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History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a Selection Of
History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History www.hist.ie Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a selection of documents, 1913–72 CONTENTS Introduction 2 Biographical notes 3 Glossary 5 Documents used 7 Biographical note on Eamon de Valera 8 1. De Valera the revolutionary: Irish Volunteers and 1916 9 2. De Valera’s mission to the USA, 1919–20 13 3. De Valera and the Anglo–Irish Treaty negotiations, 1921 14 4. De Valera and Fianna Fáil, 1926–7 20 5. 1937 Constitution, comments on the status of women 22 6. 1937 Constitution, comment of John Charles McQuaid 25 7. Economic War, 1932–8 26 8. Neutrality, 1939–45 28 9. De Valera, the statesman, 1948 33 10. De Valera on the Irish language and emigration, 1951 34 11. De Valera on rugby, the GAA, and ‘the ban’, 1957 36 12. De Valera as president, 1959–73 38 13. Cartoons and election posters 42 14. Photographs of de Valera 48 This material is intended for educational, classroom use only, not to be reproduced in any other medium or forum without permission. Every effort has been made to trace, and acknowledge, copyright holders. In the case where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the Publications Office, Royal Irish Academy, 19 Dawson Street, Dublin 2. Tel: 01 6762570 Fax: 01 6762346 email: [email protected] web site: www.ria.ie © 2007 History In-Service Team, Monaghan Education Centre, Monaghan, Co. Monaghan Tel: 047 74008 Fax: 047 74029 email: [email protected] web site: www.hist.ie Introduction De Valera is the most prominent personality in twentieth-century Irish history, with a career stretching over six decades. -
Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990
From ‘as British as Finchley’ to ‘no selfish strategic interest’: Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990 Fiona Diane McKelvey, BA (Hons), MRes Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences of Ulster University A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Ulster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2018 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 words excluding the title page, contents, acknowledgements, summary or abstract, abbreviations, footnotes, diagrams, maps, illustrations, tables, appendices, and references or bibliography Contents Acknowledgements i Abstract ii Abbreviations iii List of Tables v Introduction An Unrequited Love Affair? Unionism and Conservatism, 1885-1979 1 Research Questions, Contribution to Knowledge, Research Methods, Methodology and Structure of Thesis 1 Playing the Orange Card: Westminster and the Home Rule Crises, 1885-1921 10 The Realm of ‘old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago’: Ulster Unionists at Westminster after 1921 18 ‘For God's sake bring me a large Scotch. What a bloody awful country’: 1950-1974 22 Thatcher on the Road to Number Ten, 1975-1979 26 Conclusion 28 Chapter 1 Jack Lynch, Charles J. Haughey and Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1981 31 'Rise and Follow Charlie': Haughey's Journey from the Backbenches to the Taoiseach's Office 34 The Atkins Talks 40 Haughey’s Search for the ‘glittering prize’ 45 The Haughey-Thatcher Meetings 49 Conclusion 65 Chapter 2 Crisis in Ireland: The Hunger Strikes, 1980-1981 -
Military Archives Cathal Brugha Bks Rathmines Dublin 6 ROINN
Military Archives Cathal Brugha BKs Rathmines Dublin 6 ROINN C0SANTA. BUREAU OF MILITARY HISTORY, 1913-21. STATEMENT BY WITNESS DOCUMENT NO. W.S. 316 Witness Mr. Peter Folan, 134 North Circular Road, Dublin. Identity Head Constable 1913 - 1921. R.I.C. Aided Irish Volunteers and I.R.A. by secret information. Subject (a) Duties as reporter of Irish meetings; (b) Dublin Castle Easter Week 1916 and events from that date to 1921.miscellaneous Conditions, if any, stipulated by Witness Nil File No. S.1431 Form Military Archives Cathal Brugha BKs Rathmines Dublin 6 STATEMENT BY PETER FOLAN (Peadar Mac Fhualáin) Bhothar Thuaidh, 134 Chuar Blá Cliath. I reported several meetings throughout the country. I was always chosen to attend meetings which were likely to be addressed by Irish speakers. Previously, that is from 1908 Onwards, I attended meetings that were addressed by Séamus ó Muilleagha, who was from East Galway and used to travel from County to County as Organiser of the Gaelic League. I was a shorthand reporter and gave verbatim reports of all speakers. Sèamus, in addition to advocating the cause of the language, advised the people that it was a scandal to have large ranches in the possession of one man while there were numbers of poor men without land. He advocated the driving of the cattle off the land. Some time after the meetings large cattle drives took place in the vicinity, the cattle being hunted in all directions. When he went to County Mayo I was sent there and followed him everywhere he announced a meeting. -
