DOCSLIB.ORG

The Facts and Acts of Neoliberalism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Facts and Acts of Neoliberalism The Facts and Acts of Neoliberalism Mohsen Adollahi, Ph.D. Assistant professor of political science at Lorestan University, Khorram Abad, Iran [email protected] Abstract Neoliberalism, a current political economic paradigm in 21st century, has been described as an ideological dominant culture in that when neoliberal policies are criticized a common response is that “there is no alternative”. Neoliberalism is largely unused by the public in the United States, but it shows a relative handful of private interests are permitted to control as much as possible of social life in order to maximize their personal benefit. It is embraced by parties across the political arena, from right to left, in that the interests of wealthy investors and large corporations define social and economic policy. The free market, private enterprise, consumer choice, entrepreneurial initiative, deleterious effects of government regulation, and so on, are main principles of neoliberalism. Although neoliberal economic policy, which serves the interests of the wealthy elite, is good for everyone but neoliberal economic policy has created social and economic inequalities among individuals and nations. The wealth gap of neoliberalism is particularly large for African Americans and Latinos, as long as all other third world countries. Neoliberal economic policies have reproduced these inequalities among nations. These policies have damaged the economic sectors of countries like Brazil and Mexico, whereas local elites and transnational corporations are the main interest groups. Neoliberalism also works as a political system but the citizens remain spectators, diverted from any effective participation in decision making. Neoliberal democracy is a minor issues by parties that basically pursue the same pro-business policies regardless of formal differences and campaign debate. The neoliberalism in capitalist regimes, in the late 1970s, has been subjected to a number of insightful analyses and a growing number of wide-ranging critiques. It is defined by the ascendency of financial over industrial and other forms of capital, increasing indebtedness, public and private, rapidly growing and extreme wealth inequalities, increasing the rate of financial crises and ideological commitment to welfare state and privatization of public goods and benefits. Key words: Liberalism, Neo-liberalism, Democracy, Political Economy, Capitalism, trade 1. Introduction and the facts Neoliberalism is, in the first instance, a theory of political economic practices that proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade. The role of state is to create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices. The state has to guarantee, for example, the quality and integrity of money. It must also set up those military, defense, police, and legal structures and functions required to secure private property rights and to guarantee, by force if need be, the proper functioning of markets. Furthermore, if markets do not exist in areas such as land, water, education, health care, social security, or environmental pollution, then they must be created, by state action if necessary. But beyond these tasks the state should not venture. State interventions in markets must be kept to a bare minimum because, according to the theory, the state cannot possibly possess enough information to second-guess market signals and because powerful interest groups will inevitably distort and bias state interventions for their own benefit. Deregulation, privatization, and withdrawal of the state from many areas of social provision have been all too common. Almost all states, from those newly minted after the collapse of the Soviet Union to old-style social democracies and welfare states such as New Zealand and Sweden, have embraced, sometimes voluntarily and in other instances in response to coercive pressures, some version of neoliberal theory and adjusted at least some policies and practices accordingly. Post-apartheid South Africa quickly embraced neoliberalism, and even contemporary China, as we shall see, appears to be headed in this direction. Furthermore, the advocates of the neoliberal way now occupy positions of considerable influence in education, in the media, in corporate boardrooms and financial institutions, in key state institutions as treasury departments and the central banks, and also in those international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization, that regulate global finance and trade. It has become hegemonic as a mode of discourse and has pervasive effects on ways of thought to the point where it has become incorporated into the common-sense way many of us interpret, live in, and understand the world. (Harvey, 2005: 11-12) Efforts to offer a comprehensive definition of neoliberalism are frustrated by different views existing within this philosophical and political camp. Based on a range of common principles that form no more than a smallest common denominator, a diverse group of academics and intellectuals have succeeded in establishing and developing a family of neoliberalism, including the Austrian and Chicago Schools, Ordoliberalismus as well as Libertarianism, some of which have been accommodated in quite diverse political systems and by now inform the positions of both advocates and critics of neoliberalism to a greater or lesser extent. In addition, influential contemporary paradigms that claim to be critical of neoliberalism, e.g. communitarianism, display a certain amount of overlap and