity for the benefit of the group, so do selves and others, and to test their corps and band members for the skills against those of other performers show, challenges and personal in competitions under the tutelage of growth, respect for self and others, the skilled mentors, volunteers, and per­ honor to have competed, and the sonal sponsors. emotional roller coasters that are felt With the advent of each new com­ during award ceremonies. The pur­ petition season corps and band direc­ pose of corps, band camps, and com­ tors must recreate their performin~ petitive touring is to enhance the skills units due to attrition from aging out , of the musicians and dancers, but graduation, or residential mobility, all some of their defining features repli­ of which require the recruitment of cate Goffman's descriptions of total new performers. For example, in 2007 institution in the modern era of com­ The Cavaliers were composed of petitive music, and that realization about 50% first-year members, and served as the basis for this article. because all positions are open every year the auditions for limited place­ INSPIRATION AND FOUNDATION ment are keen. A similar rotation occurs in high school bands because This study's inspiration and foun­ seniors graduate, others move away dation began on June 9, 2007 when I or drop out, and freshmen or other took a personal day from work and newcomers arrive. Some bands, like visited The Cavaliers in training camp corps, base membership on levels of at Eastern Illinois University (EIU) in performance proficiency while others, Charleston, IL. The corps had been like the Marching Grey Ghosts, have there for about a week, and I spent a open memberships. Regardless of lazy time at my alma mater watching how corps and bands are formed, they the corps' drills and practice sessions. are more than mere associations of That evening while attending the 2007 people who have similar interests: program's preview performance, I They gather to become members of began to wonder if an article could be performance communities wherein written about this subject. Later that pride, cohesion, and masteries of skills month, I attended the DCI Central 79 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Illinois competition at Illinois State peripheral (Steary 1955), esthetic, and University (ISU) and on the way home, "high" culture arts into stylized con­ I realized that there were several per­ tests attracting spectators and spon­ sonal, sociological, and cultural rea­ sors alike. DCI contests alone attract sons for this work. more than 400,000 people every year At the personal level it looked like (Drum Corps International 2008). Wit­ fun. I am a big fan of drum corps and ness also the currency of television's high school band field competitions, so "reality" shows that spotlight competi­ I attended many local contests as tive singing and dancing. "research". Sociologically, studies of Historically, music and art pro­ total institutions have included analy­ grams have been accorded lower sta­ ses of seclusion, supervised sched­ tuses and budgets when compared ules, and the common life of residents with other school activities. Many in jails/prisons, P.O.W. camps, work school bands are now accorded state­ camps, mental asylums, hospitals, and nation-wide acclaim for their per­ training grounds for members of reli­ formances and programs, working gious orders, military schools and mili­ closely with drum corps whose mem­ tary basic training facilities, as well as bers often belong to each. Bands' per­ tourist facilities, but not such an activ­ formances during football half-time ity as this, even though it has been periods are now taped for review and discussed outside academia. Kuzma may be dress rehearsals for field com­ (2004) wrote about the time he spent petitions the next day. The assignment with the Denver Blue Knights drum of diminutive and "nerd" statuses to corps, and Laine (2007) spent a year drum corps and competitive high studying the Concord High School school marching is no longer in vogue. Marching Minutemen from Elkhart, IN, Given such thinking, I recalled Ber­ but neither author used specific socio­ ger's 1963 Invitation to Sociology. He logical frames of reference, so that invited us to pay attention to the socio­ task remained undone. Beyond these logy of everyday life. With that behest there are several cultural bases for in mind, a combination of traditional this study. sociology and a systemic look at the We cherish independence, yet in world of competitive marching music the world of competitive marching mu­ seemed inevitable, requiring a two­ sic participants voluntarily relinquish stage inquiry into competitive march­ this trait for the group. We are compet­ ing music's history. itive people; we want to win at war and in sports, and a philosophy about STAGE I: DRUM AND BUGLE sports states that to "win" second CORPS IN THE CLASSIC ERA place is merely to be the first loser. Performance trophies for a competi­ Musical instruments have served tion's grand champion, first-, second-, significant utilitarian, ceremonial, and third-place, and other standings are entertainment roles in the U.S. mili­ sized proportionately. Music and danc­ tary. Today all branches of our armed ing performances have moved from services have orchestras, wind en- 80 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 sembles, concert banks, chorales, pa­ were the Berwyn Blue Knights. We rade bands, and some of them have never went on competition tours be­ drum and bugle corps. "The Comman­ cause touring had yet to evolve into its dant's Own" drum and bugle corps of current lifestyle. We rehearsed on the U.S. Marines may be the most Tuesday nights, worked on field ma­ renowned of them as it often plays in neuvers in a local forest preserve dis­ exhibition for, and recruits from, major trict, and the people of Berwyn wit­ DCI and BOA events. The repertoire nessed our parade skills as we of such parade bands or corps is often marched on their streets. We never and necessarily marching music which went to corps camp because we did can stimulate deep feelings of national not need it. While we had periodic AL, pride and patriotism, and that same VFW, or other locally-sponsored com­ type of music was repeated by petitions, we were a modest parade fledgling corps. corps paid for our day-trip participa­ It was in the early years of drum tion. I left the corps after four years. It corps history that several civic organi­ was disbanded several years later zations emerged as being important to because many parents felt that it had the art form, all intending to have become too regimented, demanding, positive influence on America's youth. and competition-oriented as its Direc­ One of them is the Boy Scouts of tor correctly envisioned the future. America (BSA), and at least three con­ The AL and VFW have always had temporary corps still endorse their state and national conventions, and founders. The corps are The Cava­ some of the staples of those gather­ liers, the Madison Scouts from Madi­ ings were regionally-appropriate com­ son, WI, and the Racine Scouts from petitions between their sponsored Racine, WI. Two other founding organ­ drum corps, and those contests al­ izations are the American Legion (AL) ways had a strong military quality to and the Veterans of Foreign Wars them. Before we entered the competi­ (VFW), whose influence started early tion field, we had a "tick line" uniform competitions, whose very nature af­ and personal inspection to see if our fected a continuing military presence clothing was clean and our white on the field of competition for corps shoes spotless. The American, state, and bands. and organization flags were carried Just as the modern rodeo began and guarded by corps members bear­ from friendly contests of horsemanship ing arms the color guard 3; the music and wrangling skills between rival ran­ was based in 4/4 time; and move­ ches, the idea that our kids are better ments on the field were in block forma­ than yours was unavoidable. Perfor­ tions as we marched forward, back­ mance contests among posts with the ward, sideways, in parallel lines, and AL and VFW as well as between their at right or oblique angles like soldiers various posts began. The drum corps performing drills on parade grounds. to which I belonged in a suburb of Drum majors continued to call corps/ Chicago was sponsored by American band "ten hut" and salute judges Legion Post 422 in Berwyn, IL, and we before and after their drills. The uni- 81 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

forms for most corps and bands today STAGE II: DRUM CORPS still mimic the formal attire worn by AND MARCHING BANDS officer candidates in our military acad­ IN THE MODERN ERA emies. Judging was conducted by AL and VFW officials who were also musi­ There was great historical animo­ cians. All corps completed against sity between drum corps and high each other without regard for size or school bands, and some of this ten­ skill levels, which produced lopsided sion was due to the fact that they com­ scores and assignment of awards. We peted for membership. Each could entered competition at one end of the take talent from the other. My high football field and exited at the other, school band director, for example, while trying to engage in meaningful, would not let me be in any band of his artistic, and precise formations. If we because I belonged to a drum corps. left the field too early, stayed on the Some conflict may also have been due field too long, or strayed off the field, to a preference for a wider range of we were docked performance points sounds than drums and bugles which then, as now, are based on a afforded. Concert bands use a wide complex rating scale from 0-100 variety of woodwinds, brass instru­ points. ments, and percussion devices. Drum Many members of early competitive corps in the classic era were limited to drum corps as well as their leaders true valve-free bugles, single- and disagreed with the stringent AL and multi-valve horns, and percussion VFW regulations and settings, con­ instruments. Band directors were tending that the rules stifled creativity, purists, so drum corps were perceived membership potential, fair competi­ as being noisy, brash, and incapable tions between diverse corps, perfor­ of using or producing "good" music, mance styles, independence, growth, but that was before DCI and BOA. The and opportunities to compete. The unofficial link between them and their watershed year of tension was 1972 performing units is so great now that when DCI was formed, signaling the the label of "corps style" often beginning of the modern era of drum identifies the imitative impact that corps. Three years later in 1975, BOA corps had on high school and college was formed for high school marching bands alike. bands, so DCI and BOA are just about Before I get to the thrust of this "Irish twins." article, the total institution element of DCI conducted its first champion­ competitive music, there is a need to ship contests in 1972 (Wikipedia present some elements of this modern 2007a). BOA followed suit in 1976 with art form. I take this liberty and oppor­ its Summer National Championships tunity to spend some descriptive time and in 1980 with its Grand National focusing on financial sponsorship, Championships (Wikipedia 2007b ). A instruments and music choices, field second stage or era of competition and performances, and a philosophical preparation had begun. debate about the purposes of corps and bends. 82 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Financial Sponsorship the owner of a local logistics and Since DCI is the parent body of trucking company donated employees today's competitive corps, it helps to and one of his trucks to transport the underwrite corps and competitions band's equipment. from private and corporate sources, The movement from AL and VFW but it cannot cover all costs. The leadership and sponsorship of drum Director of The Cavaliers told us at the corps led to creative financial thinking, June 2007 preview that the corps has but the new era for corps and for an annual budget in excess of bands did more than change the flow $1,000,000. The Cavaliers, the Glass­ of money. It changed the way they men, and other corps must rely on a were able to look at their instruments, wide variety of incomes including tui­ music choices, and auxiliary perfor­ tion payments, paid performances, mances, to expand and enhance their civic support, corporate and private field shows. donations, sales of memorabilia and recordings, booster groups, fundrais­ Instruments and Music Choices ing events, sponsorship from instru­ There is a good reason for the ab­ ment and uniform makers, as well as breviation of "drum and bugle corps" to some monies from the U.S. Marines the shortened "drum corps." Corps no drum corps. Alumni donations are also longer rely on bugles. Instead, they important. Early in the 2007 season, use a variety of such multi-valve and for example, there were problems with bell-front instruments as all types of The Cavaliers' portable kitchen. Has­ trumpets, the marching euphonium, tened donations from past members the marching baritone, the marching helped to cover the unanticipated and French horn, the mellophone, the out-of-budget costs and the portable shoulder-mounted and converted con­ kitchen was replaced for 2008. trabass/tuba, all providing balanced The primary source of income for and tonal variety for open field and public high school bands, such as the outdoor competitions in football stadi­ Marching Grey Ghosts, is local tax ums. revenue allocation and extracurricular One of the biggest advances in activity fees, and income for private field competitions for corps and for school bands is derived from tuition bands was the introduction of the sta­ payments. Like corps, bands rely on tionary percussion section, or the "pit", their booster clubs, donation dinners, in the mid-1980s. Just as the orches­ paid performances, local business tra pit does not entertain on stage for sponsorships, sales of performance live musicals and operas, these per­ recordings, and other types of gifts. cussionists do not march on the field, Several years ago, for example, the but they do play in front of it. Their IVC band was invited to play in the Fi­ instruments include various mallet de­ esta Bowl Parade and field competi­ vices such as vibes or xylophones, tion in Arizona. My wife and I, like tympani, chimes, gongs, wood blocks, other parents, paid for our daughter's amplified instruments (guitars, key­ airfare and personal expenses, and boards, even an electronic bass vio- 83 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

lin), hand bells, sleigh bells, cow bells open contests, as results from one and anything that can be struck classic era contest show. because these "toys" as I have heard The 1958 American Legion's State them called, create special sound of Illinois drum and bugle corps cham­ effects that marching instruments are pionship was held at Lane Tech High incapable of providing. School in Chicago. I was there with my The total impact of the changes in corps. The Cavaliers won first place instruments from the classic era of with a score of 92.50. The Imperials drum corps to the modern one, and were in third place with 86.60, we the joint modernity of competitive were eleventh with 68.40, and the bands, represents a significantly wider Windy City Cadets were twelfth (last) range of musical options for both types with a score of 62.40. of marching units. Among corps, orig­ To make competitions more equi­ inal compositions are heard often table, DCI created divisions based on because such music is designed espe­ corps size and resources. Division Ill cially to attend to the horns and per­ corps had memberships ranging from cussion instruments which they use, 30-70 members; Division II corps were and adapted scores are ones which allowed between 70-135 participants; highlight parts for specific instrument and Division I corps, such as The choirs. While we sometimes hear orig­ Cavaliers and the Glassmen through inal compositions for bands, we hear the 2007 season, were permitted as more frequently combinations of clas­ many as 135 musicians and dancers. sical, modern, and contemporary com­ These categories were rearranged posers whose scores also offer bal­ and reorganized into the International, ance between bands' brass, wood­ Open, and World Class groups. The winds, and percussion sections, pro­ Cavaliers and the Glassmen were in viding enough tonal, tempo, thematic, the World Class group at the onset of and theoretical variety for dancers to the 2008 season (Drum Corps Inter­ engage in colorful, intricate, and inter­ national 2008). pretive dramatizations of the music. Just as DCI divides corps into strat­ ified categories, BOA does the same Changes in Field Performances for high school bands, each providing Prior to the formation of DCI, corps contest awards within classes, thereby competed with other corps regardless maintaining degrees of equity among of size, meaning that small corps like corps and bands. By so doing, DCI my Berwyn Blue Knights and similar and BOA encourage high levels of en­ corps like the Windy City Cadets from thusiasm, ever-expanding musicality, Chicago went head-to-head against a feeling of fairness, and friendly such Chicago land heavyweights as competition. The Cavaliers and the Imperials from Since DCI and BOA share common Norwood Park. Small and open mem­ interests, they share more or less bership corps were incapable of beat­ common provisions for field competi­ ing larger and more selective corps in tions. Having separated ways with AL and VFW rules, corps and bands no 84 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

longer march from one end of the field call this move a "park and blow". to the other. Instead their programs Among such "professional" advocates, begin and end at midfield, allowing for however, as those who belong to "The maximum audience visibility and plea­ Cavalier Nation" and groupies for sure, concentration of sound and opti­ other corps as well as corps members mal opportunities for dancers to per­ themselves, this explosion of sound is form too. For example, once in a great known as the "park and bark". Its sole while the flags/auxiliaries the dancers purpose is to be dynamic, causing of DCl's Vanguard from Santa Clara, people in the audience to say "WOW!" CA perform their famous "bottle because cheers and applause may be dance" at the fifty-yard line of the field the only awards the units earn. with the musicians behind them, Drum corps and high school bands showcasing them. This dramatic per­ engage in more or less similar types of formance is athletic artistry, and all field competitions, but not against members of the audience, regardless each other because they are different of corps allegiances, love it and appre­ types of units. While corps do parti­ ciate its difficulty. There are also times cipate in traditional parades and con­ when the pit section has a particularly certs, their primary purpose is to com­ inspiring piece, so the corps or the pete on the field. High school bands band forms a semi-circle around it, are busy throughout the school year, creating a band shell, stepping off the and competition is one element or field without penalty now. phase of their music programs. Some The changes are many, but there is people feel that it is or should be the one element of field competition that band's primary focus, and herein lies has kept its prominent place in the that which I call "The Great Debate" as design of programs for both corps and it pertains to the competing cultural is­ competitive marching bands. Some sues. Do the kids join to enhance competitions have a special trophy for themselves as performance seekers audience appeal, and this maneuver or do they join to be performance helps the corps or band to earn it. winners? My wife calls this event a musical "surprise" because the corps or bands The Great Debate have been moving away from the It is sometimes argued that the de­ audience playing softly until it turns velopment of personal character and around, majestically readdressing the musical talents outweigh the impor­ spectators. There are now comple­ tance of competition results and win­ mentary blasts of musical phrases ning, just as it has been argued that from all instruments whose sounds the purpose of competition is to win, emphasize a change of expression in not to lose. While the mission state­ the song or the program. I have heard ments for The Cavaliers and the people in the stands and "amateur" Glassmen omit the word winning and fans call this sequence "bang and fail to mention competitive perfor­ boom". Our daughter and her friends mance, and while the Marching Grey

