Conservative Support for Ending Life Tenure at the Supreme Court September 25, 2020

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Conservative Support for Ending Life Tenure at the Supreme Court September 25, 2020 Conservative Support for Ending Life Tenure at the Supreme Court September 25, 2020 Supreme Court Justices Antonin Scalia, Associate Justice “You always wonder whether you’re losing your grip and whether your current opinions are not as good as your old ones.” [New York Magazine, 10/04/13] John Roberts, Chief Justice “Setting a term of, say, 15 years would ensure that federal judges would not lose all touch with reality through decades of ivory tower existence. It would also provide a more regular and greater degree of turnover among the judges.” [New York Times, 07/30/05] Sandra Day O’Connor, Associate Justice “Because it is an unfortunate fact of life that physical and mental capacity sometimes diminish with age, the people may wish to replace some older judges in order to satisfy the legitimate, indeed compelling, public interest in maintaining a judiciary fully capable of performing judges’ demanding tasks.” [Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. 452 (1991)] Public Officials Josh Hawley, Senator (R-MO) “What if justices were not appointed for life? Or, more precisely, what if they did not serve on the Supreme Court for life? […] If they know they will not remain on the Court for an extended period of time, and that the rules they craft will shortly be applied by someone else, they may be far less likely to charge so eagerly into constitutional politics. Article III demands that judges be appointed for life, but it does not necessarily require that Supreme Court justices serve for life — provided they remain judges when not on the Court. […] The rotation of the judges on and off the Court could easily be staggered to ensure some continuity from year to year. Justices would thus acquire incentives for caution and moderation rather than judicial aggrandizement.” [National Affairs, Fall 2012] Rick Perry, Former Governor and Energy Secretary (R-TX) “We should take steps to restrict the unlimited power of [...] nine oligarchs in robes [...] to rule over us with no accountability.” [Salt Lake Tribune, 08/31/11] Ted Cruz, Senator (R-TX) “Sadly, the court’s hubris and thirst for power have reached unprecedented levels. That calls for meaningful action.” [National Review, 06/26/15] Ben Carson, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development “Remember, when [life tenure] was put in place, the average age of death was 47. So it really didn’t matter that much. Now it matters a lot.” [Huffington Post, 03/06/15] Marco Rubio, Senator (R-FL) “I am a supporter […of] term limits on members of Congress and the Supreme Court.” [Florida Politics, 01/04/16] Mike Heavican, Nebraska Supreme Court Chief Justice (R) “I think it is an unfortunate part of the way that federal judges are appointed and the fact that they have lifetime tenure, so there is […] almost no accountability in the federal system. [...] Nebraska uses a different system, and most states do use different systems. In Nebraska, there’s a lot more accountability to the judicial system.” [Nebraska Public TV, 04/18/19] Mike Huckabee, Former Governor (R-AR) “We need term limits for the judicial branch because nobody ought to wear a black robe for the rest of his or her life and believe that he or she is unaccountable for the decisions that are being made.” [C-SPAN, 01/24/15] Rand Paul, Senator (R-KY) “Maybe we should term limit out-of-control federal judges.” [Huffington Post, 03/06/15] Law Professors, Think-Tank Experts and Columnists Brian Fitzpatrick, Professor of Law, Vanderbilt Law School ““The leading proposal, which I support, is to give every justice one 18-year term. The terms would be staggered so every two years, another term would end. Every president would get two nominations every four-year term. I think it would de- escalate the acrimony.” [C-SPAN, 09/04/20] Ilya Shapiro, Director, Robert A. Levy Center for Constitutional Studies, Cato Institute “But even if term limits wouldn’t change the court’s decision-making, they might be worth trying anyway because at least there would be less randomness.” [SCOTUSblog, 09/15/20] Ilya Somin, Professor of Law, George Mason University “While there are different variations of the proposal, in most versions Supreme Court justices would be limited to non- renewable 18-year terms, as opposed to the life tenure they enjoy now. I am happy to support the idea, as well.” [Reason, 09/23/20] Steven Calabresi, Co-Founder, Federalist Society; Northwestern Pritzker Law Professor [D]efenders of life tenure have long been able to say, “If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it,” [but] we believe […] life tenure for justices is deeply flawed. The effects are subtle and not readily visible to the American public, but the dangers are real and the threat is severe. Life tenure