compatibility with neoliberal philosophies. (Plehwe et al, 2006:2) It is an ideology which legitimates individual competition and questions collective structures; it is a political project of institutional transformation, against any attempt to institute collectivism and against the types of capitalism, which had resulted from the various social- democratic compromises, in particular, in the post-war period, such as redistributive social protection, workers collective rights or legal protection of employment and economic status; it can also be seen as a ‘form of existence (Dardot and Laval, 2009), as a norm of life characterized by a generalized competition with others, than being defined as the set of discourses, practices, devices which determine a new mode of governance of humans according to the general principle of competition. Neoliberalism is distinct from classical liberalism and above all from the simple laissez faire vulgate which conceives self-regulating markets as a natural reality and consequently regards public intervention as a negative of the market. This vulgate propagates a discourse based on simplistic opposites such as state versus market, constraint versus freedom, closed versus open or flexible versus rigid (Bourdieu and Wacquandt, 2001). Moreover, Neoliberalism is a revival of liberalism. This definition suggests that liberalism, as a political ideology, has been absent from political discussions and policy-making for a period of time, only to emerge in more recent times in a reincarnated form. It suggests, in other words, that liberalism has undergone a process of initial growth, intermediary decline, and finally a recent rejuvenation. Alternatively, neoliberalism might be perceived of as a distinct ideology, descending from, but not identical to liberalism proper. Under this interpretation, neoliberalism would share some historical roots and some of the basic vocabulary with liberalism in general. This interpretation places neoliberalism in the same category as American neo-conservatism, which is an ideology or political persuasion somewhat similar to and yet markedly different from much conventional conservative thought, and often hardly recognizable as a genuinely conservative ideology (Wolfson 2004, Fukuyama 2006). The concept of neoliberalism suggests a particular account of the development of liberal thought. It suggests that liberalism was at one point in time an influential political ideology, but that it at some point lost some of its significance, only to revive itself in more recent times in a new form. As it turns out, however, liberalism has dominated normative political thought as well as practical politics in the West for the past sixty years, up to the point in which it has become a shared inheritance among political theorists, professional politicians, and nearly all significant political movements in its native countries. This is attested by the fact that hardly anyone speaks out against freedom or democracy anymore, which are the primary values of liberalism, as identified in the dictionary definition quoted above. Neoliberalism could therefore scarcely be understood as the recovery of a lost tradition of liberal, political thought. It should, in our view, instead be seen as an ideology different from, and often opposed to, what is more commonly described as liberalism. But Classical liberalism is often associated with the belief that the state ought to be minimal, which means that practically everything except armed forces, law enforcement and other non-excludable goods ought to be left to the free dealings of its citizens, and the organizations they freely choose to establish and take part in. This kind of state is sometimes described as a night-watchman state, as the sole purpose of the minimal state is
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Great Divergence the Princeton Economic History
    THE GREAT DIVERGENCE THE PRINCETON ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE WESTERN WORLD Joel Mokyr, Editor Growth in a Traditional Society: The French Countryside, 1450–1815, by Philip T. Hoffman The Vanishing Irish: Households, Migration, and the Rural Economy in Ireland, 1850–1914, by Timothy W. Guinnane Black ’47 and Beyond: The Great Irish Famine in History, Economy, and Memory, by Cormac k Gráda The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy, by Kenneth Pomeranz THE GREAT DIVERGENCE CHINA, EUROPE, AND THE MAKING OF THE MODERN WORLD ECONOMY Kenneth Pomeranz PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON AND OXFORD COPYRIGHT 2000 BY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PUBLISHED BY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS, 41 WILLIAM STREET, PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 08540 IN THE UNITED KINGDOM: PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS, 3 MARKET PLACE, WOODSTOCK, OXFORDSHIRE OX20 1SY ALL RIGHTS RESERVED LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA POMERANZ, KENNETH THE GREAT DIVERGENCE : CHINA, EUROPE, AND THE MAKING OF THE MODERN WORLD ECONOMY / KENNETH POMERANZ. P. CM. — (THE PRINCETON ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE WESTERN WORLD) INCLUDES BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES AND INDEX. ISBN 0-691-00543-5 (CL : ALK. PAPER) 1. EUROPE—ECONOMIC CONDITIONS—18TH CENTURY. 2. EUROPE—ECONOMIC CONDITIONS—19TH CENTURY. 3. CHINA— ECONOMIC CONDITIONS—1644–1912. 4. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT—HISTORY. 5. COMPARATIVE ECONOMICS. I. TITLE. II. SERIES. HC240.P5965 2000 337—DC21 99-27681 THIS BOOK HAS BEEN COMPOSED IN TIMES ROMAN THE PAPER USED IN THIS PUBLICATION MEETS THE MINIMUM REQUIREMENTS OF ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R1997) (PERMANENCE OF PAPER) WWW.PUP.PRINCETON.EDU PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 3579108642 Disclaimer: Some images in the original version of this book are not available for inclusion in the eBook.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Risk Rationing and Jump Utility Leslie J. Verteramo Chiu Graduate