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Ghosts' motto is Pride and Perfor­ ces they evaluated can be used to mance, competition is a way of life and help mus1c1ans and dancers to a measure of performance skills. become better at what they do, and Differences between one philo­ those same judgments can help the sophy and the other can be illustrated directors improve their music educa­ with two personal stories. As parents, tion programs. we were proud as the Marching Grey One of the questions I then posed Ghosts won competitions when our to the musician was, "Why do you like daughter was in it, but we also felt competition?" and she provided a long anguish when it did not do as well. As list of reasons. Her first answer was an adults we were proud of the band kids immediate one. "It's fun!" Other items at the time of our son's death. About on her responses menu included the forty of them came to the visitation at solidarity that exists among band the funeral home where they played members, being differentiated from the Ghost Riders in the Sky, the band's rest of their fellow students; after they signature song, for him and for us; and compete and pack their gear, band on the following day, several members members get to sit in the stand, for of the trumpet section were excused free to watch the other bands and from school to play brass accompani­ compare performances. She gets to ment to the church organ at the funer­ evaluate the newcomers at the begin­ al mass. The purpose of drum corps is ning of the season and wonder what to compete, but the goal of high school they will become, then look at them at bands may be more than that, which is the end of the season to see what they illustrated by ideas gained during two became; to watch the magic of trans­ interviews that I conducted during the formation (her term) as individuals course of my research. One of my became members of the collective and subjects was the Director of the band share common emotions when tro­ and the school's only music teacher, phies were distributed; to look at the and the other subject was a senior performances, scores, and place­ clarinetist who had just returned from ments when member unity was pre­ band camp in 2007. sent, compared to when it was absent; When I talked with the Director and and she feels wry pleasure when the asked for his opinions on the compar­ band's performers convince the judges ative and competitive stances of jour­ that they were good. She enjoys the ney vs. competition, performance vs. competition. points, or the "Why compete?" issues, Whether or not the scales are he had several comments. He tells his tipped in favor of personal develop­ students every year that trophies in ment over competition or the reverse the band room reflect nothing that is is matter of personal perception that objective about judging. The only fact can be debated ad infinitum. A neces­ that exists about the awards is that sary item to address now though is the they were based on judges' evalua­ friendly and constructive setting in tions on particular days. The judges' which kids in drum corps and in bands written comments on the performan- shape their seasons' performances- 86 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

the total institution element of the sub­ ing Grey Ghosts meets in residential culture of competitive marching music. camp for about a week before the new school year starts. There is little room TOT AL INSTITUTIONS IN THIS for sybaritic comfort and individuation PERFORMANCE SUBCULTURE which corps and band members alike accept as they prepare for their re­ Total institutions are formal organi­ spective competition seasons. zations that have the responsibility of Corps and band directors cannot maintaining constricted lifestyles for rely on public or private transportation prison inmates, for example, within systems to get musicians, dancers, walls. The total institution role for other staff members, and equipment, corps and for bands is different, refer­ from one site to another, on time. ring to the need for arranged-living Intricate choreographies of corps and environments, without walls, allowing bands are not self-taught. There is no corps and bands to take shape, prac­ such thing as a priori understanding of tice, and travel during performance others' movements during perfor­ seasons. The technical details are mances. All must be nurtured and learned and continually reinforced in enhanced in common and command­ close and closed settings. Drum corps ed settings. The total institution aspect did not compete often or regularly in of life for corps and band members is the classic era, just as high school a vital if unanticipated element of com­ bands entertained mainly at football petitive music, and this demanding games and appeared in Homecoming lifestyle is evident in rehearsal camps and local parades. Controlled living for corps and for bands, and during and rehearsal settings were not gener­ road tours for corps, which now ally required. receive directed attention. There are now about 100 DCl­ sanctioned competitions every season Corps and Band Camps and corps travel from town to town, DCl's competition season begins in from state to state to compete. There mid-June, ends in mid-August, and its are too many high school band field premier corps usually compete in thirty competitions to count. As premier DCI to thirty-five events. Before the tour corps, The Cavaliers and the Glass­ begins though, the corps gather in men start new seasons with the week­ various rehearsal camps wherein end-long rehearsal sessions in the attendance is mandatory. The musi­ Winter. In late Spring or early Sum­ cians, dancers, and staff members mer, members arrive at the corps' resi­ begin the process of shaping them­ dential camps, such as the one I vis­ selves into a community of visual ited. When competitions start in mid­ sound. June these corps and others are on The Cavaliers and the Glassmen the move, constantly meeting tour de­ had their first 2007 competition on mands. Bands' pre-season camp June 16 in Annapolis, MD. Before that, schedules and locations vary by philo­ The Cavaliers had extended camps at sophy and resources, but the March- Northern Illinois University in DeKalb 87 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

and at Eastern Illinois University while truck for the trip to a 4-H camp in cen­ the Glassmen held camp at the Uni­ tral Illinois. Other personal items such versity of Toledo and practiced in its as electric fans, food, coolers, and bot­ Glass Bowl. While at EIU, The Cava­ tled water are toted to camp by devo­ liers lived on campus in one of the dor­ ted families and friends. All campers mitories, ate dorm service food, and live in cabins without air conditioning, practiced in the football stadium and in sharing living quarters with eight to ten other locations on campus. others. Shower water is cold and the Drills and rehearsals occurred all drinking water has a metallic taste. day long and into the night. On the day Creature comforts are few, but they of my visit, The Cavaliers' sections are not there for rest and relaxation. were practicing by 8:30am with a The camp is about a two-hour drive lunch break around noon. The after­ from home; family members have noon session began around 1pm and limited visitation privileges; and the lasted until approximately 5pm. The weather of central Illinois in August is early evening session began around usually steamy and unpredictable. It is 6pm, the preview program lasted from here, after summer pre-camps at 7:30-8:30pm, and more rehearsal home, that the show takes form with followed. Once The Cavaliers arrived daily sessions for instrument groups, in California for DCI finals, its marching drills, and learning the pro­ anticipated rehearsal times during the gram. As with corps' camps, band week of August 6-11 were as follows: camp has little personal privacy, Tuesday 1O:OOam-1 O:OOpm schedules are demanding, and this Wednesday 04:00pm-1 O:OOpm isolation is deemed necessary in order Thursday 10:00am-02:30pm to create a minimum amount of Friday 10:00am-02:30pm distraction. Saturday 10:00am-02:30pm Parents and friends are granted a (The Cavaliers 2007) one day, non-emergency opportunity to visit and to replenish diminished Even with rest and food breaks that personal supplies. While family mem­ was a lot of practice time, but it was bers are not allowed to transport the the end of the season, the time for musicians and dancers to camp, just which the corps had been preparing as they are not allowed to transport the entire summer. There was much to their kids to parades or competitions, be done in a short period of time. they are allowed to take them home in When corps members are on a private vehicles. These limitations are college campus, they are not exactly similar to those imposed upon visitors "roughing it", whereas camp accom­ to prison hospitals and military "boot modations for the Marching Grey camps," and exist for similar purposes. Ghosts are rustic. Every August all When the band returns home to the band members, as well as their lead­ new school year, it meets during regu­ ers and chaperones, have instru­ lar class hours, after school in a park­ ments, bedrolls, luggage, and person­ ing lot, and in evening sessions on the al kits packed into school buses and a 88 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Figure 1: The Marching Grey Ghosts' Band Camp Schedule for Monday, July 30, 2007.

TIMING EVENT 07:00am-07:45am Wake up and breakfast. 07:45am-08:15am Stretching and exercises. 08:15am-09:00am Marching drill blocks (fundamental of marching) with "Dr. Beat" -an electronic and noisome metronome. 09:00am-11 :OOam Program drill with rank and section leaders. Everyone must learn where everyone else is on the field at all times. 11 :OOam-12:00pm Noon Practice in instrument sections. 12:00pm-12:45pm Lunch 12:45pm-02:00pm Break with chance to visit the floriculture gardens of the estate upon which the camp is located. 02:00pm-O 4:00pm Practice in instrument sections. 04:00pm-05:45pm Program drill without instruments. 06:00pm-06:45pm Dinner 07:00pm-08:00pm Program Drill 08:00pm-08:45pm Basic marching, again with "Dr. Beat." 08:45pm-09:00pm Break 09:00pm-1 O:OOpm Entire band rehearses music in pavilion. 1O:OOpm-10:45pm Rest (or more rehearsal if needed). 10:45pm-07:00am Lights Out

12:00am Midnight "Midnight March" The rite of passage and initiation for freshmen and other newcomers, after which the seniors say "Welcome to the Marching Grey Ghosts!"*

This event usually occurs within the first two complete days at camp to help create solidarity early. In 2007, it happened on the first full day at camp. football field where visitors, like my period of time between arrival on wife and me, are welcome. Sunday and departure on Friday. Dostoyevsky wrote of life in a Rus­ Once camp is completed for the sian prison, and Solzhenitsyn (1973a) Marching Grey Ghosts the secluded did about the same in One Day of the rehearsal period is also completed. Life of Ivan Denisovich. So what is The same cannot be said, though, for "one day in the life of band camp" like? corps during competition season. My student subject provided an Corps on Tour approximate timetable for Monday, Most competing high school bands July 30, 2007 to answer that question, do not go on tour during the fall sea­ as shown in Figure 1. While there are son, but there is a summer program daily variations in schedules, the that is conducted and sponsored by timing of them is precise because the Mid-American Competing Band there is much to be done in a short Directors Association (MACBDA). Or- 89 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ganized in 1972, participating bands seekers are similarly upheld. Accord­ from the upper-Midwest use this ven­ ingly, there are many paid staff mem­ ue in place of fall or early winter com­ bers from the Director to musician and petitions (Lane 2007) for good reason: dance instructors to medical person­ Instruments are hard to play when fin­ nel, as well as volunteers who do gers are cold, lips are chafed, and spit infrastructural and "grunt" work at is frozen. Attention here is placed on camp and at competition sites. When the touring competition season for The at The Cavaliers' camp, for example, I Cavaliers and the Glassmen. met one of the coach/bus drivers who Figure 2 provides several pieces of was working without stipend for the interesting and related data about the corps because her daughters had corps. Each one had competitions that been with a corps and she fell in love were spaced just several days apart; with corps' life and its purposes. Her the competition sites were in different summer months were not quite as towns throughout the country; and as total as that of the instructional staff, the season progressed the competi­ musicians, dancers, but her duties tions become more widespread, even­ were different -to transport them tually leading to the 2007 DCI champi­ safely and on time. When the corps is onships. The corps were on tour. All of being moved from one competition to the musicians, dancers, staff mem­ another, people sleep in the coaches bers, volunteers and equipment were as well as they can. When they arrive transported daily in self-sufficiency for in a city for practice and competition, the entire season. they often sleep on the gymnasium A competing corps needs several floors of local high schools for which major pieces of equipment to accom­ arrangements have been made ahead plish this task. There must be enough of time, and cooks fire-up the stoves/ coach buses to transport everyone ovens in the portable kitchen. IVC has and the number of vehicles needed is been a host school for The Cavaliers, dependent upon the size of the entou­ the Madison Scouts, the Pioneers rage and its composition. There are from Milwaukee, WI, the Bluecoats tractor-trailer trucks which are specifi­ from Canton, OH, Pacific Crest from cally designed to carry the corps' in­ Diamond Bar, CA in 2007, and the struments, uniforms, spares of each, Colts from Dubuque, IA in 2008 as and repair equipment. A corps has its they all prepared for DCI Central own built-in labor force with the musi­ Illinois at ISU. cians and dancers to load and unload Competitions typically take place in vehicles. There is often another trac­ the late afternoon or early evening. tor-trailer truck which, in other times, When they are over the corps mem­ would have been called the chuckwa­ bers load and board their caravans gon -a portable kitchen- because and depart, arriving at the next way­ everyone has to eat. station for sleep on hard floors and Just as religious seekers are the more rehearsal for the next show. focal points of support in cursillo week­ They compete, then move on again. ends, corps and band performance DCI touring corps repeat this process 90 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Figure 2: 2007 Tour Season for The Cavaliers and Glassmen

Date Place The Cavaliers The Glassmen Score Rank Score Rank Toledo, OH Pre-Season Camp 6/02-6/09 Charleston, IL Pre-Season Camp

6/16 Annapolis, MD 73.900 1st 81.850 5th 6/17 Pittsburgh, PA 75.050 1st 65.100 4th 6/19 Fairfield, OH 64.650 3rd 6/20 Decatur, IN 77.100 1st 66.000 3rd 6/23 Toledo, OH 78.550 1st 69.459 3rd 6/24 Belding, Ml 79.950 1st 70.950 3rd 6/25 Erie, PA 72.200 2nd 6/26 Hornell, NY 74.050 1st 6/28 Oswego, IL 81.900 1st 6/29 Normal, IL 81.300 1st 72.900 5th 6/30 Kalamazoo, Ml 81.900 2nd 73.600 4th 7/01 Port Huron, Ml 82.850 1st 73.700 3rd 7/02 Centerville, OH 82.700 3rd 74.100 4th 7/06 Michigan City, IN 84.459 1st 74.850 3rd 7/07 Canton, OH 84.400 1st 7/08 Allentown, PA 85.325 2nd 75.825 6th 7/09 Dublin, OH 85.550 1st 7/10 Charleston, WV 86.259 2nd 7/10 Salem, VA 78.800 4th 7/12 Louisville, KY 86.400 2nd 73.300 5th 7/13 Murphreesboro, TN 87.500 3rd 7/14 Atlanta, GA 88.125 3rd 77.900 12th 7/15 Jacksonville, AL 89.550 2nd 78.500 4th 7/16 Tupelo, MS 77.900 3rd 7/18 Lafayette, LA 77.900 4th 7/19 Houston, TX 90.400 1st 81.150 4th 7/22 Denton, TX 91.300 1st 7/23 Midland, TX 81.250 4th 7/26 Dubuque, IA 91.450 1st 7/27 Naperville, IL 91.900 1st 7/28 Denver, CO 81.400 6th 7/28 Indianapolis, IN 91.950 2nd 7/30 Ogden, UT 82.550 5th 7/31 Boise, ID 84.500 5th 8/02 Portland, OR 84.750 4th 8/02 El Paso, TX 93.950 1st 8/04 Phoenix, AZ 94.475 1st 8/04 Stanford, CA 84.425 6th 8/05 Clovis, CA 86.750 5th

