Cicero's Letters of Recommendation And
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Demography Roman Spain
CARRERAS MONFORT C. A new perspective for the demographic study of Roman Spain. Revista de Historia da Arte e Arqueologia n.2, 1995-1996; pp. 59-82. A NEW PERSPECTIVE FOR THE DEMOGRAPHIC STUDY OF ROMAN SPAIN César Carreras Monfort* * Universitat Oberta de Catalunya e-mail: [email protected] In the last years, there has been an increase in the number of demographic studies of ancient societies, with the main aim to recognize the internal organization of the populations and, to some extent, how the resources of a territory determined patterns of distribution [Gallo, 1984; Parkin, 1992]. Actually, within the limits of the Roman society, these studies allowed us to revise again basic concepts such as the relationship between the urban and rural world [López Paz, 1994], or even, to discuss about the degree of urbanism that supposedly it is accepted for the Graeco-Roman world. The demographic analyses on the Roman period were recently favoured by a better knowledge now, of the urban perimeters of ancient Roman cities, and the patterns of rural distribution; thanks to the contribution of either the urban archaeology and the rural field-surveys [Barker, 1991] and cadastres studies [Chouquer and Favory, 1991]. Furthermore, the important contribution of papyrology also stands out, since they supply information on demography, which despite being basically about Roman Egypt, it can be extrapolated to other provinces [Hombert and Preaux, 1952; Bagnall and Frier, 1994]. These new documental evidences allow us to carry out a new estimate, from another viewpoint, of the population in a very particular province such as Roman Spain, and also they become a headway in the detailed study of population patterns. -
A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Rachel Meyers Iowa State University, [email protected]
World Languages and Cultures Publications World Languages and Cultures 2017 A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Rachel Meyers Iowa State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/language_pubs Part of the European Languages and Societies Commons, Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, and the History of Gender Commons The ompc lete bibliographic information for this item can be found at http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ language_pubs/130. For information on how to cite this item, please visit http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ howtocite.html. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the World Languages and Cultures at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in World Languages and Cultures Publications by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Abstract The ra ch dedicated to Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea was an important component in that town’s building activity. By situating the arch within its socio-historical context and acknowledging the political identity of Oea and nearby towns, this article shows that the arch at Oea far surpassed nearby contemporary arches in style, material, and execution. Further, this article demonstrates that the arch was a key element in Oea’s Roman identity. Finally, the article bridges disciplinary boundaries by bringing together art historical analysis with the concepts of euergetism, Roman civic status, and inter-city rivalry in the Roman Empire. -
Italica: Municipium Civium Romanorum
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Portal de revistas de la Universidad de Granada FLORENTIA ILIBFRRITANA 3 (1992) Italica: municipium civium romanorum FEAR, A. T. University of Keele Abstract This article surveys the theories concerning the legal status of the town of Italica prior to its being raised to the rank of a colonia C. R. The conclusion drawn is that despite recent theories to the contrary, the traditional view thwt Italica heid the rank of a municipium civium Romanorum during this period is the correct one. This is followed by a discussion · of the provenance and nature of a fragment of a municipal law discovered in the last century possibly at Italica. From his work on the tabula Siarensis, Julian Gonzalez believes that he has detected in this document a deliberate omission of the category of provincial municipia civium Romanorum from an aH-inclusive list of the types of town with Roman citizen status. The relevant part of the tabula reads as follows: "Item senatum vel/le atque aequ(u)m censere pietas omnium ordinum erga domum Augustam et consensum (sic) universorum civium memoria honoranda Germanici Caesaris appareret uti co(n)s(ules) hoc s(enatus) c(onsultum) sub edicto suo proponerent iuberentque mag(istratus) et legatos municipiorum et coloniarum descriptum mittere in municipia et colonias Italiae et in eas colonias quae essent in/> p/rovinciis eos quoque qui in provinciis praessent recte atque ordine facturas sic hoc s(enatus) c(onsultum) dedissent operam ut quam celeberrumo loco figeretur." (emphasis mine). -
Thesis Draft 3.23.2014.Docx