    Risk Rationing and Jump Utility Leslie J. Verteramo Chiu Graduate Researcher Dyson School of Applied Economics and Management Cornell University Selected Paper prepared for presentation at the Agricultural & Applied Economics Association’s 2013 AAEA & CAES Joint Annual Meeting, Washington, DC, August 4-6, 2013. Copyright 2013 by Leslie J. Verteramo Chiu. All rights reserved. Readers may make verbatim copies of this document for non-commercial purposes by any means, provided that this copyright notice appears on all such copies. 1 Introduction In recent years a renewed policy interest in rural credit for generally poor and underrepresented farmers has given rise to a more concentrated interest in factors affecting credit demand. An offshoot to this effort has culminated in the refinement of credit rationing to include not only the notion of price and quantity rationing but also risk rationing (Boucher, Carter and Guirkinger (2008)). Risk rationing describes an individual that having the asset wealth to qualify for a credit, voluntarily refrains from it for fear of losing his collateral. Unlike borrowers, risk rationing individuals believe that by taking a loan, a positive and sufficiently large probability of default may occur. The concept of risk rationing has been observed by many but not formally analyzed. An early sentiment of risk rationing is by Binswanger and Siller (1983) who state that “If the disutility of the loan is sufficiently high, small farmers may stop borrowing altogether, i.e. the credit market for small farmers may disappear because of lack of demand, despite the fact that small farmers may still have available collateral in the form of unencumbered land” (page 17), concluding that “It is important to realize that it is not an innate deficiency in the willingness of small farmers to take risks that hold them back” (page 19).
    [Show full text]
  • A Glossary on Violent Conflict : Terms and Concepts Used In
    A Glossary on Violent Conflict Terms and Concepts Used in Conflict Prevention, Mitigation, and Resolution in the Context of Disaster Relief and Sustainable Development Fourth Edition Prepared for the United States Agency for International Development Office of Sustainable Development Bureau for Africa Crisis, Mitigation and Recovery Division By Payson Conflict Study Group Tulane University Payson Center for International Development and Technology Transfer May 2001 Contract AOT-A-00-99-00260-00 Introduction A growing area of concern for the international aid community is how best to monitor and deliver emergency humanitarian assistance, mitigate disasters, and make a transition towards sustainable development assistance. In this regard the practitioner is constrained by a lack of a widely accepted set of definitions and concepts that can readily be applied to policy formulation, program design and implementation. This document identifies and develops a set of terms and concepts commonly used in monitoring and analysis of violent conflict, especially in relation to humanitarian relief and sustainable development. Some of the terms and concepts attributed to authors cited in the text are not necessarily direct quotes. While maintaining the substantive content of a given definition, grammatical and stylistic alterations have been made for the sake of clarity or brevity. The present authors have also given their own definitions of concepts where appropriate. For some terms for which there is no generally agreed-upon definition, we have provided
    [Show full text]
  • Rationing Food
    VICTORY GARDENS Lesson and Activity Suggestions for Grades 9 - 12 Rationing Food In last week’s lesson, you heard President Roosevelt ask for the American people to make sacrifices in 1942, during World War II. But America had been in that situation not so long before, in World War I and the Great Depression and had learned many lessons about sacrificing and saving resources. Programs like “Meatless Mondays” and “Wheatless Wednesdays” tried to strike at Americans’ sense of patriotism and compassion. While Americans were able to save about 15% of total food spending, much of Europe was left to starvation. After Pearl Harbor and America’s late entry into World War II in December 1941, it was clear that the government was going to get more forceful with conservation efforts of the private sector. The daily lives of Americans at home were impacted immediately. Canned food was shipped to the soldiers, leaving grocery shelves bare, fresh food was limited because of a tire shortage, as most of the rubber was being sent to Europe. The government was afraid that as people started hoarding food, it would make it difficult for the poor to eat. So, ration books provided an equal opportunity for food distribution without prices being raised. Does this look familiar? Above photo of a shopper getting the one of the last of an item left on an empty grocery store shelf is courtesy of the Museum of History and Industry, Seattle. Staff photographer, Seattle Post Intelligencer, 1942. Above ads are from the Abilene Reflector Chronicle, March 1942. EISENHOWER 1 LIBRARY & FOUNDATION www.EisenhowerFoundation.net What were the first foods to be rationed? Bacon, butter and sugar.