New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2020 New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts Laura K. Donohue Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/2248 https://ssrn.com/abstract=3825722 Laura K. Donohue, New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts, in The Offences Against the State Act 1939 at 80: A Model Counter-Terrorism Act? 163 (Mark Coen ed., Oxford: Hart Publishing 2021). This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, European Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, Internet Law Commons, Legislation Commons, and the National Security Law Commons New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts Laura K. Donohue1 Introduction Social media has become an integral part of modern human interaction: as of October 2019, Facebook reported 2.414 billion active users worldwide.2 YouTube, WhatsApp, and Instagram were not far behind, with 2 billion, 1.6 billion, and 1 billion users respectively.3 In Ireland, 3.2 million people (66% of the population) use social media for an average of nearly two hours per day.4 By 2022, the number of domestic Facebook users is expected to reach 2.92 million.5 Forty-one percent of the population uses Instagram (65% daily); 30% uses Twitter (40% daily), and another 30% uses LinkedIn.6 With social media most prevalent amongst the younger generations, these numbers will only rise. -
'Make the Terror Behind Greater Than the Terror in Front'? Internal
Irish Historical Studies (2018), 00 (0), 1–23. © Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd 2018 doi:10.1017/ihs.2018.3 ‘Make the terror behind greater than the terror 1 in front’? Internal discipline, forced 2 participation, and the I.R.A., 1919–21 3 Q1 BRIAN HUGHES* 4 Q2 ABSTRACT. This article will explore two relatively neglected features of the Irish Republican 5 Army’s (I.R.A.) guerrilla war between 1919 and 1921: internal discipline and forced 6 participation. The gravest disciplinary measure was the death penalty and I.R.A. orders directed 7 that it should apply to members guilty of certain offences against the army. While British army 8 and police officials often insisted that the I.R.A. executed its own without scruple, the death 9 penalty was rarely carried out in practice. General Headquarters (G.H.Q.) was largely 10 unsuccessful in applying a standard disciplinary code and there was also a general inconsistency 11 and lack of rigour in applying other punitive measures for less serious offences. On a related 12 theme, it was not uncommon for soldiers to be ‘conscripted’ or forced to take part in operations 13 under duress during irregular warfare. In the Irish case, this idea has rarely been discussed. It will 14 be argued here that, along with the death penalty and strict punitive measures, forced 15 participation was an uncomfortable idea and often counter-productive in practice. The nature and 16 extent of discipline and coercion was also firmly dictated by local conditions and personalities. 17 18 n March 1921 Patrick Larmer and Francis McPhillips were found shot dead 19 Iin Aghabog, County Monaghan, executed by the Monaghan Brigade of the 20 1 Irish Republican Army (I.R.A.). -
Dáil Éireann
Vol. 1006 Wednesday, No. 7 12 May 2021 DÍOSPÓIREACHTAÍ PARLAIMINTE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES DÁIL ÉIREANN TUAIRISC OIFIGIÚIL—Neamhcheartaithe (OFFICIAL REPORT—Unrevised) Insert Date Here 12/05/2021A00100Ábhair Shaincheisteanna Tráthúla - Topical Issue Matters 884 12/05/2021A00175Saincheisteanna Tráthúla - Topical Issue Debate 885 12/05/2021A00200Digital Hubs ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������885 12/05/2021B00350Hospital Waiting Lists 887 12/05/2021C00400Special Educational Needs 891 12/05/2021E00300Harbours and Piers 894 12/05/2021F00600Companies (Protection of Employees’ Rights in Liquidations) Bill 2021: Second Stage [Private Members] 897 12/05/2021S00500Ceisteanna ó Cheannairí - Leaders’ Questions 925 12/05/2021W00500Ceisteanna ar Reachtaíocht a Gealladh - Questions on Promised Legislation 935 12/05/2021AA00800Pensions (Amendment) (Transparency in Charges) Bill 2021: First Stage 945 12/05/2021AA01700Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) (Foetal Pain Relief) Bill 2021: First Stage 946 12/05/2021BB00900Ministerial Rota for Parliamentary Questions: Motion -
Irish Responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan
Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919-1932 Author(s) Phelan, Mark Publication Date 2013-01-07 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/3401 Downloaded 2021-09-27T09:47:44Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh Department of History School of Humanities National University of Ireland, Galway December 2012 ABSTRACT This project assesses the impact of the first fascist power, its ethos and propaganda, on key constituencies of opinion in the Irish Free State. Accordingly, it explores the attitudes, views and concerns expressed by members of religious organisations; prominent journalists and academics; government officials/supporters and other members of the political class in Ireland, including republican and labour activists. By contextualising the Irish response to Fascist Italy within the wider patterns of cultural, political and ecclesiastical life in the Free State, the project provides original insights into the configuration of ideology and social forces in post-independence Ireland. Structurally, the thesis begins with a two-chapter account of conflicting confessional responses to Italian Fascism, followed by an analysis of diplomatic intercourse between Ireland and Italy. Next, the thesis examines some controversial policies pursued by Cumann na nGaedheal, and assesses their links to similar Fascist initiatives. The penultimate chapter focuses upon the remarkably ambiguous attitude to Mussolini’s Italy demonstrated by early Fianna Fáil, whilst the final section recounts the intensely hostile response of the Irish labour movement, both to the Italian regime, and indeed to Mussolini’s Irish apologists. -
Robert John Lynch-24072009.Pdf
THE NORTHERN IRA AND THE EARY YEARS OF PARTITION 1920-22 Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Stirling. ROBERT JOHN LYNCH DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY DECEMBER 2003 CONTENTS Abstract 2 Declaration 3 Acknowledgements 4 Abbreviations 5 Chronology 6 Maps 8 Introduction 11 PART I: THE WAR COMES NORTH 23 1 Finding the Fight 2 North and South 65 3 Belfast and the Truce 105 PART ll: OFFENSIVE 146 4 The Opening of the Border Campaign 167 5 The Crisis of Spring 1922 6 The Joint-IRA policy 204 PART ILL: DEFEAT 257 7 The Army of the North 8 New Policies, New Enemies 278 Conclusion 330 Bibliography 336 ABSTRACT The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War of Independence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922. -
Palestine in Irish Politics a History
Palestine in Irish Politics A History The Irish State and the ‘Question of Palestine’ 1918-2011 Sadaka Paper No. 8 (Revised edition 2011) Compiled by Philip O’Connor July 2011 Sadaka – The Ireland Palestine Alliance, 7 Red Cow Lane, Smithfield, Dublin 7, Ireland. email: [email protected] web: www.sadaka.ie Bank account: Permanent TSB, Henry St., Dublin 1. NSC 990619 A/c 16595221 Contents Introduction – A record that stands ..................................................................... 3 The ‘Irish Model’ of anti-colonialism .................................................................... 3 The Irish Free State in the World ........................................................................ 4 The British Empire and the Zionist project........................................................... 5 De Valera and the Palestine question ................................................................. 6 Ireland and its Jewish population in the fascist era ............................................. 8 De Valera and Zionism ........................................................................................ 9 Post-war Ireland and the State of Israel ............................................................ 10 The UN: Frank Aiken’s “3-Point Plan for the Middle East” ................................ 12 Ireland and the 1967 War .................................................................................. 13 The EEC and Garret Fitzgerald’s promotion of Palestinian rights ..................... 14 Brian Lenihan and the Irish -
Shirt Movements in Interwar Europe: a Totalitarian Fashion