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Figure 2 (continued): 2007 Tour Season for The Cavaliers and Glassmen

Date Place The Cavaliers The Glassmen Score Rank Score Rank

DC/ Division I World Championships - Quarterfinals 8/09 Pasadena, CA 96.225 2nd 87.175 10th

DC/ Division I World Championships - Semifinals 8/10 Pasadena, CA 96.775 3rd 87.025 10th

DC/ Division I World Championships - Finals 8/11 Pasadena, CA 96.350 3rd 85.750 11th

This does not include all camp dates or stopover towns. (Sound Machine Archives 2007; The Cavaliers 2007)

for two months. The Cavaliers' 2007 NET EFFECTS: season for example consisted of visits COMPETITION SEASONS to six towns before competitions began. Once it did, the corps visited Figures 2 and 3 are presented for more than forty other towns and cities comparative purposes. Figure 2 shows in just under sixty days. The Glassmen that The Cavaliers and the Glassmen did about the same. were entered in many of the same Daily life in rehearsal camps for contests during the 2007 season. corps and bands, and life on tour for More importantly is the fact that they DCl's premier corps all mirror the com­ were spaced just a day or two apart munal living arrangements, strict or­ from each other, on average, in differ­ dering of daily routines, and significant ent cities around the country. Precise loss of privacy as the triune of ele­ timing and pre-arrangements were ments for total institutions outlined by crucial. Goffman. Fortunately, electronic tech­ Other data in Figure 2 show the nologies now allow outside communi­ comparative scores and rankings for cation and inside recreation to allevi­ The Cavaliers and the Glassmen. On ate the monotony of travel, commu­ June 15th, The Cavaliers scored nalism, and the isolation of sporadic 73.900 points and won first place. On contact with families and friends at a August 11th, it scored 96.350 points, level that was neither imagined nor finishing in third place in the DCI possible when the modern era of Division I finals. The improvement competitive marching music began. difference was 22.450 points. The corps' standings throughout the early weeks of the season remained about the same, but sagged late in the season. Nonetheless, its consistently

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high rankings were anticipated be­ points than the Glassmen. Someone cause The Cavaliers were DCI Divi­ won.4 sion I champions in 1992, 1995, 2000, Since field competitions are limited 2001, 2002, 2004, and 2006 (The to performances lasting from 10-12 Cavaliers 2007). minutes, it cannot be concluded that The data for the Glassmen show drum corps performers undergo the some similarities for the 2007 season. season because they enjoy sleeping in On June 161h, its score was 61.850 crowded buses and on gymnasium and it finished in fourth place. It scored floors for two months. Instead, these 85.750 points on August 1 fh, finishing performance seekers opt for life of to­ in eleventh place at the DCI Division I tal voluntary involvement as they pur­ finals. With an improvement difference sue the music, the dance, the show, of 23.900 points, its relative place­ meeting others, the combined allures ments in competitions also remained of travel and competitions, the con­ about the same throughout the sea­ tests, and, ultimately, knowing them­ son, but with two significant variations selves better. in large events and plummeting during Figure 3 presents an entirely differ­ finals. Rarely a top corps, the Glass­ ent picture for the Marching Grey men have never won its DCI division Ghosts. Its competition seasons for title even though it usually competes in the past several years were composed the finals. Its highest placement was of five to six contests in the fall, which fifth in 1998, 1999, and 2001 (Wiki­ were unevenly spaced on Saturdays, pedia 2007c). and only day trips from home. Other There are several possible expla­ than time spent in camp, this band's nations to account for the changes in members could not live in such totality placement for The Cavaliers and the as their corps counterparts for one Glassmen during the 2007 season. simple reason: They were still in high Competitions early in the summer are school meeting their curricular require­ often smaller so the contests are not ments. as challenging. As the season pro­ A look at the comparative scores gresses, more of the better corps are within each season shows consider­ encountered, challengers are improve­ able variation. Judges look for different ing, and fatigue may have taken its elements in programs. Not all judges toll. The purpose of competition is to are equally skilled or trained and not compete to become as precise in per­ all competitions use the same criteria formance as possible and to be better for class size. The competitors vary, than an opponent in a contest. Some­ scoring methods differ, and a program one wins. The DCI Division I world may not be strong enough to maintain championship for 2007 was awarded a competitive edge over the opposi­ to the Blue Devils from Concord, CA, tion. While the program remains the which was accorded a score of 98.000 same for a season, it is modified as points -1.650 more points than The the Director sees fit, so no two per­ Cavaliers earned and 10.500 more formances are the same, as shown in

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Figure 3: Field Competition Seasons for the Marching Grey Ghosts*

Year Place Date Class Score Rank 2002 Monticello, IL n/a Pre-Season Band Camp Pekin, IL 09/21 n/a 59.15 1st Washington, IL 09/28 n/a 81.90 1st Mt. Prospect, IL 10/06 n/a 74.60 3rd Urbana, IL 10/16 n/a 80.00 2nd Normal, IL 10/26 2A 79.00 1st** 2003 Monticello, IL n/a Pre-Season Band Camp Danville, IL 09/27 n/a 89.40 1st Mt. Prospect, IL 10/11 n/a 73.50 5th Urbana, IL 10/19 B 91.00 4th*** Normal, IL 10/25 2A 77.15 1st** 2004 Monticello, IL n/a Pre-Season Band Camp Normal, IL 10/16 2A 68.55 1st** Urbana, IL 10/23 B 81.67 2nd 2007 Monticello, IL 07/28-08/03 Pre-Season Band Camp Pontiac, IL 09/22 3A 73.50 2nd Genesco, IL 09/29 3A 76.80 1st**** Washington, IL 10/06 3A 81.10 2nd***** Urbana, IL 10/13 B 87.17 2nd Normal, IL 10/20 1A 59.40 1st**

*Available, but not inclusive, dates and score data. **State champion for class. ***Governor's Trophy for combined field and parade scores, classes C/D and B. ****Grand Champion over all bands. *****Grand Champion for combined field and parade scores, classes 3A and 4A.

2007's statewide contests at Urbana is still first place in class in the state and then at Normal. In the first of com petition. these, the band took second place in During the 2002, 2003, 2004, and class with a score of 87.17 points. 2007 seasons, the band was able to Only three other bands scored higher earn the title of winner in its class in in the entire show. A week later, the the contest which is recognized as the band won first place in class with a state championship event, and 2003 score of 59.40 points that represents a was a banner year for the band. On drop of 27.77 points from the previous successive weekends it earned the week. Two possible explanations for title of state champion in its class, as this shift were that the judging styles well as the Governor's Trophy for were different and the judges looked combined contests and combined for different elements of proficiency. small band classes at the other state­ Regardless of scores, though, first wide competition. place in class in the state competition Drum and bugle corps and compe-

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titive high school marching bands are variation lies in purpose. Some are de­ not the same, so as Weber (1983:45) signed to separate people from society might argue it would be unfair to con­ as punishment or soldierly training, tend that one of these art forms is su­ and others are for recreation. perior to the other. Their instruments Another type of total institution ex­ are different as are their sounds. ists as training grounds for the reli­ Corps memberships are based on au­ gious, as when people seek profes­ ditions every year, whereas bands sional religious orders, or when lay­ may or may not be. Their organiza­ people seek a better understanding of tions and finances are also diverse. their religious selves by attending such DCI oversees one and BOA oversees as a renewal weekend as cursillo. If the other. Their competition schedules we change slightly, the expression reli­ and seasons are different. When the gious seeker to performance seeker drum corps competition season is we can take a look at today's competi­ completed, the corps disperse until tive marching music and the role that auditions are completed. Rehearsals total institutions play in it. begin during the winter and spring Young musicians and dancers join months, but when high school band drum and bugle corps and competitive competition season is completed, the high school marching bands in order students return to their regular classes to enhance their performance skills as the next week. Corps and band mem­ the corps and bands engage in in­ bers make different kinds and degrees tense field competitions during short of personal sacrifices. Collectively, seasons -several months in the sum­ competitive corps and high school mer for corps and several months in bands are composed of countless the fall for bands. Since there is much numbers of young people who enjoy to be done in a short period of time for the challenges and the opportunities both corps and bands, communal liv­ which the subculture of visual sound ing arrangements, tight schedules, has to offer them as they create it. 5 and significant loss of privacy are needed in rehearsal camps or on tour CONCLUSION as the corps and bands are shaped from being loose associations of musi­ When most of us think about total cians and dancers into cohesive per­ institutions, we are probably inclined to forming units for this modern subcul­ view them as harsh places of resi­ ture of competitive marching music. dence with an overbearing administra­ tive and caretaking staff. Prisons, con­ END NOTES centration camps, and military boot camps are likely to be high on our lists Bands of American became Music of examples, but lower on those same For All in the Spring 2007 to encom­ lists we might see summer camps for pass a wider range of high school our kids or exotic cruises on luxury music education programs. The old sea liners. There are no real descrip­ name of BOA was retained here for tive differences between them, but the conversational convenience. 95 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Musicians and dancers can partici­ in Bloomington, IN with the following pate in drum corps between the results: The Quarterfinals were on ages of fourteen and twenty-one or August 7th and The Cavaliers twenty-two years, depending on placed 2nd with a score of 97.050 their birthdates. If a person has a points, and the Glassmen were 11th twenty-second birthday which falls with 87.625 points; the Semifinals just two days before the competition were on August 8th and The Cava­ season starts, eligibility is lost; but if liers had 97.555 points and plal,~d another person has a twenty-second 3rd, and the Glassmen earned birthday falling just two days after 88.125 points for 13th place; the season begins, eligibility is main­ Finals were on August 9th and The tained. Those who have aged-out Cavaliers' 97.325 put the corps in may choose to participate in the 3rd place, while the Glassmen was smaller and non-competitive Drum scored with 87.200 points for 11th Corps of America, work for a corps, place. The DCI World Class Cham­ simply move on, or participate in pion for 2008 was the Phantom another performing art. Some enter­ Regiment from Rockford, IL, which prising and former members of the earned 97 .125 points (Sound Ma­ disbanded DCI Division I Star of In­ chine Archives 2008; The Cavaliers diana, for example, created the suc­ 2008). cessful and entertaining touring 5 Due to adverse economic times, the troupe called Blast that presents Glassmen did not compete in DCl's corps-style music in a lively colorful 2013 season. and fast-paced stage production. 3 Drum corps and competing high References school bands no longer carry nation­ al, state or organization flags onto Berger, P.L. 1963. An Invitation to the field of competition. Yet, the Sociology. NY: Anchor Books. expression "color guard" is still here. Bettelheim, B. 1943. "Individual and Today, this unit may be called the mass behavior in Extreme Situa­ color guard, the flag corps, or the tions." Journal of Abnormal Social auxiliaries, but they are the dancers Psychology 38:417-452. who perform visual interpretations of Cavaliers, The. 2007. The Cavaliers. the music. The presence of dancers Retrieved from http://www.cavaliers engaging in balletic movements .org. while twirling imitation rifles and sa­ Dolgun, A. 1975. Alexander Do/gun's bers is a symbolic reference to the Story: An American in the Gulag. military background of field compe­ NY: Random House. titions. Dostoyevsky, F. 1862/2002. House of 4 This article was based on DCI data the Dead. Mineola, NY: Dover Pub­ and scores from the 2007 season, lications. and since then the 2008 season has been completed. The 2008 DCI World Class competitions were held 96 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Dragostin, S. 1970. "The Cursillo as a ------. 1997. "Cursillo in Social Move­ Social Movement." Pp. 479-490 in ment Literature." Free Inquiry in Catholics/USA, W.T. Liu and N.J. Creative Sociology 25(2): 131-136. Pallone, eds. NY: John Wiley. ------. 1999. "Bill W. Meets the Spanish Drum Corps International. 2007. Drum Armada: Sinners' and Saints' Re­ Corps International: Marching Mu­ told Epiphanies From A.A. to Cur­ sic's Major League. Retrieved from sillo." Free Inquiry in Creative Soci­ http://www.dci.org/about ology 27:27-33. ------. 2008. Drum Corps International Solzhenitsyn, A. 1973a. One Day in Today: Show Day Program. Indian­ the Life of Ivan Denisovich. NY: apolis, IN: Drum Corps Interna­ Bantam Books. tional. ------. 1973b. The Gulag Archipelago. Goffman, E. 1961. Asylums. NY: Dou­ Vol. 1. NY: Harper and Row. bleday. ------. 197 4. The Gulag Archipelago. Kuzma, G. 2004. "On the Field from Vol. 2. NY: Harper and Row. Denver, Colorado." The Blue ------. 1976. The Gulag Archipelago. Knights!: One Member's Personal Vol. 3. NY: Harper and Row. Experience of the 1994 Summer Sorokin, P. 1950. Leaves from a Rus­ Tour. Lincoln, NE: Universe Pub­ sian Diary: And Thirty Years After. lishing. London: Beacon Press. Laine, K. 2007. American Band: Mu­ Sound Machine Archives. 2007. A sic, Dreams, and Coming of Age in Drum Corps Scores Archive. the Heartland. NY: Gotham Books. Retrieved from http://www.sound Lane, N. 2007. MACBDA: About Us. machine.erg/de. Mid-American Competing Band Di­ ------. 2008. A Drum Corps Scores rectors Association. Retrieved from Archive. Retrieved from http://www. http://www.macbda.org/aboutus.ht soundmachine.org/dc. ml. Steward, J. 1955. Theory of Cultural Lofland, J. 1966. Doomsday Cult. Change. Urbana, IL: University of Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Illinois Press. Marcoux, M. 1982. Cursillo: Anatomy Webb, J. 1957. The D.I. Hollywood, of a Movement. NY: Lambeth CA: Warner Brothers Studio. Press. Weber, D.B. 1983. "The New Friends O'Sullivan, R.G. 1988. "Structure, of Music: Democracy, Chamber Function, and Cognitive Develop­ Music and the Mass Audience." ment in Cursillo: An lnteractionist Journal of American Culture 6(4): Analysis." Sociological Spectrum 44-48. 8:257-275. Wikipedia. 2007a. Drum Corps Inter­ ------. 1989. "Climbing Jacob's Ladder: national. Retrieved from http://en. Symbolic Renunciation, Reference­ wikiped ia.org/wiki/drum _ corps _inter Group Identification, and Status national. Mobility in Cursillo." Sociological ------. 2007b. Bands of America. Re­ Spectrum 9(3):329-242. trieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/ bands of america. 97 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

------. 2007c. Glassmen Drum and Bu­ Wilder, B. 1953. Stalag 17. Hollywood, gle Corps. Retrieved from http://en. CA: Paramount Pictures Studios. wikipedia.org/wiki/glassmen_drum_ and_bugle_corps.