    [Show full text]
  • The Road to Serfdom
    F. A. Hayek The Road to Serfdom ~ \ L f () : I~ ~ London and New York ( m v ..<I S 5 \ First published 1944 by George Routledge & Sons First published in Routledge Classics 2001 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, OX14 4 RN 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Repri nted 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2006 Routledge is an imprint ofthe Taylor CJ( Francis Group, an informa business © 1944 F. A. Hayek Typeset in Joanna by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall All rights reserved. No part ofthis book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 10: 0-415-25543-0 (hbk) ISBN 10: 0-415-25389-6 (pbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-415-25543-1 (hbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-415-25389-5 (pbk) CONTENTS PREFACE vii Introduction 1 The Abandoned Road 10 2 The Great Utopia 24 3 Individualism and Collectivism 33 4 The "Inevitability" of Planning 45 5 Planning and Democracy 59 6 Planning and the Rule of Law 75 7 Economic Control and Totalitarianism 91 8 Who, Whom? 1°5 9 Security and Freedom 123 10 Why the Worst Get on Top 138 11 The End ofTruth 157 12 The Socialist Roots of Nazism 171 13 The Totalitarians in our Midst 186 14 Material Conditions and Ideal Ends 207 15 The Prospects of International Order 225 2 THE GREAT UTOPIA What has always made the state a hell on earth has been precisely that man has tried to make it his heaven.
    [Show full text]
  • Utility Futility: Why the Board of Trade's Second World War Clothing Scheme Failed to Become a Fashion Statement Amanda Durfee Dartmouth College
    Penn History Review Volume 25 | Issue 2 Article 4 4-5-2019 Utility Futility: Why the Board of Trade's Second World War Clothing Scheme Failed to Become a Fashion Statement Amanda Durfee Dartmouth College This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/phr/vol25/iss2/4 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Second World War Clothing Scheme Utility Futility: Why the Board of Trade's Second World War Clothing Scheme Failed to Become a Fashion Statement Amanda Durfee Dartmouth College If one were to interview a survivor of the Second World War British home front, they would almost certainly mention the Utility clothing scheme. Along with well-known propaganda campaigns like “Make Do and Mend” and “Mrs. Sew and Sew,” the Utility scheme is one of the most prominent and enduring features of the collective memory of the British home front experience.1 An unprecedented program of economic regulation, Utility was a system of price and quality controls imposed by the Board of Trade - a legislative body that governed British commerce - on every stage of production in the clothing industry, from the price and type of cloth produced by textile mills to the price of a finished garment on the sales floor. The foremost intent of the program was to keep prices down and quality consistent to ensure that middle- and working-class wartime British citizens could afford good quality clothing. Every garment produced through the scheme bore a distinct label: twin CC’s paired with the number 41, nicknamed “the double cheeses.”2 This label became one of the most prominent trademarks of the British home front.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative European Institutions and the Little Divergence, 1385-1800*