Cicero and Caesar: A Turbulent Amicitia by Adam L. Parison June, 2014 Director of Thesis/Dissertation: Dr. Frank E. Romer Major Department: History Though some study into the relationship between Cicero and Caesar has occurred, it is relatively little and the subject warrants more consideration. This is a significant gap in the historiography of late republican history. This thesis examines and attempts to define their relationship as a public amicitia. By looking at the letters of Cicero, his three Caesarian speeches, and his philosophical dialogue de Amicitia, I show that the amicitia between these two men was formed and maintained as a working relationship for their own political benefit, as each had something to gain from the other. Cicero’s extant letters encompass a little more than the last twenty years of Cicero’s life, when some of the most important events in Roman history were occurring. In this thesis, I examine selected letters from three collections, ad Quintum fratrem, ad Familiares, and ad Atticum for clues relating to Caesar’s amicitia with Cicero. These letters reveal the tumultuous path that the amicitia between Cicero and Caesar took over the years of the mid-50s until Caesar’s death, and , surprisingly, show Cicero’s inability to choose a side during the Civil War and feel confident in that choice. After Caesar’s victory at Pharsalus in 48, the letters reveal that Cicero hoped that Caesar could or would restore the republic, and that as time passed, he became less optimistic about Caesar and his government, but still maintained the public face of amicitia with Caesar. -
The Letters of Cicero : the Whole Extant Correspondence in Chronological
Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN BOffN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY THE LETTERS OF CICERO VOL. Ill LONDON: G. BELL & SONS, LIMITED, PORTUGAL ST. LINCOLN'S INN, W.C. CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL& co. NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO. BOMBAY : A. H. WHEELER & CO. THE LETTERS OF CICERO THE WHOLE EXTANT CORRESPONDENCE IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A. LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE AUTHOR OF A TRANSLATION OF HOLYBIUS, A HISTORY OF ROME. ETC IN FOUR VOLUMES VOL. III. B.C. 48-44 (FEBRUARY) LONDON G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. 1915 AND CO. CHISWICK PRESS : CHARLES WHITTINGHAM TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. LETTERS IN VOLUME III VI LETTERS IN VOLUME III LETTERS IN VOLUME III Vll Vlll LETTERS IN VOLUME III Att. XIII. INTRODUCTION HPHE correspondence in this volume (January, B.C. 48- J- February, B.C. 44) opens with a letter to Atticus from Pompey's headquarters in Epirus. There are only nine letters during the fifteen or sixteen months Cicero at which intervene between Cicero's ' departure Pharsalia. One of these is from Cselius . August, B.C. 48. (p. 4), foreshadowing the disaster which soon afterwards befell that facile intelligence but ill-balanced character in- ; and one from Dolabella (p. 6), spired with a genuine wish in which Caesar shared that Cicero should withdraw in time from the chances and dangers of the war. Cicero's own letters deal mostly with the anxiety which he was feeling as to his property at home, which was at the mercy of the Csesarians, and, in case of Pompey's defeat, would doubtless be seized by the victorious party, except such of it as was capable of being concealed or held in trust by his friends. -
Cicero a Study of Gamesmanship in the Late
CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMANSHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC A Thesis Presented to the faculty of the Department of History California State University, Sacramento Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History by Eugene H. Boyd FALL 2018 © 2018 Eugene H. Boyd ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMAN SHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC A Thesis by Eugene H. Boyd Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Nikolaos Lazaridis, PhD. __________________________________, Second Reader Jeffrey Brodd, PhD. ____________________________ Date iii Student: Eugene H. Boyd I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________Graduate Coordinator ___________________ Jeffrey Wilson, PhD Date Department of History iv Abstract of CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMANSHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC by Eugene H. Boyd Roman politics during the final decades of the Late Republic was a vicious process of gamesmanship wherein lives of people, their families and friends were at the mercy of the gamesmen. Cicero’s public and political gamesmanship reflects the politics, class and ethnic biases of Roman society and how random events impacted personal insecurities. ______________________ _, Committee Chair Nikolaos Lazaridis, PhD. ____________________________ Date v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The process of obtaining a Master’s degree, I have found, is not an independent, isolated experience. Citing a contemporary adage, “It takes a village.” Truer words have never by spoken. To that end, I would like to recognize in the most warmly and thankful manner, the people in my “village” who helped me through the graduate study program and eventual master’s degree. -