Field Guide to Nonprofit Program Design, Marketing and Evaluation By Carter McNamara ISBN 1933719087

The most important goal for any nonprofit today is to prove that it consistently provides extremely useful services to its community. Otherwise, the nonprofit will not get the support and funding so critical to its very existence. Thus, the activities of program design, marketing and evaluation have never been more important to nonprofits! This guidebook provides clear and comprehensive guidelines for all of the most important aspects of designing, marketing and evaluating a program. Guidelines are written in an easy-to-implement style, resulting in a highly practical resource that can be referenced at any time during the life of a nonprofit program. Consultants and leaders can apply this book with nonprofits to: 1. Develop well-designed programs guaranteed to meet the needs of clients. 2. Develop very credible nonprofit business plans and fundraising proposals. 3. Ensure focused and effective marketing, sales, advertising and promotions. 4. Evaluate effectiveness and efficiencies of current programs. 5. Evaluate program performance against program goals and outcomes. Includes numerous worksheets. They can be downloaded from the Web, too.

Field Guide to Developing, Operating and Restoring Your Nonprofit Board By Carter McNamara ISBN 1933719052

There are already plenty of publications about nonprofit Baords. Some publications provide basic, introductory overviews of Boards. There are many with practical tips on one certain Board practice, for example, how to staff a Board. Some contain reflective and even inspirational discussion about the type of governance needed for the 21st century. If you boiled down the information in these publications to the most practical suggestions and then added a lot of other useful material, including how to fix a broken Board, you would end up with our Field Guide. It includes 20 sample Board policies that can be downloaded and many guidelines for governing nonprofits effectively. This book was formerly titled "Field Guide to Developing and Operating Your Nonprofit Board of Directors".

98 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

COMBINING MERTON'S STRAIN THEORY WITH LABELING THEORY AND MORAL ENTREPENEURS

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL

Abstract Ritzer (197 4) wrote that sociology is a multi-paradigmed discipline where each framework can hold several theoretical explanations. Such declarations are often treated individually, but there are often unexplored confluences between them. Merton's goals-means theory of social strain, for example, is here considered as a labeling one heavily laced with implications about moral authority when applied to studies in deviant behavior. The synthesis of dialogues, illustrated with socio­ logical ideas from modern novels, validates the thesis that social complexities deserve integrated explanations. *Originally printed in Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 2010 38(2).

INTRODUCTION

have long believed that literature "Being a disfigured felon carries is a marvelous outlet for social dis­ weight in certain circles ... " course that readers can easily under­ (novelist Carl Hiaasen 2010) stand. Novelists have always been peripheral social activists (R.G. O'Sul­ "Police had a natural suspicion of livan 1 2007) exploring such complex teenagers, especially those who topics as deviance and conformity, already had track records of trouble." reporting their findings to faithful (novelist Tami Hoag 1991/2006) followers. Sociologists do the same, but in different ways and venues. "Not all sexual predators are Introductory sociology textbooks all killers or serial rapists. The most contain a chapter on deviant behavior successful of them live well within where social deviance is defined as the boundaries of the law and rule -or norm-breaking behavior and they're probably more common than conformity is defined as rule- or norm­ we'd like to believe. See ... abiding activity. The texts, however, the problem is identifying rarely identify specific conduct codes the bastards. They're not social used as standards for evaluations, a anomalies; they are deviants." failure noted by O'Sullivan (2007). The (novelist Randy Wayne White 1998) 'FfG. O'Sullivan is hereafter just called O'Sullivan, except when needed to avoid possible confusion with F.D. O'Sullivan. 99 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

deviants will be treated as outsiders explore sociology by going "outside resulting from social stigmas, but rule the box" of convention. followers or conformists are not usu­ ally accorded halos (O'Sullivan 2007) LOOKING AT DEVIANCE AND because quiet choices do not garner CONFORMITY: TRADITIONALLY notoriety. AND ALTERNATIVELY The chapters include many of the The social sciences are dependent historical and modern masters of the on their key terms as bases for discus­ subjects, including Merton's 1967 the­ sions, and sociology is no exception. ory of adaptations that is co-refer­ Sometimes, however, such simplicity enced in the social strain and rational is confusing. Sociology, for example, choice frames, telling us that people is often considered as the scientific make studied economic choices rather study of society, making one wonder if than spontaneous ones toward cultural there is an unscientific approach, and and social expectations. The chapters what, then, are the roles of history, e­ also offer information from Goffman's conomics, political science, social/cul­ 1963 study on stigmas and H.S. Beck­ tural anthropology, and social ecology er's2 discussions on moral entreprene­ if they are not comprised of empirical urs as elements of the interactionist explorations and explanations? approach, enhancing our understand­ The same dilemma of absolutism ings about social labeling and a com­ exists with traditional definitions for de­ munity's moral oversight. Little space viance and conformity. Before leaving is available in the texts to combine academia, I offered my students an these approaches on adaptation, la­ alternative perspective because any beling, and moral authority so that task understandings of deviance and con­ is accomplished by following several formity involve ideal and normative be­ steps. ginnings, individual conduct choices First, some alternative ways to look based on evaluations of those codes, at definitions for deviance and con­ and social responses to the acts and formity are offered because traditional the actors. ones are simplistic and limiting. Sec­ As I see them, deviance and con­ ond, the basic premises of Merton, of formity refer to the definitions that exist Goffman, of Becker, and of O'Sullivan for inappropriate and appropriate be­ are highlighted, setting the stage for haviors based upon the local morali­ their ultimate synthesis. Third, those ties (O'Sullivan 1994) of groups, or­ thoughts are made available in easy­ ganizations, communities, and larger to-read and side-by-side manners to social systems. Two examples exist. envision the bonds between them and All states have criminal codes that de­ within them, with discussions follow­ fine illegal acts in "thou shall not" ing. No numerical data are offered. In­ forms, including listings about inappro- stead, existing expressions are mixed with emergent ones, "new wine in an ~- Becker is hereafter just called old bottle," as a different way to look at Becker to avoid possible confusion with familiar subjects for those who like to H.P. Becker. 100 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

priate methods of goal acquisitions. My preferred classroom definition The states also have rules for the road for deviance evolved into "those viola­ handbooks that define proper motor tions of mores, institutional traditions, operation as "thou shall" guidelines. and laws that reinforce each other", Such codes and others exist at invoking social indignation against the several levels of social importance in violators. This outlook contains the civil, military, and religious settings triune of definitional, behavioral, and containing differential distribution of responsive elements, but it is still op­ social power to protect people, their positional to the reciprocal facets of properties and rights, as well as group, conformity. That weakness was par­ organizational, and societal preserva­ tially addressed by O'Sullivan (2007) tion. The mere presence of the codes, as he identified social variance as act­ however, guarantees neither adher­ ivities that exist between the dichoto­ ence to them nor their effectiveness. mies, thereby easing the problems of People evaluate the norms in terms of a dualist fallacy creating a sliding efficacy and opportunities, responding scale of deviance-variance-conformity. with a range of options that includes Merton's. Others then respond to the LOOKING AT SOCIAL selections by assigning the labels of LABELING: MERTON, GOFFMAN, deviant or conformist to the participant BECKER, AND O'SULLIVAN and choices, allowing social and legal definitions for deviance to expand and Merton, Goffman, and Becker are deviant labels to amplify through sys­ renowned sociologists, O'Sullivan is temic processes (Buckley 1976; Lem­ less well known. All have made contri- ert 1951; Quinney 1970). Responses butions to social labeling theory and to conformity do not grow in similar studies in deviant behavior so their manners. individual sets of ideas are quickly Deviants are likely to receive public reviewed. and sociological attention whereas conformists fly "under the radar" fitting Merton's Thoughts personal ethics with the community's. Merton's stylized adaptations to At times, however, such anonymity cultural materialism are standard fare goes unrewarded and special notes of in most discussions about deviance good deeds are made. Prominent and conformity enhancing our ability to sailors have ships named after them, discuss both topics simultaneously: and school committees honor distin- They give dualistic capital to the other. guished alumni. People are canonized He stated that we have a variety of for religious deeds, and monies tradi- goals worthy of achievement and ac- tionally bear the images of prominent cess to them, but discrepant availabil- politicians. Military personnel are ity to each causes social strain. The awarded with medals and promotions adaptations of conformity, innovation, for acts of bravery, whereas post office ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion are walls have historically been strewn ultimately based in perceived econo- with posters of less honorable people. mic outcomes of gains versus losses. 101 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Merton's adaptations also show O'Sullivan (2010) revisited that continuity with labeling theories. The study, making a needed adjustment to act of conformity is made by the innovation's quitting-out-of-anger conformist and the act of innovation is mode. As companies downsize offer­ accomplished by the innovator3. The ing reduced hours and take-home pay, act of ritualism is accomplished by the wage-earning employees with station­ ritualist, and the act of retreatism is ary cost-of-living and cost-of-work accomplished by the retreatist. The act expenses exercise a personal version of rebellion is accomplished by the of asset-liability management. The rebel, so the acts designate the actor. workers may participate in proffered Any act other than conformity has the voluntary layoffs, pursuing other jobs potential for being called deviant, or unemployment and COBRA insur­ depending on its consequences, the ances that outweigh the reduced actor, and the authorities of observers. benefits of diminished work time. Still Merton may not have meant for his an innovator, the act identifies the model to become a general-use de­ actor. vice, but it has. O'Sullivan (1995) first employed the device in a study on Goffman's Contributions religious revitalization illustrating that Goffman's analyses of stigmas and people adjust to a religious congrega­ other labels are important discussions tion's traditions by conforming to them, on social deviance and conformity. or by switching places of worship via They were not the first, however, hav­ innovation avoiding internal conflict. ing had many major and minor pre­ Congregants can go along with local cursors. F.D. O'Sullivan's little known habits without internalizing them via 1928 Crime Detection presents a list ritualism, withdraw from any member­ of environmental factors contributing ship affiliation via retreatism, or try to to a culture for urban deviance (R.G. change tradition-laden gatherings via O'Sullivan 2009) and one variable is rebellion. incarceration that opens revolving O'Sullivan used the model again in doors for continued juvenile deviance. his 2002 case study in labor econo­ Marked youths may adopt the label of mics, illustrating that workers can spoiled identity as their own and act adapt to hostile work environments by on it, contributing to the self-fulfilling conforming to a company's precepts, prophecy of deviance that Tannen­ or through innovation by quitting, tell­ baum (1938) called the "dramatization ing the company to "Take this job and of evil." That idea was later reinforced shove it!" They can be ritualists by just in Lemert's (1951) discussions about doing the work without using it to de­ the shift from primary deviance to sec­ fine master statuses, or by the retreat­ ondary deviance, and modern novel- ism of withdrawal from the active labor force. The company rebel who ques­ ~ all acts of innovation are negative tions managerial policies, decisions, or deviance, but they get more attention authority runs the risk of being told than positive deviance as Wolfzorn, "You're fired!" Heckert, and Heckert affirm (2006). 102 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ist Hoag ( 1992/2006) used this train of al, and regional, whereas many mores thought to her literary advantage. and institutional traditions have greater Transitions from tainted identities to social value accounting for inclusions saintly ones can be slow and uncer­ in my perspective. Since rule crea­ tain, but movements in the reverse tors/makers and rule enforcers are dif­ direction can be swift and sure as nov­ ferentially empowered and enabled to elist White depicted. Witness, for ex­ formally label/stigmatize, is Becker's ample, how quickly public opinions list complete? O'Sullivan does not can change toward the following illus­ think so. trations: Priests who exploit acolytes, politicians who exploit interns or who O'Sullivan's Thoughts transfer campaign contributions to pri­ He expanded Becker's list several vate "offshore" accounts, teachers times enhancing scholars' perceptions who sexually exploit students, the bus­ of moral entrepreneur bases when iness mogul who uses a ponzi scheme legal panels such as juries, or arbiters to fleece megabucks from unsuspect­ such status-role sets. The social legi­ ing investors, the marquee athlete who timacy and proper applications of laws wagers against the home team or is are determined on case-by-case ba­ held accountable for the death of a fa- ses when legal panels such as juries, mily member, the good cop who goes or arbiters such as judges, have such "rogue", or father and son presidents responsibility after hearing arguments who are vilified as being slow when from opposing counsel. O'Sullivan responding to natural disasters (Bush (1995) named the decision makers 2010). So, who does the labeling and rule interpreters, and the advocates of why? Becker offered answers to these differing juridical outcomes are rule questions. users (O'Sullivan 2007). Police or oth­ er rule enforcers who side-step permit- Becker's Ideas ted investigatory methods are called His moral entrepreneurs are a com- rule abusers (O'Sullivan 2006), and he munity's guardians of morality. They identified legitimately-labeled deviants want the unit preserved, and such sta- as rule breakers (O'Sullivan 2007) bility is dependent on the presence of whose individual moralities violate community-wide ethics, visions for the those of a collective. future, and behavioral norms. Notable The extended list of moral stewards aberrations from them are threatening. is still incomplete. Rule influencers try His rule creators/makers define the to shape the directions that laws or behavioral guidelines, and his rule en- regulations should take, and there are forcers are agents of social control others that further reflect Merton's whose duty is ensuring social con- categories. Rule pretenders, like ritual- formity. Both categories entail legiti- ists, feign allegiance to a maxim as a mate authority which is the main rea- means to an end, not an end in itself. sons that folkways were excluded from Rule avoiders, like retreatists, believe my definition for deviance: These that socially-approved goals and ave- codes of etiquette are unofficial, casu- nues of achievement are restrictive or 103 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

unnatural so they drop out, becoming pies are worthy of dedicated explana­ seekers of alternative meanings (Lof­ tions. land 1966). Rule changers, like rebels, see inherent discrepancies in goals­ DISCUSSION means properties and want to modify them by creating alternative expecta­ A question was raised earlier ask­ tions and opportunities. Finally, rule ing whether or not there is an unscien­ abiders, like c;unformists, internalize tific, casual, or informal sociology? and follow the rules as their own. The question is likely answered in the negative within the discipline, but that COMBINING MERTON WITH response may not be so self-aggran­ LABELING THEORISTS dizing outside it. The novels of Hiaa­ sen (2010), for example, usually ad­ Merton's theory of action identified dress the serious issues of exile- and five forms of behavior and their atten­ eco-politics in Florida couched in hu­ dant actors. Merton, then, is a labeling mor to entice appreciative audiences, theorist by virtue of connecting per­ and each stand-alone tale commonly sonal activities with identifiers, but has two characters attracting such social labeling is more than simple interest. Please bear in mind, how­ tagging. Labels are consequential for ever, that his storylines are less im­ the labeled as they open some doors portant for this study than his under­ of opportunity and close others. The standing of social deviance and devi­ moral entrepreneurs identified by ants. Becker and by O'Sullivan play the One person is the returning "Skink" roles of official observers, becoming as a decorated army captain and sni­ enablers or gatekeepers. Anyone can per turned governor of the state turned make casual and informal judgments survivalist recluse swamp rat -the about others, but similar opinions from one-eyed innovator/retreatisUrebel and people vested with social power are rule-breaker/avoider/changer who ex­ accordant. Several sets of related acts creative justice on those who ideas have been presented in these defile his state. The other varies from pages, and they are better seen with story to story, but in Star Island he is visual reminders of the interplay "Chemo." Stigmatized because of his between them. (See Figures 1 and 2). criminal record and disfiguration, his Once the guiding principles behind convoluted sense of right and wrong cultural materialism, social labeling, emerges in his role as a bodyguard for and moral standards are set and vo­ tragic others. cabularies are refined, the paradigma­ After making hedged choices tic and theoretical coalitions between against the law and imprisonment, them are evident, and for good rea­ Chemo was arrested by rule enfor­ son. No single explanation for devi­ cers, and trial lawyers, as rule users, ance or for conformity has domain argued for his guilt or acquittal. Jurors over all others. Multi-dimensional to- and a judge, as rule interpreters, de-

104 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Figure 1. Old and New Sets of Moral Entrepreneurs*

From Becker From R.G. O'Sullivan The New Ones Rule Creators Rule Interpreters Rule Abiders Rule Enforcers Rule Users Rule Influencers Rule Abusers Rule Pretenders Rule Breakers Rule Avoiders Rule Changers

*Figure 1 identifies the parallel sets of moral entrepreneurs.