    n. 614 Nov 2019 ISSN: 0870-8541 Comparative European Institutions and the Little Divergence, 1385-1800* António Henriques 1;2 Nuno Palma 3;4;5 1 FEP-UP, School of Economics and Management, University of Porto 2 CEPESE, Centre for the Study of Population, Economics and Society 3 University of Manchester 4 ICS-UL, Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon 5 CEPR, Centre for Economic Policy Research COMPARATIVE EUROPEAN INSTITUTIONS AND THE LITTLE DIVERGENCE, 1385-1800 ? Ant´onioHenriques (Universidade do Porto and CEPESE) Nuno Palma (University of Manchester; Instituto de CiˆenciasSociais, Universidade de Lisboa; CEPR) Abstract Why did the countries which first benefited from access to the New World – Castile and Portugal – decline relative to their followers, especially England and the Nether- lands? The dominant narrative is that worse initial institutions at the time of the opening of Atlantic trade explain Iberian divergence. In this paper, we build a new dataset which allows for a comparison of institutional quality over time. We consider the frequency and nature of parliamentary meetings, the frequency and intensity of extraordinary taxation and coin debasement, and real interest spreads for public debt. We find no evidence that the political institutions of Iberia were worse until at least the English Civil War. Keywords: Atlantic Traders, New Institutional Economics, the Little Divergence JEL Codes: N13, N23, O10, P14, P16 ?We are grateful for comments from On´esimoAlmeida, Steve Broadberry, Dan Bogart, Leonor Costa, Chris Colvin, Leonor Freire Costa, Kara Dimitruk, Rui P. Esteves, Anton´ıFuri´o,Oded Galor, Avner Grief, Phillip Hoffman, Julian Hoppit, Saumitra Jha, Kivan¸cKaraman, Mark Koyama, Nuno Monteiro, Patrick K.
    [Show full text]
  • The Success of Currency Reforms to End Great Inflations: an Empirical Analysis of 34 High Inflations
    German Economic Review 10(2): 165–175 The Success of Currency Reforms to End Great Inflations: An Empirical Analysis of 34 High Inflations Peter Bernholz and Peter Kugler WWZ, University of Basel Abstract. The estimation of an ordered probit model for currency reforms attempting to end 31 hyperinflations and three huge inflations of the twentieth century shows that the introduction of an independent central bank and the adoption of a credibly fixed exchange rate are crucial for the success of a currency reform. In addition, currency reforms are demonstrated to be more difficult in centrally planned economies than in market economies. JEL classification: B31, E58, E65. Keywords: Great inflations; currency reforms; central bank independence; fixed exchange rate. 1. INTRODUCTION High inflations and even hyperinflations in Cagan’s (1956) definition, i.e. of inflations rising to rates of 50% per month or more, are a recurrent phenomenon in the twentieth century. In fact, we have a wave of hyperinfla- tions in several countries after the two world wars. More recently, we note a couple of hyperinflations in Latin America in the 1980s and in the transition countries resulting from the breakdown of the communist bloc in the 1990s. The circumstances of hyperinflation are mostly characterized by political disorder and financially weak governments that rely on money creation to finance its expenditures in difficult times. Bernholz (2003, pp. 65–113), Fisher et al. (2002) and Siklos (2003) provide an overview of these episodes of monetary chaos in economic history. However, it is interesting to note in passing that hyperinflations are not always preceded by strong increases in seigniorage, so that we have to ask ourselves why the economy did not stay in a ‘mere’ high-inflation steady state.