Lawyers and Jurists
LAWYERS AND JURISTS O.F. Robinson* Alan and I have known each other since before 1966; were it not for him I should never have become a romanist, and indeed I was originally his Assistant. Since then he has propounded, we have argued, I have agreed, and disagreed. I can only describe Alan Watson as il mio padrone. I hope he will enjoy this look at the imperial garb. “We may be surprised, though, that such great legal development could be due to a few jurists chosen from such a small section of the population.” -Watson, Law-Making1 Many books on Roman law make very similar statements. There are questions arising from it that have been vexing me for decades. How many jurists were there, ever? How many jurists were there at any one time? (A critical mass is surely needed before there is acceptance by one’s peers, before a ius commune can be created.) How many aspirants were there? What differences were there in authority between the jurists of the Republic and of the Empire? To find some answers I make use of the leading English textbook on the historical background to Roman law and its legal science,2 and of the two still indispensable works on the Roman jurists.3 The methodological problems in looking for answers to these questions are enormous. Even before we consider the nature of the available evidence, there is the problem of terminology. Certainly in English, but it seems to me also in the other modern European languages, there is a question begged in the very term “jurist.” It is a noun of relatively modern construction. -
Vicus Nov(Iodunum) and Vicus Classicorum: on the Origins of the Municipium Noviodunum *
doi: 10.2143/AWE.15.0.3167473 AWE 15 (2016) 213-222 VICUS NOv(IODUnUM) aND VICUS CLASSICORUM: ON THe ORIGINS oF THe MUnICIPIUM NOvIODUnUM * FLORIAN MATEI-POpESCU Abstract This paper aims to tackle the origins of the municipium Noviodunum, epigraphically attested during the Severan period. To meet this goal some inscriptions are reinterpreted and con- nected with Noviodunum. Two different civilian settlements seem to have developed near the main naval base of the classis Flavia Moesica: one is a vicus Nov(iodunum), a civilian settlement, and the other is the vicus classicorum, the military vicus, attested by several votive altars uncovered at Halmyris. They were, it is assumed, transported from Noviodunum during the Tetrarchic period when the late Roman fort of Halmyris was constructed. It is concluded that, as in the case of the legionary fortresses, two different civilian communities developed in Noviodunum area, a military vicus and a civilian settlement. The latter was the one to receive the municipal grant during the joint reign of Marcus Aurelius and Com- modus, or during Commodus’ reign. The municipium Noviodunum (Isaccea, Tulcea county, Romania) is recorded by a single inscription, reused in the late Roman fort from Dinogetia:1 [- - -] / [- - -]AV. / [quae]stori / municip(ii) Nov[i]/od(uni). The inscription dates most likely by early 3rd century, during the Severan period. Thus, the first editor assumed that Noviodunum became a municipium under Septimius Severus or Caracalla, based on the analogies with the municipia of Troesmis and Durostorum.2 This assumption should now be amended, since the newly discovered fragments of the lex municipii Troesmensis show that the civil settlement from Troesmis received the municipal grant during the joint reign of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus.3 It is therefore likely that the civil settlement * This paper was written in the framework of the Project PN-II-ID-PCE-2012-4-0490: ‘“The Other” in Action. -
Tacitus Meant What He Said When He Described Verulamium As a Municipiumy I.E
PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/26470 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2021-09-25 and may be subject to change. 230 REVIEWS AND DISCUSSIONS view that the trial, leading to Drusus’ attempt at reform, was the cause of the Social War. Again, however, note the nineteenth-century naïveté of J-K-K ad loc. : ‘ Die Chronique scandaleuse der politischen Prozesse erschien den senatorischen Kreisen als die eigentliche Zeitgeschichte ’ (p. 77) : it is good to know that English-speaking students will be better served. Many will still find it difficult to believe that Cicero’s annos prop e qainqiiaginta contimios ( Verr. 1, 38, on the time the équités had served on the extortion juries) can mean ‘ forty-one years, with a break of five or six in the middle ’— despite D.’s ingenious advocacy of this (124). The spelling ‘ Caelius ’ for 1 Coelius ’ (and especially for the cos. 94) should at last be abandoned, even by editors of Cicero. (It very properly is by Malcovati and J-K-K, and it was not used in L.) On 134 (foot of page) it should be made clear that the reference is to M. Brutus pater (not to the son, also mentioned in s. 130). 135, line 4, for ‘ first century * read 4 second century \ 137 : P. Orbius was not praetor in Asia (except in the wider and non-technical sense of the word that often confuses commentators). -