Figure 2. Integration of More Entrepeneurs and Merton's Adaptation**

Moral Entrepeneurs Means Adaptation Goals Means Rule Abiders f------7 Conformity/Conformists + + Rule Breakers f------7 Innovation/Innovators + Rule Pretenders f------7 Ritualism/Ritualists + Rule Avoiders f------7 Retreatism/Retreatists Rule Changers f------7 Rebellion/Rebels ± ± Rule Influencers f------7 Rule Creators/Makers Rule Enforcers f------7 Rule Abusers Rule Users f------7 Rule Interpreters

**Figure 2 presents them against Merton's adaptations and each other.

termined that the charges against him reluctant to address possible bridges were justified, so he was sentenced to existing between their ideas; they may Raiford Prison as a rule breaker, but be reticent to admit that others outside the handle remained with him as an academia notice those connections; ex-convict. Casual stigmas were also and simple definitions as ideal types attached to him because of his marred cannot be absolute. The quotes from body, but stigmas are not always Hiaasen (2010), from Hoag (1992/ damning, and may even have the re­ 2006) and from White (1998), for verse effect as sociologists and story­ example, highlight many sociological tellers have noticed. Chemo's prosthe­ truths. Moral entrepreneurialism ad­ tic arm, a battery-driven weed whack­ dresses several responses to cultural er, is abhorred and admired. As the expectations. Social labeling is not housing market of Florida improved he always official. Stigmas and halos are took a job in an occupation that he had sometimes justified, sometimes not. studied while doing time -real estate Stigmas can have the latent function finance. Skink remains at-large. of enhancing social reputations rather Sometimes sociologists are slow or than demeaning them. The assigned

105 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

labels from Merton, Goffman, and from Ogburn, W.F. 1930. "The Folkways of other labelers can overlap. Sometimes a Scientific Sociology. Publications deviance is seen as less bad, confor­ of the American Sociological Asso­ mity is less good, resulting in the anti­ ciation 16: 1-11. Retrieved from hero and social variant statuses of http://spartan.ac. brock.calward/sup Skink and Chemo, for example. ogburn_ 1929.html) I agree with the combined beliefs of O'Sullivan, F.D. 1928. Crime Detec­ Ogburn (1930) and O'Sullivan (2006, tion. Chicago: O'Sullivan Publishing 2007) that it is appropriate to look be­ House. yond sociology at alternative or non­ O'Sullivan, R.G. 2009. "F. Dalton traditional sources of information to O'Sullivan's Legacy Revisited: ground research. Ritzer (1974) is cor­ Looking at a Culture for Urban De­ rect when he states that sociology is a viance in His Time and Now." Inter­ multiple paradigm endeavor of integra­ national Journal of Crime, Law, and ted theories to be pursued vigorously, Juvenile Delinquency 4(1-2):101- but we must go beyond formulaic 122. traditions because outsiders, including ------. 2010. "No Cubes: An Updated the three novelists borrowed for this Look at An Industrial Workplace study, already know to do so far and the Fate of its Alienated Wage­ beyond their quoted snippets. They earning Employees." Free Inquiry "get" Ritzer. in Creative Sociology 38:60-72. ------. 2007. "Social Variance as it References Exists Between Conformity and Deviance: Following Some Advice Becker, H.S. 1963. Outsiders. NY: from Ogburn." Free Inquiry in Crea­ Free Press. tive Sociology 35: 103-111. Buckley, W. 1967. Sociology and ------. 2006. "Fictional Reality and the Modern Systems Theory. Engle­ Portrayal of Justice in Modern Soci­ wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. ology and Contemporary Novels." Bush, G.W. 2010. Decision Points. Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology New York: Crown Publishers. 34:133-149. Goffman, E. 1963. Stigma. Englewood ------. 2002. "An Ideological Journey Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. into Dual-class Labor Conflicts and Hiaasen, C. 2010. Star Island. New Possible Workers' Solutions." Free York: Knopf/Random House. Inquiry in Creative Sociology 30: Hoag, T. 1992/2006. The Last White 119-133. Knight. New York: Bantam Books. ------. 1995. "Congregation Switching Lemert, E. 1951. Social Pathology. and Religious Revitalization." Free New York: McGraw-Hill. Inquiry in Creative Sociology 23:39- Lofland, J. 1966. Doomsday Cult. 41. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. ------. 1994. "Moral Entrepreneurs, Merton, R.K. 1967. Social Theory and Local Morality, and Labeling Pro­ Social Structure. New York: Free cesses." Free Inquiry in Creative Press. Sociology 22:73-77. 106 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Quinney, R. 1970. The Social Reality White, R.W. 1998. The Mangrove of Crime. Boston: Little Brown. Coast. New York: G.P. Putnam's Ritzer, G.A. 1974. Sociology: A Multi­ Sons. ple Paradigm Science. Boston: Al­ Wolfzorn M., A. Heckert, and D.M. lyn and Bacon. Heckert. 2006. "Positive Deviance Tannenbaum, F. 1939. Crime and and Social Bond Theory." Free In­ Criminality. New York: Columbia quiry in Creative Sociology 34:107- University Press. 112.

Randy Lopez Goes Home A Novel By Rudolfo Anaya ISBN 978-0806141893

When he was a young man, Randy Lopez left his village in northern New Mexico to seek his fortune. Since then, he has learned some of the secrets of success in the Anglo world- and even written a book called Life Among the Gringos. But something has been missing. Now he returns to Agua Bendita to reconnect with his past and to find the wisdom the Anglo world has not provided. In this allegorical account of Randy's final journey, master storyteller Rudolfo Anaya tackles life's big questions with a light touch.

Randy's entry into the haunted canyon that leads to his ancestral home begins on the Day of the Dead. Reuniting with his padrinos -his godparents- and hoping to meet up with his lost love, Sofia, Randy encounters a series of spirits: coyotes, cowboys, Death, and the devil. Each one engages him in a conversation about life. It is Randy's old teacher Miss Libriana who suggests his new purpose. She gives him a book, How to Build a Bridge. Only the bridge -which is both literal and figurative, like everything else in this story- can enable Randy to complete his journey.

Readers acquainted with Anaya's fiction will find themselves in familiar territory here. Randy Lopez, like all Anaya's protagonists, is on a spiritual quest. But both those new to and familiar with Anaya will recognize this philosophical meditation as part of a long literary tradition going back to Homer, Dante, and the Bible. Richly allusive and uniquely witty, GOES HOME Randy Lopez Goes Home presents man's quest for meaning in a touching, thought-provoking narrative that will resound with young adults and mature readers alike.

107 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

CULTURE WARS AGAINST RELIGION AND A GATHERING OF TRIANGULATED RESPONSES TO THEM

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL

Abstract This article brings together four triangulated sets of core values and beliefs as tools that religious adherents, or believers, can use when faced with culture wars or social attacks against them. The principles contained in the sets of ideas can transcend faiths and denominations, but they were developed within Roman Catholicism and Anglicanism, and are credited to St. Benedict's rules of monas­ ticism, the individual teachings of Anglican theologians Richard Hooker and C.E. Raven, and the modern cursillo movement within the Roman Catholic and Episcopal denominations. While the expression "culture wars" is considered to be a modern phenomenon, social attacks against religions are not, and can be considered as elements of social conflict with one notable exception. Traditional social conflict theories make ample use of such expressions as groups, parties, and coalitions, suggesting united memberships, united beliefs, and coordinated efforts. Modern culture wars against religion, however, seem to be waged by amorphous bodies of critics without uniform beliefs between them, trying to discredit an equally unshaped body of believers with diverse theological, liturgical, and canonical traditions.

INTRODUCTION Whether or not there are actual antagonisms of this type is a matter of The social conflict paradigm did not speculation using an abundance of begin with the combined writings of circumstantial evidence without proof Marx and Engels even though Zeitlan of orchestration, but some scholars (1968) declares that much sociology suggest that there are several specific after the mid-1800s has been a con­ targets of such attacks. Messner, for tinuing debate with their legacies. No example, a Fellow at a conservative effort is made here to review all their think tank, identifies three issues that thoughts, but attention is paid to the seem to be at the center of culture semantic differential Marx used when wars against religion (2011 ). They are he identified some methods to end the abortion and the right to life, co-reli­ strife and the disparities between the gionism in social organizations, and bourgeoisie and the proletariat (1848/ opposite- vs. same-sex marriage, and 1954) because such two-sided mem­ more items could be listed. No effort is bership boundaries are rarely evident made here, though, to delve into spe­ when culture wars against religion are cific debates; instead, several sets of discussed. instructions illustrating how people of 108 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

faith can respond to attacks against Raven, and from cursillo are formally them are offered, and this process integrated with ideas about attach­ occurs in several stages. First, ment, commitment, involvement, and comparisons between traditional social belief from Hirschi's 1969 social bond conflicts and culture wars are made theory. A final discussion is an illustra­ because they are similar, yet different. tive one, welding academic discus­ Second, four historically separate and sions with practical applications based triangulated theological reactions to on the author's recent visit to an all- social attacks are set forth. Those Hispanic religious congregation in one responses come from St. Benedict of Chicago's famous Zone Ill "neigh­ (ca. 530 A.D./1975) who outlined mon­ borhoods" where many social tensions asticism's tenets of pax, ora et labora; work against the congregants. from the Middle Ages there is the The inspiration for this piece began "three-legged stool" of dedication to after hearing an Anglican priest disa­ reason, scripture, and tradition of gree with the equality of balance be­ Richard Hooker ( 1539/1994 ). Follow­ tween the three legs of Hooker's stool. ing them in mid-20th Century, C.E. Both of their arguments contributed to Raven (1943) wrote about the need to this discussion about secular disa­ maintain religious integrity, sympathy, greements with religion and faithful and community in the face of secular witnesses' possible responses to and scientific challenges to religious them. truth and authority; and from the modern redemptive religious move­ SOCIAL CONFLICT AND ment called Cursil/o comes its "tripod" CULTURE WARS of support as piety, study, and action that believers can use to solidify their Culture wars can be placed under faith and enhance their worship com­ the broad umbrella of culture conflict, munities. Taken together, these bod­ but they are not identical. It is ies of ideas represent staples in social necessary, then, to identify their psychology's own trilithon of self-iden­ similarities and differences. tity: Cognition, as that which is known or perceived about the self and all Traditional Views of Social Conflict things external to it; affection, as eval- The conflict paradigm has a de- uations about the self and all that is tailed history so several meanings for outside it; and behavior, as observable social conflict are reviewed. A popular or measurable activities in response to but unfiltered electronic encyclopedia that which is believed and felt. The says that "Social conflicts are third stage of this study is based on an perspectives ... that emphasize ... ine- article by Fagan (1996), also a con- quality of a social group ... " but they tributor to a conservative think tank, " ... do nor refer to a unified school of who says that social scientists have thought" (Wikipedia n.d.). Early Ameri- long known the positive effects of so- can sociologists Park and Burgess cial organization; as such, the themes (1924:505) state that social conflict is from St. Benedict, from Hooker, from unfair competition without safeguard- 109 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ing it and eventually ending it in the for social conflict, answer Park and [institutional] sector of society. Conflict Burgess. When it comes to social con­ is personal, conscious, emotionally­ flicts, there are no codes that deter­ laden, a concentrated effort, dissocia­ mine fair or foul play, and much the tive, dualistic, and based on "hatred same can be said about modern and envy, want and desire" they culture wars. further say (574-583), to which we can add ethnocentrism, greed, and the Culture Wars grasp for power or influence. A few The inter alia or battlefields of cul­ years later House (1936: 120) reported ture wars are the opinion-editorial sec­ a simpler idea, that conflict is "oppos­ tions of local and major newspapers, ing social tendencies." Finally, Coser legal venues including political assem­ (1956:8) comments that social conflict bly halls, and the airways of the broad­ is " ... a struggle over values and claims cast media. Their weapons are not to scarce status, power, and resources guns with bullets, but words: Asper­ in which the aims of the opponents sions, epithets, and character assas­ [especially the aggressors] are to neu­ sinations; data and reports that resem­ tralize, injure, or eliminate... rivals," ble Orwell's newspeak (1949/1961 ); making it a dyad of antagonists and and speeches that are selectively their vested interests. edited by opponents. Culture wars Most recreational readers do not against religion, for example, contain wade through detailed reports and changed expressions in official and data on disparities between divergent unofficial national anthems, revisionist groups. Outside such sources, how­ history that redacts sources of national ever, there are many accounts of so­ character and resolve, the renaming of cial conflicts that casual readers can religious holidays to accommodate enjoy. Novelists make good, imagina­ political correctness, and civil medical tive, and successful use of controlled regulations that are imposed on faith­ power based on gender, economic, based health care providers. cultural, wealth, religious, legal, and Culture wars' victims seem to be ethnic variables as R.G. O'Sullivan entire categories of people and the (2002) reviewed. So, regardless of moral nets (Davis and Stasz 1990) which definition a person chooses, they hold dear. Victors in military wars social conflict can be summarized in are those forces that inflict the most this tongue twister: "There are the physical damage upon the enemy, haves and the have-nots, and the whereas the populist victors in culture have-nots want to have what the wars seem to be those who most ef­ haves have, but the haves do not want fectively sway public opinion against to give what they have to the have­ their ideological enemies. The purpos­ nots, because then the haves and the es behind culture wars then are the have-nots would switch places, revers­ demonization of opponents and the ing who has what" in a dialectic pro­ neutralization of their political influ­ cess of social change; but are there ence as Hunter (1991) discusses in rules of conduct in the tensions? Not 110 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

