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Union Velopment the Transkei a Victory for Worker Initiative and Self-Organisation

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Union Velopment the Transkei a Victory for Worker Initiative and Self-Organisation •.. • . • union velopment the Transkei a victory for worker initiative and self-organisation COSATU and its affiliates have become firmly established in the Transkei since the military overthrow of the authoritarian bantustan regime by Bantu Holomisa in 1987. ROGER SOUTHALL* shows that, despite some positive reforms by the military government, it was essentially initiatives and actions by workers themselves that brought trade union organisation to yet another region of South Africa. The granting of 'independence' to Transkei in government led by Major General Bantu 1976 was based upon a despotic system of Holomisa, following his two stage coup of labour control. Employers could hire and Fire 1987. as they pleased because of the unorganised Later openly associating with the (then still slate of the workforce and the availability of a exiled) ANC, this military regime introduced massive pool of unemployed workers. an opening up of political expression and a Trade unions were barred if not banned, tolerance of worker organisation which was labour protection was minimal, and sporadic previously unknown. worker protests within Transkei were The conclusion that the emergence of trade unhesitatingly crushed by employers allied to unions in Transkei was due to the initiatives of the authoritarian Matanzima regime. It is not the new regime docs not, however, reflect the surprising, therefore, that there was a sudden realities of the process. The sudden emergence upsurge of worker actions in Transkei, from of unions affiliated to the Congress of South 1988, along with the liberalisation of labour African Trade Unions (COSATU) in Transkei law under the radically inclined military is essentially a product of actions and Professor of Politics, Rhodes University, and member of the Editorial Board of the SA Labour Bulletin July/August 1992 56 self-organisation by workers themselves responding to a worsening economic situation in the 'independent' homeland. Worsening economic situation A number of factors working upon the economy of Transkei, mainly from South Africa, caused a serious decline in the local economy and job opportunities there from the mid-1980s. Financial limits upon the expansion of the homeland public sector had meant a failure to develop effective employment opportunities for the majority of the population. The declining recruitment of Transkeian workers by the South African Chamber of Mines, from 1986, seriously aggravated unemployment in Transkei - and other bantustans - since the Transkei. mid-1980s had a marked negative impact on Also depressing the job market was the their economies. phasing out by Pretoria of its industrial The Transkei labour market was even less decentralisation policy. From 1968, this had able to absorb the growing number of new involved the promotion of so-called 'growth work seekers. By the mid-1980s minimum points* designed to provide some employment wage rates had fallen to less than a third of to counteract the socially disintegrating effects their equivalent in South Africa and to far of rural decline. below the official Household Subsistence In Transkei, the capital Umtata, Butterworth Level. Workers became ever more dependent (near East London), and later eZebeleni (near on the informal sector. Queenstown), were selected as 'growth centres'. Under the Transkei Development New forms of popular self-organisation Corporation (TDC) they were provided with The downturn also caused a growing problem basic infrastructure necessary for industrial of political control for the bantustan regime, expansion. By 1983, however, total particularly in the peri-urban areas and employment in formal sector manufacturing in 'squatter' settlements outside Butterworth and Transkei amounted to no more than 12 000. Umtata. Following the upgrading of industrial Such growth has been a marked feature of decentralisation by the South African the last decade. These settlements did not come government in 1982, the rate of industrial job clearly under either municipal control or the creation increased substantially. This was Tribal Authority system of chiefs and headmen mainly through foreign investments, especially (which still exists in the rural areas), and their from Taiwan. By 1985, the number of populations began to create their own forms of manufacturing jobs had climbed to 19 600 - self-organisation which provided the basis for only to fall back to 14 621 in 1989. the emergence of a local worker movement. The reasons for this decline are not wholly During 1987, signs began to appear mat clear. In part it was caused by the wider workers were beginning to mobilise against the economic recession. It may also have been a worsening conditions. There was a series of reflection of the negative impact of Pretoria's determined work stoppages at the Electricity lowering of protection for the textile industry Supply Corporation in Butterworth in August in the early 1980s. Whatever the case, the rapid 1987. Reports by the Ministry of Manpower in downturn in industrial development in 1987 noted that it had recently been SA Labour Bulletin Vol 16 No 6 •"^ New forms of popular organisation -discussing ways to take control of their lives Photo: Paul Weinberg "inundated" with complaints and that there was The government dithered. No legislative now an "urgent need for a statutory body changes followed. The wage determinations specifically designed for settlement of remained but the majority of employers industrial disputes in Transkei". ignored them. The inconsistencies handed workers a legal rights issue around which to Contradictory interventions organise. by the military government At first there were some isolated wage The intervention of the newly installed military disputes in the private sector by relatively government on the labour scene began with small numbers of workers, as at B V new wage determinations for the private Supermarkets in Umtata and Transkei Blue sector, in March 1988, which raised minimum Line Transport wages considerably. What really worried the government were However, the determinations did not define wage actions appearing in the public sector: the industries to which they applied nor the • Post Office clerks in Umtata staged a brief meaning of the skill categories into which they sit-in; placed workers. They also accommodated • hospital workers and nurses at Engcobo employers by allowing for a three stage stopped work; introduction of new minimum wages, • more than 2 000 health workers in Umtata concluding with a final increase only in August followed them; 1989. • drivers at the TDC owned Transkei Road The confusion surrounding the and Transport Corporation (TRTC) went on determinations triggered off significant strike; developments in labour relations in Transkei. • mechanics at Transkei Engineering The military government immediately found Services, also struck for higher wages. itself subject to contrary pressures. On the one The military authorities responded with hand, the Ministry of Manpower began persuasion as well as pressure. On the one cautiously to advocate the introduction of trade hand. Brigadier Rodney Keswa, the minister unions. On the other hand, the TDC and the responsible for manpower, announced that large body of industrial employers argued that worker organisations could be established if such a move would frighten off investors. employers agreed. On the other, workers who July/August 1992 58 FEATURE struck at the Electricity Supply Corporation close solidarity involvement by COSATlTs were charged with unlawful actions. Post and Telecommunications Workers' The government then imposed an umbrella Association (POTWA). This increased the ban on all strikes, boycotts and work stoppages pressure upon a still reluctant military in terms of the Public Security Act government to agree to trade union rights. It also moved to secure the support of public The government sought to divert that sector employees. Earlier, General Holomisa pressure by agreeing to 40-50% salary had urged civil servants to form their own staff increases for all public servants in mid association. He then negotiated with South September. This quietened the mainstream African Finance Minister, Barend du Plessis, to civil service, but it encouraged the militancy of secure an immediate 15% pay increase for those who did not benefit and were already public servants and a gradual harmonisation of beginning to organise themselves. Transkeian and South African civil service benefits. Private sector workers take action In the meantime, following initiatives from Even before the public sector wage rises had the Public Service Commission, the Transkei been announced, the postal strikers' militancy Public Service Association (TRAPSA) was had been copied by a number of workers in the launched in August 1988. Its aim was the private sector. representation of civil servants, and also to Around 650 workers at Langeni Forest draw in all other public servants, including Sawmills (near Umtata) repeatedly downed those then organised within the Transkei tools in June and July to back their demands Teachers Association and the Transkei Nursing for prescribed minimum wages and 'proper Association. representative structures'. Workers liaison committees began to appear in similar Reactions from public sector workers stoppages elsewhere. A broad spread of public sector workers The most significant struggle involved over immediately rejected TRAPSA. They saw its 300 workers at Ohlsson's Brewery in official promotion as an attempt
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