    [Show full text]
  • Multilateral Trade Bargaining and Dominant Strategies
    NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES MULTILATERAL TRADE BARGAINING AND DOMINANT STRATEGIES Kyle Bagwell Robert W. Staiger Working Paper 22842 http://www.nber.org/papers/w22842 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 November 2016 We thank the NSF (Grant SES-1326940) for financial support. Bagwell thanks CASBS at Stanford for support and hospitality. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. At least one co-author has disclosed a financial relationship of potential relevance for this research. Further information is available online at http://www.nber.org/papers/w22842.ack NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2016 by Kyle Bagwell and Robert W. Staiger. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Multilateral Trade Bargaining and Dominant Strategies Kyle Bagwell and Robert W. Staiger NBER Working Paper No. 22842 November 2016 JEL No. D71,F02,F13 ABSTRACT Motivated by GATT bargaining behavior and renegotiation rules, we construct a three-country, two-good general-equilibrium model of trade and examine multilateral tariff bargaining under the constraints of non-discrimination and multilateral reciprocity. We allow for a general family of government preferences and identify bargaining outcomes that can be implemented using dominant strategy proposals for all countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Hayek His Contribution To
    First published in Great Britain in 1983 by Maurice Temple Smith Ltd Jubilee House, Chapel Road Hounslow, Middlesex, TW3 ITX © 1983 Eamonn Butler This edition is copyright under the Berne Convention. All rights are reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act 1956, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means whatsoever, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. Butler, Eamonn Hayek. 1. Hayek, F.A. 2. Economics—History I. Title 330.1 HB103.H3 ISBN 0–85117–233–4 (hardback); 0–85117–234–2 (paperback) Printed in Great Britain by Billing and Sons Ltd, Worcester Contents Preface 3 3 Introduction: Hayek's life and work 4 Chapter 1: Understanding how society works 13 Chapter 2: The market process 31 Chapter 3: Hayek's critique of socialism 49 Chapter 4: The criticism of social justice 64 Chapter 5: The institutions of a liberal order 78 Chapter 6: The constitution of a liberal state 89 Epilogue: Sense and sorcery in the social sciences 97 Notes 111 Select bibliography 127 Index 129 2 Preface At a recent meeting of the Carl Menger Society (a group devoted to the understanding of the ‘Austrian School’ of economics), the words of F.A. Hayek were being discussed. As usual, the Alternative Bookshop had brought along a wide selection of the works of Hayek and other members of the school. But as the many people present who had no background in economics or political science looked over the books, some were intimidated by the technical content of several of them, and the remainder had to ask where the general reader should start.
    [Show full text]
  • An Optimizing Model of Household Behavior Under Credit Rationing
    An Optimizing Model of Household Behavior Under Credit Rationing PETER MONT£ EL* T HAS LONG BEEN RECOGNIZED that the transmission mecha­ nism linking monetary policy to the real sector depends on certainI structural and institutional characteristics that may be spe­ cific to a particular country at a given moment in time. 1 The proper formulation of monetary policy therefore requires analysis of how the transmission mechanism can be expected to operate under the set of circumstances that happens to be relevant to the particular economy under review.2 For a typical developing country, it may often be appropriate to assume that the private sector has no access to international capital markets, that the assets available to savers are limited to money (that is, the liabil­ ities of the banking system) and physical capital, and that interest rates on loans from the banking system are controlled at below­ market levels (that is, that credit is rationed). The analysis of the transmission mechanism for monetary policy in such a setting, however, is not well developed. The purpose of this paper is to take a first step in the analysis of the mechanism by which monetary policy is transmitted to aggregate demand under these circumstances by analyzing the • Mr. Montiel, an economist in the Developing Country Studies Division of the Fund's Research Department when this paper was written, is now in the Macroeconomics Division of the Development Research Department, The World Bank. He is a graduate of Yale University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1 Such characteristics include the menu of available financial assets, the degree of substitutability among these assets, the extent to which various assets affect private net worth, the existence of various legal restraints such as interest rate ceilings or prohibitions on capital flows, and the exchange rate regime, among others.
    [Show full text]
  • German Monetary History in the First Half of the Twentieth Century
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Research Papers in Economics German Monetary History in the First Half of the Twentieth Century Robert L. Hetzel t the end of 1998, the German Bundesbank turned over the adminis- tration of monetary policy to the European Central Bank (ECB). In Athe years between World War I and 1998, the Bundesbank had come to embody the modern central bank. What history did Germany traverse to make possible the creation of such an institution? And how does that history help us define a modern central bank? Today, a central bank chooses one of two objectives. It may target either the exchange rate or domestic economic conditions, including the inflation rate. In either case, the central bank is the unique institution charged with controlling the chosen objective. Such control relies exclusively on the central bank’s management of its own balance sheet. In particular, the central bank controls its liabilities (the monetary base) through its asset acquisition.1 Conversely, a country with a modern central bank does not rely on govern- ment intervention in specific markets to achieve either price-level or exchange- rate objectives. If the central bank targets the exchange rate, the country does not rely on exchange controls, multiple exchange rates, tariffs, quotas, or other This history will be continued in a related article, to appear in a future issue of the Economic Quarterly. It will consider how Germany came to define stability of the mark in terms of its internal value (price level) rather than external value (exchange rate).
    [Show full text]