his groundbreaking book Culture of its visions or defamation of its Wars: The Struggle to Define America. advocates (153). The conflicts are not Standard discussions about social about specific bodies of people, Hunt- conflict have assessed one category er argues, but about which vision of of people pitted against another. moral parochialism will survive and is Culture wars are different because better for society ( 156, 158), where, they are voiced public arguments borrowing a line from the popular about core social values, including novelist Suzanne Collins (2010: 133) morality: " ... discussions about what is "both truth and justice will reign." fundamentally right and wrong about Hunter acknowledges the impor- the world we live in- about what is tance of Durkheim's Elementary ultimately good and what is finally Forms of Religious Life (1912/1954) intolerable in our communities" entail- as an early account about culture wars ing such "words and phrases as truth, against religion that are concerned justice, the public good, and national with the sacred which can be holy, purpose ... " (Hunter 32-33). Should we traditional, and socially conservative, be tradition-bound or progressive, and the profane, or the secular, that is backward-thinking or forward-thinking, directed toward this-worldly issues, the conservative or liberal? These are the modern, or the progressive. Viewed types of questions raised in culture this way, culture wars against religion wars. are based on the moral dualisms of Hunter had unlimited space as he the sacred vs. the secular as propo- wrote his book, but I do not have that nents of each try to preserve their same luxury, so I can only present institutional visions over the encroach- some excerpts from his pages captur- ments of the other. ing the essence of his themes. Both Religion and politics are core social sides of culture wars are involved with institutions, and even though we have the opposing processes of image- legal principles that disallow the making and image-tarnishing- making creation of a church-state or a state- themselves look good and the others church, there is a latent alliance bad (143). Each portrays the other as between them. Based on the work of being extreme- outside the main- Hooker, House (42) calls that relation- stream of society (146). Both sides try ship "ecclesiastical politics" and to monopolize legitimacy- portraying Hunter calls it an "isomorphism" (120) themselves as the keepers of the faith where there is a prevalent belief that and the others as moral outsiders all members on each side of the tra- ( 147). Each side portrays the other as ditionalist-progressive, sacred-secular being intolerant of diversity therefore stances have common world views as dangerous to society ( 149-150). If the they ponder public discussions and expressions of disfavor could be elections. Religio-political conserva- viewed by non-partisan observers then tives and religio-political liberals each the allegations and charges they want to earn public support, so each contain are virtually identical (152). side exalts itself while demeaning the Neither side can tolerate desecration other by extending morphed moral 111 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

appeals- pro-sacred anti-secular or born into a family of considerable pro-secular anti-sacred to various financial means in an era of social audiences, and there are no editors to decline. He was disappointed with the vett the veracity of their claims. Politi­ secularism that prevailed by choosing cal victory akin to the struggle of good a life of spirituality and eventually vs. evil may be the claim made by the founded the monastery at Monte Cas­ winners. sino (Seasoltz 1987:98). He is not the If Hunter is correct can individuals founder of monasticism as a way of in targeted populations respond with­ life, but he is credited with being the out specifically getting into the fray of "Father of Western Monasticism" public exchange and becoming can­ (Spencer 1965:117) based on the writ­ non fodder for the attackers, and if so, ing of his S. Benedicti Regula Mones­ how? "History" provides affirmative torium or The Rule of St. Benedict (ca. answers to these concerns and the 530/1975), just as Comte was later selected versions of them are offered, called the "Father" of modern socio­ next. logy. Each laid appropriate principles for their successors. A GATHERING OF RESPONSES Benedicts's guidebook (henceforth One of the primary functions of so­ Rule) identifies the various ways that cial conflict, says Coser, is that oppos­ monasteries, as a type of total insti­ ing groups, especially the ones re­ tution (Goffman 1961 ), are essentially viled, can reaffirm their histories, tra­ surrogate families dedicated to the ditions, beliefs, and morals as they spiritual fulfillment of their residents face opposition. Such restrengthen­ and to the glorification of God. These ings are historically frequent as vari­ tasks are partially accomplished by ous religions face their adversaries creating satisfactory divisions of labor, and adversities, and four examples of by having formal conduct norms, by reaffirmations in Christianity are of­ shaping levels of authority, by deter­ fered here with appropriate back­ mining membership criteria, by sched­ ground information. It is important to uling allotted times for work, for note, however, two related items about prayer, for community involvement, the four sets of responses: First, none and so on (Benedict; Seasoltz; South­ of the three items in each set stands ern 1970:217-240; and Spencer). All alone, but receives strength and these types of partitions were later meaning from the others; and second, identified by Weber (1947) as ele­ their common linguistic, structural, ments of bureaucracies that were theological, and purposive biases are idealized in the in the secular Walden impossible to avoid. Two community designed by novelist and psychologist B.F. Skinner Saint Benedict's Pax, Ora Et Labora (1948/1962). Benedict of Nursia, Italy (b. 480 Early European Christian monas- A.D.-d. 547 A.O.) was canonized in ticism was made possible by three 1807 for his healing ministry and events: The Christian Baptism of resultant medical miracles, but he was Roman Emperor Constantine I gave 112 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

the religion legitimacy in a this-worldly, of a surrendered will" (all Ottley 1919: pagan, and secular society; develop­ 700-701 ). A reading of Benedict's ing beliefs that faith and piety should Rule, however, shows that word be orderly, rational, and responsible­ peace, and its qualities, are in scarce not random; and, the invasions of supply allowing the interpretation that barbaric hordes following the decline it is more than a mere product of of the Roman authority opened new human existence, possibly found in its possibilities for, and challenges to, derivative word pact meaning an a­ religious outreach, possible conver­ greement between consenting parties. sions, and maintenance of faith (Mei­ One form of idolatry, as discussed sel and del Mastro1975:12-14; Spen­ again later, is placing the self on a cer 14-15). Rule contains seventy­ level with the object or the person of three chapters that prescribe the daily adoration, but that is antithetical to activities of monasteries and their subservience and obedience, and may residents that revolve around the three be an act of sin depending on precepts that are attributed to theological constructs. Avoidance of Benedict. such self-elevation is made possible through acts of contrition or humility Pax that are detailed in Rule's Chapter This Latin word for peace has Seven- "Humility." In it, Benedict mixed meanings. One of them refers makes an allusion to the Biblical story to the end of hostilities between ene­ of climbing Jacob's ladder that mies. Another suggests a personal contains twelve rungs as steps toward comfort that can be derived from a God's exaltation, not the individual's. number of variables, including a satis­ Those steps are: Obeying God's com­ faction, a reconciliation, or a balance mandments, avoiding self-pleasure; of maturity between one's aspirations, not imitating God; accepting travails as expectations, and achievements. It tests of the will; confessing wrongful can also be a product of attachment to behavior and lustful thoughts; working family and close friends, a product of obediently for, and according to, God; solid beliefs and commitments to believing in the oral confessions; traditional moral nets while rejecting striving to avoid their causes; obeying alternative others, or a product of the rules and authorities of the active involvement in community monastery; refraining from joviality; affairs. speaking infrequently, only with mate­ Peace, however, also has purely rial purpose, and quietly; and being so theological value as an ideal that has diligent that actions speak louder than several defining qualities. The religion words (Benedict 56-61 ). Pax, then, is of the New Testament is one of victory produced by obedience and subser­ over all, with which people align vience as humility to something themselves; it is freedom from entice­ greater than the self. ments, hindrances, and moral con­ flicts; or, it is internalization of external Ora religious traditions as "the restfulness A direct translation of this Latin 113 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

word means by mouth, or speaking, guarding it from plunder while simul­ and. Benedict presents two methods taneously becoming studios for new of delivery. They are prayer and study. art, for good reason. Prayer has been defined as a verbal Written religious literature was expression of oneself with God (Mac­ basically useless for non-literate peo­ quarrie 1977:493) wherein thoughts on ple, and oral exhortations are hard to adoration (praise), expiation (forgive­ imprint without experiential or visual ness), love (charity), petition (spiritual frames of reference. Consequently, assistance), and thanksgiving (appre­ much high art of the era was created ciation) are offered. Daily monastic life in monasteries as tangible depictions is scheduled around prayer and wor­ of salvation vs. perdition. ship services taking place from "no Further, Christianity was newly­ sun to no sun," as the approximate legitimized in Benedict's time but it saying goes. was still implausible to, and distant The other side of ora is the active from, the commoners. Roman statuary study of holy scriptures as they were may have changed but secular habits then written. Christianity in the time of were replaced with those from invad­ Benedict was more of an oral tradition ers. There were few changes for rural than a written one, and that which was enclaves as they led their lives in that written was scarce, manually tran­ which Redfield (1956) calls "the little scribed, and in Latin or in Greek. The tradition." Cities and monasteries, physical process of study was however, were populated by the literati arduous, but was also contained in of artists, medical specialists, and monasteries' daily schedules as the clergy that Redfield calls "the great only direct and personal means to tradition." One of duties of monastics, comprehend the words of God. then, was to take the specific great tradition of Christianity into the little Labora tradition of the rustics, blending the The multiple tasks of monastic life ora et labora as community outreach. required work. Monasteries are phys­ Benedict's Rufe was written for ical residences that need regular monasticism, but does it have any maintenance, the provision of suste­ direct relevance to members of the nance for the inhabitants, the estab­ then- or the now-laity? All believers at lishment of balanced economic reci­ all times are faced with visions of life procity (Polanyi 1946; Sahlins 1972) that run counter to their beliefs, just as with patron manors and local com­ they are assailed for their principles. munities, and so on. Some of their The three settlements behind Rule - tasks were menial, some were agricul­ pax as humility, ora as prayer and tural, and some were profitable. Some study, and labora as work in, and for, involved distilling potent potables from God's domain- still prevail and varia­ the fruit of the vine, and others were tions of them are offered in the later mainly esthetic. Monasteries became section on cursi/lo, but it is now time to the repositories for existing art, safe- fast-forward about twelve centuries.

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Hooker's Three-Legged Stool of language, so Russell is the summarist Reason, Scripture and Tradition for the three-volume edition used here, Richard Hooker (b. 1554-d. 1600), and in that role, he offered two sets of the "judicious Hooker" (Holmes 1993 observations. The first shows there 15; Raven 62) is credited with were and there are still internecine publishing Of the Laws of Ecclesiasti­ struggles against Anglicans' ortho­ cal Polity {henceforth Laws) around doxy, identifying these struggles on p. 1594 as guiding principles for the 1-1 of Laws Volume I. emerging Anglicanism of the Church 1. Lay and clergy divide of England. Hooker was born into a themselves into parties and family of modest means, but was acrimoniously attack one sponsored for study at Oxford Univer­ another. sity. A scholar, vicar and pastor, and 2. Clergy defy existing collegial family man, Hooker's greatest noto­ structures by forming riety seems to have come from Laws. conventicles for disciplined Not all culture wars are waged by study of Holy Scripture. forces outside religion, and the nas­ 3. Parties identify the structures cent Church of England had detractors of the church as ungodly, and competition from other denomina­ then generate proposals for tions. Roman Catholicism was unhap­ alternate structures. py with King Henry Vlll's departure 4. The authority of Church from its sacramental traditions, auth­ decisions gets challenged ority, and taxing power; and Puritans with proof texts from Holy felt that Anglicanism was too episco­ Scripture. pal, liturgic, iconic, and lacking iner­ 5. The national Church's power rancy or infallibility of sacred texts of independent decision (Holmes 1993; Massey 1987; Russell making gets challenged. 1994 ). Roman Catholics wanted to 6. Bishops find their very overthrow the new church while existence questioned by Puritans just wanted to reform it those who promote an (Moorman 1980:208), so Hooker's de­ alternative ordering of signs were intended as a via media or ministering. middle way of worship. 7. Ultra-Protestants pull the "[A]rguing that Roman Catho­ church in one direction, ultra­ lics had added too much Catholics in another. [theocracy and political power] 8. Groups propose special to traditional Catholicism and ecclesiastic structures to that Puritans had subtracted accommodate their too much, Laws affirmed conscientious objections to Anglicanism's continuity with the existing order, all causing the Catholic Church of its him ask if anything had fathers" (Holmes 15). changed from the 1590s to the 1990s. Laws was written in high Tudor 115 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

A few pages later (/-13-14), Russell actually coined the expression "three­ cites seven strategies that critics in legged stool" is uncertain and moot, Hooker's day used against him when but the phrase and its alleged author­ the launched their opposition. These ship remain with us. methods are listed as: 1. Existing leaders are easy Reason targets. Attacking them with In some ways, says House (42-43), sufficient severity imputes the contributions of Hooker preflect righteous zeal to the Hobbes' and Locke's ideas on social attackers; authority, except Hooker addressed 2. People who sling enough ecclesiastical authority (Laws Vols. II mud will eventually hit and Ill) rather than civil leadership. All, something; however, believed in the inherent abili­ 3. People with a grievance will ty of people to ponder and compare happily project it upon a their experiences, coming to their own target already smeared with conclusions by engaging in the pro­ someone else's mud; cess of reason. 4. People upset with one thing There are several ways to define will more easily accept reason, and one is "the human capa­ some new or untried thing city for (or practice of) seeing, forming, as a reme.dy ... ; and investigating cognitive relations 5. Dissidents overly simplify (Finch 1987:223). Another is "the complex issues in order to relational element in intelligence, in narrow people's viewpoints, distinction from the element of content, deliberately creating a sensational, or emotional" (Smith closed or circular system of 1919:593); and then Russell argumentation; (/-9) says that Hooker's orientation 6. They drape themselves with toward reason is specifically directed untestable claims of toward things ecclesiastic. illumination by the Holy Hooker writes in Laws (Vol. 2: 19) Spirit, and; that "no religion can wholly and only 7. They use the freedom and consist of untruths" or allegations hospitality offered by the made about it, requiring a person of hosts to undermine them, reason to investigate the forms, func­ clearly showing that culture tions, and validity of internal truths as wars against religion are not well as the forms, functions, and new. validity of external claims made about religion. Such concentrated effort is Like Benedict's Rule, Hooker's called study, but the reasonable per- Laws remains a mainstay of its deno- son runs the risk of being too rational, minational tradition; but just as only too objective, and ambivalent especi- the broadest visions of Rule were ally when study becomes ongoing offered only synopses of Laws can be without commitment to any ideal. The set forth here. Whether or not Hooker metaphoric question "Are you going to 116 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