Ler História | 72 | 2018 | pp. 151-173 SHIRT MOVEMENTS IN INTERWAR EUROPE: A TOTALITARIAN FASHION Juan Francisco Fuentes 151 Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain [email protected] The article deals with a typical phenomenon of the interwar period: the proliferation of socio-political movements expressing their “mood” and identity via a paramilitary uniform mainly composed of a coloured shirt. The analysis of 34 European shirt movements reveals some common features in terms of colour, ideology and chronology. Most of them were consistent with the logic and imagery of interwar totalitarianisms, which emerged as an alleged alternative to the decaying bourgeois society and its main political creation: the Parliamentary system. Unlike liBeral pluralism and its institutional expression, shirt move- ments embody the idea of a homogeneous community, based on a racial, social or cultural identity, and defend the streets, not the Ballot Boxes, as a new source of legitimacy. They perfectly mirror the overwhelming presence of the “brutalization of politics” (Mosse) and “senso-propaganda” (Chakhotin) in interwar Europe. Keywords: fascism, Nazism, totalitarianism, shirt movements, interwar period. Resumo (PT) no final do artigo. Résumé (FR) en fin d’article. “Of all items of clothing, shirts are the most important from a politi- cal point of view”, Eugenio Xammar, Berlin correspondent of the Spanish newspaper Ahora, wrote in 1932 (2005b, 74). The ability of the body and clothing to sublimate, to conceal or to express the intentions of a political actor was by no means a discovery of interwar totalitarianisms. Antoine de Baecque studied the political dimension of the body as metaphor in eighteenth-century France, paying special attention to the three specific func- tions that it played in the transition from the Ancien Régime to revolutionary France: embodying the state, narrating history and peopling ceremonies. -
Script for Richard Mulcahy and the Anglo-Irish War Ep 2 of 3 (Because I Have Feels)
Script for Richard Mulcahy and the Anglo-Irish War Ep 2 of 3 (Because I have feels) Hi, I’m Sam Amenn and this is the tenth episode of the Art of Asymmetrical Warfare. Today we’ll be discussing Richard Mulcahy and the Irish War for Independence. [Theme song] BLM Statement Black lives Matter statement (newest asks from Chicago Alliance, BLM, etc) Feds in Chicago and Portland Chicago Alliance asking us to call chief judge evans, cook county states attornoty, kim foxx, governor Pritzker to depopulate the cook county jail and provide treatment, testing, and release to the incarcertated population, including torture survivors and wrongfully convicted Friday, August 28th Movement for Black lives is hosting a National Convention which will be focused on celebrating black culture, black political power building, and a public policy agenda that will set forth an affirmative vision for all Black lives. Link to register? Blacknovember.org The breathe ace which is a bill that divests federal resources from incarceration and policing and ending criminal legal system harms. Invest in new approaches to community, allocating nw money to build healthy, sustainable, equitable communities for all people, holding officials accountable and enhancing self-determination of black communities-website: breatheact.org CPAC-keep calling the mayor and aldermen need 26 aldermen to pass, 34 to make it veto proof No more Columbus statue (yay), but Miracle Boyd-never forget 100 days til the election mother fuckers-how are you voting? Texting and phone banking, postcards (indivisible south Chicago). Three states one mission-focus on winning Wisconsin and Michigan. -
Irish Political and Public Reactions to the Spanish Civil War
Neutral Ireland? Irish Political and Public Reactions to the Spanish Civil War Lili ZÁCH University of Szeged The Spanish Civil War is considered to be one of the most significant events in the in- ter-war period. Interestingly, the events between 1936 and 1939 reflect not only the for- mulation of power politics in Europe, but also the aims of the Irish1 government in diplo- matic terms. Irish participation in the Spanish Civil War attracted considerable attention recently. However, the Iberian events were not given primary importance in the history of Irish foreign policy. Anglo-Irish relations and the concept of Irish neutrality during and after the Second World War have been the key issues. Although it is a well-known fact in Irish historical circles that the overwhelming majority of the Irish population was support- ing Franco because of religious reasons, other aspects such as the Irish government's ad- herence to non-intervention and the motivations behind it are mostly ignored. So I am inclined to think that it is worth examining the Irish reaction to the Spanish Civil War in its entirety; that is, paying attention to the curiosity of non-intervention as well. This is more than interesting as the "Irishmen were not, as yet, intervening in Spain; but few were neutral."2 In order to provide an insight into Irish public opinion, I based my research partly on the reports of contemporary Dublin-centred Irish daily newspapers, namely the 'conserva- tive' Irish Independent, the 'republican' Irish Press and the 'liberal' Irish Times. All three took different stands on the Spanish Civil War.