Introduction” Katell Berthelot, Jonathan Price
”Introduction” Katell Berthelot, Jonathan Price To cite this version: Katell Berthelot, Jonathan Price. ”Introduction”. Katell Berthelot; Jonathan J. Price. In the Crucible of Empire: The Impact of Roman Citizenship upon Greeks, Jews and Christians, Peeters Publishers, pp.1-17, 2019, 978-90-429-3668-3. hal-02338877 HAL Id: hal-02338877 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02338877 Submitted on 30 Oct 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. INTRODUCTION Katell BERTHELOT (CNRS) and Jonathan PRICE (Tel Aviv University) Roman citizenship was a unique phenomenon that broke precedent and defied expectation: it was both dynamic and a stabilizing force; it was a legal and political definition and an expansible, fungible idea; it had both particular and universalizing aspects. The Roman concept and application of citizenship played an essential role in the success of the vast and long-lived multi-ethnic Roman Empire. Yet its his- torical development, as both a practical legal-political status and a dynamic concept, is far from simple and straightforward; practically every detail and technical term, as well as the changing essence of Roman civitas, has engendered controversy. The modern historical debate about Roman citizenship began with Adrian N. -
The Two Mauretaniae: Their Romanization and The
THE TWO MAURETANIAE: THEIR ROMANIZATION AND THE IMPERIAL CULT by CLAUDIA GIRONI submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject ANCIENT HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR : PROF. U.R.D. VOGEL JOINT SUPERVISOR : DR M. KLEIJWEGT Date submitted November 1996 SUMMARY The 'Romanization' of the African provinces of Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis was in fact a two-way process of exchange between Roman and African elements which resulted in a uniquely Romano-African civilization. The imperial cult highlights issues common to all Romanization processes, such as ruler-subject interaction and the role of local initiative in bringing about change, as well as unique issues such as the impact of politics on emperor-worship. The success of the imperial cult was hampered by the fact that only a select few - notably the wealthy local elite - derived direct benefit from the process, and by the fact that, because the pre-Roman Mauretaniae had no established ruler-cults, the imperial cult failed to assimilate with local tradition. As a result, the cult was unable either to make a decisive impact on the Romanization of the Mauretanians, or to achieve any real religious unity among them. KEY TERMS Romanization; Imperial cult; North African history; Roman empire; Mauretania Tingitana; Mauretania Caesariensis; Mauri; Religious syncretism; Roman gods; Roman priests; African religion, ancient. DECLARATION I declare that "The two Mauretaniae : their Romanization and the imperial cult" is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. -
A Roman Town in Africa
A ROMAN TOWN IN AFRICA It is no doubt a truism to say that the ancient civilizations of Greece and Rome were based on the idea of the city state. Everyone would probably agree that it is possible to define the Roman Empire as a complex of municipalities, each one with its own government which administered the municipal property, had the right of jurisdiction over the citizens, and served as the agent of the central government for the collection of taxes and for various other purposes. Above these local units was the government of Rome, itself a municipality that had sur- rendered many of its sovereign rights to one man, the Emperor, and whose duty it was to protect the peace of the whole empire. It is this superstructure, the government of Rome, that has always engaged the special attention of students of ancient history. The lesser units, the municipalities, have never been studied as closely as they deserve to be. This is, indeed, a fact that is easily understood. Our chief sources of information, the writings of the Romans themselves, give heed only to what happened to the Roman state. The affairs of the provinces, when they did not directly affect the fortunes of Rome, were beneath notice. Yet the life of the provinces, and even the life of individual municipalities, is :certainly important for one who wishes to understand the social conditions of the Roman Empire. The affairs of these smaller units touched the lives of ordinary men infinitely more closely than did the affairs of Rome. If the central government saw to it that the inhabitants of the Empire were safe from the attacks of barbarians from without and of pirates and brigands from within, the life of the municipalities influenced all the more intimate relations of life, one's method of gaining a livelihood, one's social intercourse, one's pleasures.