fish or cut bait?" could easily have forts is to take that which is learned, been Hooker's own, yet there comes a and that which is learned from it, to time, Hooker would hope, when the others. There is an adage that says person finally says "I believe ... " and that we can reflect on our lives, but we further study affirms that commitment. must live them forward, and that pre­ mise can be rephrased in the modern Scripture question "What would Jesus do?" Both This is the word divine as revealed thoughts support Hooker's work since through holy documents. Russell (/-10) holy scriptures are templates for any says about Hooker that "Scripture is now-modern population when facing the perfect end for which it was creat­ the secular and the unknown. ed: to impart knowledge needed for This article was inspired by a chat salvation that people, because of their with an Anglican priest and by a term sinfulness, can no longer find through paper that he wrote for his seminary the use of their reason." On his own, degree (Doubet 2010). He disagrees Hooker writes that holy documents, as with the premise that elements in recorded by humankind, represent the Hooker's triune were co-equal, stating witnessing of the sacred: "The voice instead that their configuration was and testimony of the church acknow­ less like a stable milking stool and ledging Scripture to be the law of the more like Mattell's Big Wheel tricycle living God, is for the truth and certainly with scripture being the driving force of thereof no mean evidence" (Laws Vol. movement. Without scripture, Doubet 11:89). argues, there are no moral issues to Scripture must be studied diligently ponder [Hooker's reason], just as because its truths may not be directly there are no bases [Hooker's tradition] stated but are often hidden in symbolic for ethical decisions. Doubet con­ stories, parables, and proverbs, just as cludes his paper by saying, the moral codes or laws they contain "Scripture is the driving force may not be found as easily as Bene­ to matters ecclesiastical, it dict's Rule delineates his. Theological also steers the vehicle. truths must be discerned as they Tradition and reason keep sometimes offer different revelations. things running smoothly, with Christianity's Gospels of Sts. Matthew, tradition having the ability to Mark, and Luke, for example, are slow things down when called the synoptic Gospels because interpretation or reason get they contain parallel and co-sequential out of control." synopses of Christ's life, whereas the Gospel of St. John can be called a Tradition theological one because it mainly Tradition, Hooker states, is the to- addresses the purposes of Christ's tality of scriptures, prophets and pro- life, not its chronology of events. phecies, biographies, beatitudes, acts Discernment is acquired through of dedicated advocates, letters of sup- diligence, but Hooker and others con- port and advice to isolated disciples, tend that the real purpose of such ef- miracles, symbolism, parables, prov- 117 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

erbs, creeds and all things holy from apt to minister" (Laws Vol. 2:168). the time of the Christian Apostles for­ With those thoughts in mind, it is time ward. It also contains standardized to jump forward again about 350 rites of celebration and incorporation, years. canons, duties for the clergy and the laity, lyrical psalms and hymns of Raven's Integrity, Sympathy, and praise, and organized authority hier- Community archies, at all time and in all places. Title page information from the Traditions are always products of books of C.E. (Charles E.) Raven (b. social facts preceding them, resistant 1985-d. 1964) show that he was an to change, disparaging of both compe- Anglican priest, theologian, and a pro- tition and criticism, ancestral (Fichter fessor of science and religion at 1967; Jensen 1967), learned, and Cambridge University. He served as a where "Remember" is [their] first com- Canon of Liverpool and was a Chap- mandment. .. " (Villiers 1987:1). Apply- lain to the King of England. He wrote ing these comments to Laws, Russell eight books including Science, Re/i- (/-11) says that traditions " ... are the gion, & the Future (henceforth SRF) cumulative decisions of Christian peo- and its contents mingle well with pie over time. They are the mixture of others from Albert Einstein (1930, necessary and accessory things 1939, 1941, and 1948) who also wrote which, with the help of Reason and about the relationships between Scripture, people have cobbled togeth- science and religion based on his er to give glory to God." combined insights and identities of By maintaining dedication to scrip- scientist and Zionist. ture, established ritual, and episcopal Raven's SRF was written during authority, congregants can understand the middle of World War II, an era that how they are linked to the same was a military conflagration and a grounded problem-solving techniques moral one. Democratic capitalism and that their ancestors faced, that they elements of conservative religious face, and that their descendants will traditionalism were at odds with the face. If Hooker could rise from his civil rulers who tried to "destroy the grave today and look at the ways that spirit of humanity" (Einstein 1939) by traditional cultural values and practic- borrowing selected principles from es are redefined rather than rein- developing genetic and economic forced, he might be saddened be- sciences. From Darwin and from cause "there will always be evils which Malthus, Raven writes scientists of no art of man can cure, breaches and Hitlerian Germany practiced eugenics leaks more than man's wit hath hands and genocide to create a master race to stop" (Laws Vol. 2:38). At the same void of hereditary contaminants. time, however, he might be gladdened Raven further writes that Marx and because faith "allayeth all kinds of Engels were influenced by Ricardo's base and early cognitions, banisheth ideas on economic distribution, lead- and driveth away evil suggestions ing to the schemes for social change which our invisible enemy is always by Lenin and by Stalin as ideologies 118 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

that eventually made their ways into intense and directed investigation. The the U.S. cognitive act of study, Raven advises, Military wars might be preventable is to "learn what is" (80) because if we listen carefully to the rhetoric of counter arguments to those used the saber-rattlers before the tensions against religion are weak without escalate, but can modern culture wars viable foundations. He writes, "Open against religion be avoided? Raven your eyes and see; test and notice the offers some insights into the issue, consequences, grasp the significance ideas that can be summarized as of your observations; act upon it as a "know your enemy." The challenge to means to further discoveries" (86). ministers and members of the laity Raven would encourage believers to alike is to pay close attention to the become like Socrates, to " ... puncture words of religion's detractors: Overt the pretensions of his contemporaries, contempt does not need translation, to insist upon strict investigations of but expressions of benevolence are the meanings of the words [and the often masks or false faces. accusations] that they used and the As a scholar who studied the his­ ideas that they professed" (95), not as tory of science and religion Raven an accused anarchist or a martyr, like offers a three-sided view of enlighten­ Socrates, but as an informed unifier ment toward culture wars against reli­ and reconstructionist. Three related gion in his time that can be applied to questions are then raised: "What is any era. The process includes: Being studied?", "Why study?", and "Whose open to new cognitive experiences values?" The first of these is answered and appreciating them; classifying immediately. those experiences into systems of be­ Like Benedict and Hooker, Raven liefs that are considered as being true; feels that believers should study holy and using those moral nets as person­ scriptures that are appropriate to the al guideposts in daily life and in the religion, related scholarly and filtered communion of others (5-17). Raven commentaries and histories, as well as gives all of these views further con­ annals of religious archaeology. It is sideration. Chapter IV, "The Intellectu­ also incumbent for the adherent to stu­ al Task: Integrity'' (80-96) discusses dy the beliefs of the critics. If attacks the cognitive dimensions of awareness come from other religions, gnostic­ and information comparisons; Chapter isms, heresies, theosophy, sciento­ VII "The Moral Task: Sympathy" (97- logy, cosmology, secular humanism, 112) discusses the affective element social gospels, libertarianism, atheism, of appropriate moral nets and their ecumenism, inclusive language, cul­ comparative efficacy; and Chapter VIII tural relativity, and so on, then the "The Religious Task: Community" same types of literatures from them (113-125) addresses the call to action. about them need to be studied. In order to affirm "what is" there is need Integrity to know "what is not" and how that is Raven's interpretation of integrity used against the known. The investi- refers to the demanding task of gations are not just academic exer- 119 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 cises, Raven argues. If the first ques­ Community tion has a cognitive quality, the second Cultures and societies are created has an affective value: "Why study?" by people living together cooperative­ ly, but there are usually exceptions to Sympathy this rule. A form of idolatry, says Rav­ Informed opinions about "what is" en, is the superindividuated self who is and "what is not" give rise to what self-segregated from the community, should be (Einstein 1939) as the replacing a "we not me" ethos (Cam­ articulation of moral nets for the pus Ministries n.d.) with "me not we" individual and the collective. Scientists egocentrism. Since religious mores and theologians have competed for are products of collective reason and audiences by offering alternative an­ traditions say Hooker, Raven, and swers to questions of ultimate mean­ Einstein, personality cults can threaten ing, definitions of truth, and the shape local and global stability. of morality as they often tread [or plod] Raven writes: " ... we become what into realms outside their respective we love, and finding a common loyalty domains of expertise (Einstein 1948). and a common service with our fellows Still, science and religion are not nec­ discover our organic unity with them" essarily incompatible: "Science without (122), where personalities develop, religion is lame, and religion without and where creeds, as essential state­ science is blind" writes Einstein ments of belief, are formed and (1941 ), and Raven would likely have shared. These creeds can be found in agreed with this statement. national anthems, national pledges of The evolutionary sciences of Dar­ allegiance, oaths of office, or promises win's and of Raven's times were not made before legal testimonies where as sophisticated as they are now, but they all promote civil cohesion. there was still a general belief that Creeds can also define religious geological, biological, and cultural evo­ heritages, as found in the Nicene lutions occur together. Whatever the Creed and the Apostles' Creed in processes, Raven writes, the results Christianity, even as they contain dif­ have been humanity with "heroes, ferent elements of historicism. There is artists, thinkers, and saints" (103) im­ a difference in voice, for example, in pacting "the scope and character of the Nicene Creed contained in the moral issues ... [including the opposing prayer books for the Church of Eng­ issues] "'good and evil'" (106) and lib­ land (C. of E.), the Episcopal Church eralism and conservancy ( 1). Culture in the U.S. (TEC), and the Anglican wars against religion can be fought Church in North America (ACNA). successfully, Raven would argue, if Thomas Cranmer, the Archbishop of critics of religion are debated rea­ Canterbury under King Edward VI, sonably by informed believers, lending was summoned to compose a book of the third question, "Whose beliefs?" prayer suitable for the common people of England to use in their local par-

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ishes. The First English Prayer Book nominations under different names was published (1549/1999), and in with appropriate structural modifica­ 1662 the Book of Common Prayer was tions. Dragostin (1970) criticized cur­ designated as the official prayer book sillo by calling it secretive and cultic, of the denomination. but it was given a friendly review by Cranmer had protestant Lutheran Marcoux (1982). A few years later, it leanings, so when he translated scrip­ was assessed four different ways with ture from Greek to English he used the sociological insights by R.G. O'Sulli­ voice of the first person singular, rath­ van (1988, 1989, 1997, and 1999), er than the more catholic first person and this article relies on his 1988 pub­ plural. The beginning of Cranmer's lication. version of the Nicene Creed states, "I The word cursil/o is Spanish, mean­ believe ... " (24), and that tradition was ing "a short course in Christianity," and maintained in the 1928 Book of Com­ the movement began in Mallorca dur­ mon Prayer (BCP) for TEC. The 1979 ing the mid-1940s. It was migrated to version of the BCP changed the voice the U.S. during the mid-1950s when to the "We believe ... " translation (358) many were flirting with the ideas that for two reasons. It better reflects the gave rise to the Russian Revolution, original Greek from which it was de­ the Spanish Civil War, World War II, rived, and the plural voice mirrors the and the Korean War. body corporate of TEC, and that same Socialization into cursillo normally reasoning and wording is used for the takes place during its "weekend" that Common Worship missals that are lasts from Thursday night to Sunday found in many congregations of ACNA evening, and for reasons of modesty in the U.S. they are divided into weekends for Raven would likely agree with the men and weekends for women. The adage that there is "strength in num­ meetings are intense and sequestered bers" since no military battle or war opportunities for personal reflections has ever been won, outside mythology and inspirational talks called rollos that or political leaders' claims, by one per­ are presented by staff members from son acting alone. Religions are sui the clergy and from the laity. Each full generis communities of believers who day is oriented to a particular leg of stick to the habits of study, moral stan­ the tripod: Friday to Piety, Saturday to ces, and themselves because each Study, and Sunday to Action. faces the bewilderments, the corrup­ Most of the attendees, or candi­ tions, and the derelictions (Raven 124) dates, are already Christians and of the culture wars against them in members of the host denominations, their times, allowing us to move for­ wanting to renew or revitalize their ward about a decade. beliefs. Conversions are rare, but they, dramatic personal events, as well as Cursillo's Tripod of Piety, Study, pranks, take place. Worship services and Action and scheduled opportunities for Cursillo was born in Roman Catha- reverence and contemplation are licism but now appears in other de- frequent, as are times for small group 121 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

discussions about spiritual journeys, havior habits, whereas most cursillo obstacles to faith, and personal epip­ candidates reaffirm existing ones. It is hanies. now time to look at the legs of the cur­ The entire weekend prepares the sillo tripod and the weekend's devel­ candidates for the "Fourth Day" of cur­ opmental stages. sillo as re-entry into the world of opin- ions and habits that oppose religious Piety principles- the secuiar vs. the sacred. There are several ways to define Cursillo's contents are similar to the this sentiment, including a developed themes in Benedict's Rule, in Hooker's or a developing relationship with God; Laws, and in Raven's SRF, but differ humility, in the Benedictine sense; and in one remarkable way: They are co- an A-B conversation, or a dyadic dialo- equal in value but not co-temporal in gue, with God. Using an idea ex- development, as is explained next. pressed earlier it can be typified as a Mead (1934) gave us the prepara- balanced reciprocity of redemption for tory, play, and game stages of cog- obedience to God; and, going one nitive development that Denzin (1986) step forward, or backward, we can modified as the preparatory, interac- borrow from Rousseau's 1762/194 7 tional, and participatory stages of in- civil social contract to call piety a theo- volvement in recovery groups. R.G. logical contract or covenant with God. O'Sullivan (1988) used Denzin's orien- The initial rollo of the first day is tations and stages of development as called "Ideal," and it does not specify they apply to cursillo's thematic week- any particular one, but it invites can- end. Friday is the preparatory or infra- didates to reflect upon priorities in their structural day, with its promises of lives. As R.G. O'Sullivan (1988) says, things to come. Saturday is the inter- the theme of the first day is partially actional day because the candidates destructive- reminding the candidates begin to feel some unity and lose that many of the "ologies" in their lives inhibitions. Sunday is the participatory are only academic sciences, and the day because the candidates are given various "isms" in their lives are econo- specific suggestions about using their mic and political realities to which they learned skills in home parishes and can adapt. Neither those "ologies" nor neighborhoods, doing social good for "isms" have, as adapted from Einstein others. R.G. O'Sullivan's first analysis, (1939), super-institutional value worthy then, can be adjusted to fit the context of religious-like adoration. The candi- of this article: Just as military basic dates are encouraged to evaluate their training, or boot camp, prepares re- orientations toward the sacred, the cruits in successive stages of develop- secular, cultural materialism, and our ment for potential combat roles, cursil- meritocracies, but such self-reflections lo prepares candidates in successive can be unsettling as many find comfort stages of development for culture wars in their daily beliefs, goals, and a- against religion, but there is a major chievements. As a point of irony, R.G. difference between them- military re- O'Sullivan recalls that he was a cur- cruits are resocialized into new be- sillo candidate in 1982 just three days 122 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

after defending his doctoral disserta­ grow and be viable, but the word is tion. Salvific hope and promise are of­ reviled and its "evangelicals" are de­ fered, however, toward the end of the based as being religious fanatics by day in the rollo entitled "Piety" as a those who fuel culture wars against reminder that good things come to them. Nonetheless, members of the faithful witnesses. cursillo community, or any religious group, are asked to engage in commu­ Study nity involvement helping others, serv­ Study is dedicated investigations ing as role models and inspirational into relevant literature. The rollo on leaders for those who are helped. The this subject offers specific methods allures drawing people away from re­ and resources that are compliant with ligions are always present and real, the host denomination, making them but culture wars against religion can beyond the scope of this article. Study be fought using such strategies and also involves emotional and participa­ tactics as are taught in cursillo, espe­ tory appeals. The rollo called Sacra­ cially in the rollo entitled "Christian ments, for example, itemizes rites of Community in Action" where specific incorporation and membership, reli­ suggestions for outreach are also out­ gious vocations, atonement, bonds of side the range of this article. commitment and attachment, and The combined offerings from Bene­ movement through the lifecycle. Per­ dict, Hooker, Raven, and cursillo con­ sonal solace is possible during the tain similar and redundant defense recitations of the creeds as well as in weapons that religious believers can public and private confessions. use in respond to culture wars against Saturday is also a time when the them. The twelve recommendations weekends' leaders hope that the can­ can be summarized by borrowing two didates lose their suspicions and shy­ expressions: The first is attributed to ness, develop a sense of belonging Oliver Cromwell during a campaign with fellow seekers (Lofland 1966), gel against the Irish when he said "Put as a group, and start to have fun. The your trust in God, but mind to keep day concludes with a special candle­ your powder dry;" and the second is light service showing the candidates assigned to Lt. Col. William Barrett that they are supported by their spon­ Travis, commandant at the battle of sors and fellow members of cursillo. the Alamo, when he said "Never re­ treat ... just reload." Both of these lead­ Action ers encouraged soldiers in their ranks This day provides several guide­ to stay true to their convictions and be lines for committed involvement. It is prepared to defend themselves. important for the candidates to be active members in their home conger­ A SOCIOLOGICAL INSPECTION gations and denominations, but they should also become involved in local This article is published in a socio- residential communities. Evangelism is logy journal, not a publication in religi- a calling of all religions if they are to ous history or theology. As such, ele- 123 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ments of Hirschi's social bond theory likelihood of juvenile delinquency, that and juvenile delinquency are scattered F.D. O'Sullivan (1928), R.G. O'Sulli­ throughout these pages, so it is now van's 2009 revival of F.D. O'Sullivan's time to fully integrate them with re­ work, and Stark (1987) all substanti­ sponses to culture wars against reli­ ated, just as Messner and Fagan each gion. argued that religious integration and Those sets of recommendations social cohesion are entwined yet en­ contain overlapping and repetitive dangered by culture wars against themes allowing them to be collapsed them. into four grounded categories: Per­ Taking these terms and applying sonal attachment to groups of like­ them to culture wars against religion minded disciples, commitment to reli­ there are inverse correlations that are gious ideals, involvement in commu­ nearly identical to Hirschi's. The lower nity outreach, and a deep-seated the attachment to religious traditions belief that religious ideals are just. and religious communities, the lower These are the same categories and the commitment to sacred moral nets, meanings that Hirschi uses in discus­ the lower the level of outreach as sions of social bonds and juvenile involvement in local areas or to those delinquency. in need, and the lower the internali­ The premise of his work is that zation of moral ideals the higher the differential degrees of social integra­ impact of the secular over the sacred. tion have some impact on the juvenile The opposing proposition states that conformist-delinquent dichotomy higher the religious attachment to where bonding has four elements. likeminded others, the higher the Attachment is alignment with compa­ commitment to sacred moral nets, the tible others, and commitment is "stick­ higher the outreach as involvement in to-it-iveness" to social and cultural local areas or to those in need, and expectations. Involvement is engaging the higher the internalization of moral in wholesome and constructive com­ ideals the lower the impact of the munity activities, and belief is internali­ secular over the sacred. In summary zing external traditions- owning them. then, the social bonds identified by It may be simplistic to state that Hirschi can be heavily laced with the juvenile delinquency occurs with the combined contributions of St. Bene­ absence of moral guidons, just as it dict, Richard Hooker, C.E. Raven, and may be facile to state that juvenile cursillo communities for all times and delinquency is avoided when moral in all places, as illustrated in the next nets are present. Nonetheless, there is section. something intriguing about the ab­ sence-presence thesis when stated as A WELDMENT OF THEORY AND propositions about inverse correla­ ILLUSTRATION tions: The lower the conforming social bonds the higher the likelihood of People of faith often face many juvenile delinquency, and the higher overt and covert attacks against their the conforming bonds the lower the lives in religious dignity. Sometimes 124 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

specific areas of tension can be identi­ academic verbiage. The bishop's ser­ fied as was accomplished here earlier. mon praised them for the achievement At other times, though, the conflicts of completing a year of dedicated between the sacred and the secular religious study and instruction, urging elude specificity, are multiple, and can them to continue their studies. He be environmental rather than cam­ praised them for their commitments to paigns. the congregation and involvement in The author recently saw such community affairs, asking them to be interactive distractions during his visit living testimonies for others to witness. to the Anglican congregation in the Finally, he praised them for dedication "Pueblocito" neighborhood of Chicago. to their religion's traditions and beliefs He had already witnessed its mem­ that have many vexations. bers' religious dedication and he This congregation is an Anglican wanted to visit them, so he accom­ one, so another sacramental denomin­ panied the diocesan bishop on a trip to ation that is more commonly associ­ the congregation. The bishop's pur­ ated with Hispanics debases the group pose was to administer the sacramen­ and its beliefs. The area is multi-cul­ tal rites of Confirmation and the Eu­ tural with different practices, but inter­ charist, and first communion, to about cultural conflicts are set aside when forty-five people, mostly teenagers, the congregants enter their church. upon completing their catechism. Local and federal police officers prowl The neighborhood is comprised for non-legal residents, but members almost entirely of Hispanics from Mexi­ of the congregation can receive legal co and from countries in the Caribbe­ assistance as they seek residential an and Central America. Many in the legitimacy and social acceptance. neighborhood are undocumented re­ There are opportunities to engage in sidents so a census is fluid, as is the subterranean economies but many of size and the composition of the chur­ them are shunned as the congregants ch's congregation. The local economy try to avoid legal problems or violate is comprised of specialty stores, cur­ their religious commandments. Finally, rency exchanges, laundromats, and there is a contingent within the nation­ store-front lawyers, and the unadorned al hierarchy of the church's denomi­ church sits in the middle of them. nation that looks disparagingly at the Seating capacity is limited so it was composition and the complexion of the standing room only for the two ser­ congregation and at the social acti­ vices· confirmands and their families, vism of its priest, but to little avail. It is other congregants, and guests, total­ the fastest-growing congregation in an ing 425-450 people. equally-enlarging diocese as each The bishop's sermon to the two faces the culture wars of moral, groups was offered in Spanish as it theological, administrative, and legal addressed the topic of culture wars challenges that could defile their faith. against them, but only in aggregate form, as well as parts of Hirschi's social bond theory, but also outside 125 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

CONCLUSION Chadwick, W.O. 1968. "Monasticism." Pp. 415-419 in D.L. Sills ed. Inter­ The U.S. has undergone many national Encyclopedia of the Social battles "on" things. We have seen the Sciences 10. NY: MacMillan. "War On Poverty," the "War On Collins, S. 2010. Mockingjay. NY: Drugs," the "War On Illiteracy," the Scholastic Press. "War On Terror, and we will likely see Coser, L.A. 1956. The Functions of more. Some distinguishing features of Social Conflict. NY: Free Press. such efforts include official and Cranmer, T. 1549/1999. The First schooled expertise, funded agencies, English Prayer Book. Harrisburg, and strategic campaigns to eliminate PA: Morehouse Publishing. their harmful effects. Davis, N.J. and C. Stasz. 1990. Social Wars on things have been replaced Control of Deviance. NY: McGraw­ with culture wars against things, such Hill. as perceived culture wars against Denzin, N.K, 1986. "The Stories Al­ religion, against women, against fossil coholics Tell: A Cultural Analysis." fuels, and against capitalism where Paper presented at The Annual goals seem intentionally divisive rather Meeting of the Midwest Sociolo­ than cohesive, corroding fundamental gical Society. Des Moines, IA. beliefs, morals, and traditions by re­ Doubet, Fr. S. 2010. "Scripture, Tra­ placing them with new and expedient dition and Reason According to ones. There is, however, a latent Richard Hooker." Unpublished re­ backlash difference between culture search paper. Nashotah, WI: Nash­ wars against religion compared to otah House Theological Seminary. other targets of derision. Many reli­ Dragostin, S. 1970. "The Cursillo as a gious groups have amassed and Social Movement." Pp. 479-490 in reloaded well-stocked arsenals of W.T. Liu and J. Pallone (eds.) cognitive, affective, and behavior re­ Catholics/USA. NY: John Wiley. sponse weapons, including inspira­ Durkheim, E. 1912/1954. The Elemen­ tional hymns that were written about tary Forms of Religious Life. NY: culture wars against them to use as Free Press. defensive devices that other targets of Einstein, A. 1930. "Religion and Sci­ scorn may not have as armaments. ence." NY: New York Times Maga­ zine. References ------. 1939. "Science and Religion I." Address at Princeton Theological Benedict, St. ca. 530/1975. The Rule Seminary. of St. Benedict (tr. A.C Meisel and ------. 1941. "Science and Religion II." M.L. delMastro). NY: Image/Dou­ Address at Symposium for Science, bleday. Philosophy, and Religion. Campus Ministries. n.d. Untitled train­ ------. 1948. "Religion and Science: Ir­ ing material. Greenville, SC. reconcilable?" The Christian Regis­ ter.

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Fagan, P.F. 1996. Why Religion Mat­ Massey, M.H., Jr. 1987. "Hooker, ters: The Impact of Religious Prac­ Richard." Pp. 457-458 in M. Eliade tice on Social Stability. Washing­ ed. The Encyclopedia of Religion 6. ton, D.C.: The Heritage Founda­ NY: MacMillan. tion. Marx, K. 1848/1954. Communist Mani­ Fichtner, J.A. 1967. "Tradition." Pp. festo (Samuel Moore tr.). Chicago: 225-228 in B.L. Marthaler (ed.) Henry Regnery. New Catholic Encyclopedia XIV. Mead, G.H. 1934. Mind, Self, and So­ NY: McGraw-Hill. ciety. Chicago: University of Chi­ Finch, H.L. 1987. "Reason." Pp. 223- cago Press. 224 in M. Eliade (ed.) The Ency­ Messner, T.M. 2011. From Culture clopedia of Religion Vol. 12. NY: Wars to Conscience Wars: Emerg­ MacMillan. ing Threats to Conscience. Wash­ Goffman, E. 1961. Asylums. Garden ington, D.C.: The Heritage Founda­ City, NY: Doubleday. tion. Hirschi, T. 1969. Causes of Delin­ Moorman. J.R.H. 1980. A History of quency. Berkley, CA: University of the Church in England 3d ed. Har­ California Press. risburg, PA: Morehouse Publishing. Holmes, D.L. 1993. A Brief History of Orwell, G. 1949/1961. Nineteen Eigh­ the Episcopal Church. Valley ty-Four. NY: Signet Classics. Forge, PA. Trinity Press Interna­ O'Sullivan, F.D. 1928. Crime Detec­ tional. tion. Chicago: O'Sullivan Publishing Hooker, R. 159311994. Of the Laws of House. Ecclesiastical Polity. Ellicott City, O'Sullivan, R.G. 1988. "Structure, MD: via media. Function, and Cognitive Develop­ House. F.N. 1936. Development of ment in Cursillo: An lnteractionist Sociology. NY: McGraw-Hill. Analysis." Sociological Spectrum Hunter, J.D. 1991. Culture Wars: The 8(3 ):257-275. Struggle to Divide America. NY: ------. 1989. "Climbing Jacob's Ladder: Basic Books. "Symbolic Renunciation, Refer­ Jensen, J. 1967. "Tradition." Pp. 223- ence-group Identification, and Sta­ 225 in B.L. Marthaler (ed.) New tus Mobility in Cursillo." Sociolo­ Catholic Encyclopedia XIV. NY: gical Spectrum 9(3):329-342. McGraw-Hill. ------. 1997. "Cursillo in Social Move­ Lofland, J. 1966. Doomsday Cult: A ment Literature." Free Inquiry in Study of Convention, Proselytiaz­ Creative Sociology 25(3):131-136. tion, and Maintenance of Faith. ------. 1999. "Bill W. Meets the Spanish Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Armada: Sinners' and Saints' Re­ Macquarrie, J. 1977. Principles of told Epiphanies from A.A. to Cursil­ Christian Theology 2d ed. NY: lo." Free Inquiry in Creative Socio­ Charles Scribner's Sons. logy 27(1 ):27-33. Marcoux, M. 1982. Cursil/o: Anatomy of a Movement. NY: Lambeth Press. 127 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

------. 2009. "F. Dalton O'Sullivan's Smith, M.C. 1919. "Reason." Pp. 593- Legacy Revisited: Looking at a 299 in J. Hastings ed. Encyclope­ Culture for Urban Deviance in his dia of Religion and Ethics X. NY: Time and Now." International Jour­ Charles Scribner's Sons. nal of Crime, Criminal Justice and Southern, R.W. 1970. Western Society Law 4(1-2): 101-122. and the Church in the Middle Ages. Ottley, R.L. 1919. "Peace." Pp. 700- NY/London: Penguin Books. 701 in J. Hastings ed. Encyclope­ Spencer, B.S. 1965. Ye Are the Body. dia of Religion and Ethics IX. J. West Park, NY: Holy Cross Publi­ Hastings, ed. NY: Charles Scrib­ cations. ners. Stark, R. 1987. "Deviant Places: A Park, R.E. and E.W. Burgess. 1924. Theory of the Ecology of Crime." Introduction to the Science of Soci­ Criminology 25:891-907. ology. Chicago: University of Chi­ Villiere, P. 1987. "Tradition." Pp. 1-16 cago Press. in M. Eliade ed. The Encyclopedia Polanyi, K. 1946. The Great Transfor­ of Religion 15. NY: MacMillan. mation. NY: Holt, Rinehart, and Weber, M. 1947. Theory of Social and Winston. Economic Organization (A.M. Hen­ Protestant Episcopal Church of the derson and T. Parsons, trs.) Lon­ United States of America, The. don: Collier/MacMillan. 1928. The Book of Common Wikipedia. n.d. Conflict Theory. http:// Prayer. Greenwich, CT: The Sea­ en.wikipedia.org/wiki/conflict_theor bury Press. y. ------. 1979. The Book of Common Zeitlin, I.M. 1968. Ideology and the Prayer. NY: The Seabury Press. Development of Sociological The­ Raven, C.E. 1943. Science, Religion, ory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice­ & the Future. NY: MacMillan. Hall. Redfield, R. 1956. Peasant Society and Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Rousseau, J.J. 1792/1947. The Social Contract. NY: Hafner Publishing. The F/CS editors wish to Russell, M.B. 1994. Preface. Of the specially acknowledge: Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity. Elli­ cott City, MD: via media. Heather Williamson for her Sahlins, M. 1972. Stone Age Econo­ professional & timely liaison work mics. Chicago: Aldine. on behalf of University Printing Seasoltz, R.K. 1987. "Benedict of Nur­ Services, and sia." Pp. 98-99 in M. Eliade ed. The Encyclopedia of Religion 2. NY: Lawana Miller for all her help MacMillan. with journal distributions. Skinner, B.F. 1948/1962. Walden Two. NY: MacMillan.

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