deserves serious reconsideration and, as we argue, it should be abolished. Inertia ought no longer to justify the continuation of life tenure. In place of life tenure, we join several commentators before us in advocating a system of staggered, nonrenewable term limits of 18 years, after which Justices would be able, if they wanted to, to sit on the lower federal courts. […] We believe moving to a system of 18-year staggered terms for Supreme Court justices is fundamentally a conservative, Burkean idea that would restore the norms in this country that prevailed between 1789 and 1970 as to the tenure of Supreme Court justices [i.e., during that time, justices served an average of 15 years on the Court; since 1970, they’ve served 28 years on average]. The United States Supreme Court ought not to become a gerontocracy like the leadership cadre of the Chinese Communist Party. It is high time that we imposed a reasonable system of term limits on the justices of the U.S. Supreme Court. [Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy, 2006] Ross Douthat, Columnist, New York Times “The least accountable branch of government, the Supreme Court, has fallen into the hands of an aggressively counter- majoritarian faction. […] Term limits for Supreme Court justices are one obvious example of a neutral reform that might weaken juristocracy.” [New York Times, 07/14/18] John Fund, Political Affairs Reporter and Columnist, National Review “It’s time to end the unseemly position that the anachronism of life tenure for Supreme Court justices has put the country in. It’s a good thing that modern medicine is extending the lives of everyone, including Supreme Court justices. But the time has come to remove the incentives that make justices serve until they drop dead or are gaga. It’s time to put term limits on the Supreme Court.” [National Review, 11/24/19] Tiana Lowe, Columnist, Washington Examiner, and Fox News Contributor “There is something clearly broken in a political culture where voters are told that abortion policy or gun rights are contingent on a single person's health. Congress is supposed to write the rules protecting freedoms and life, with SCOTUS merely interpreting the law and the Constitution as written. Term limits wouldn't fix decades of court politicization and incivility in campaigning, but it would ameliorate those problems somewhat.” [Washington Examiner, 11/25/19] Mark Levin, Syndicated Radio Host “I am going to reintroduce this argument: term limits for justices. If justices want to be political, then they shouldn’t serve for life.” [Real Clear Politics, 07/02/12] David Davenport, Research Fellow, Hoover Institution “There are not sufficient checks on the power of the Supreme Court so term limits, or even age limits, make more sense.” [Washington Examiner, 10/03/18] Doug Bandow, Senior Fellow, Cato Institute “The Supreme Court has become as consequential as the presidency in making public policy. Indeed, contrary to their originally envisioned role, judges have become as likely as politicians to push to expand state power and limit individual liberty. It is necessary to find a way to impose accountability while preserving independence. Appointing judges to fixed terms would simultaneously achieve both objectives.” [Cato Institute, 08/03/15] Michael Graham, Columnist, Boston Herald “The theory is that when you have people appointed by, say, President Ford or H.W. Bush, there have been numerous election cycles since then and the philosophy of the people, the will of people, may have been different 30 or 40 years ago; in fact, it probably was. And so the court should reflect, at some level, the thinking of the people.” [CBS News, 08/05/18] Rob Natelson, Chair, Constitutional Studies Center, Independence Institute “[A] single term [for Supreme Court justices] would restore the balance of legislative, executive, and judicial powers to one more consistent with the constitutional design.” [Independence Institute, 02/11/19] Orin Kerr, Professor of Law, UC Berkeley School of Law “If we all agree that the ideological orientation of the Supreme Court matters — which, for better or worse, undeniably has been in case in our collective memory — then I can’t see why that orientation should depend on how long a handful of people in their 70s and 80s can continue to serve. It would make much more sense to tie that orientation to the elected branches in some predictable and democratically accountable way. That’s why I agree with those who favor term limits for Supreme Court Justices.” [Washington Post, 02/16/16] .
Recommended publications
  • Originalism and the Ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment
    Copyright 2013 by Northwestern University School of Law Printed in U.S.A. Northwestern University Law Review Vol. 107, No. 4 ORIGINALISM AND THE RATIFICATION OF THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT Thomas B. Colby ABSTRACT—Originalists have traditionally based the normative case for originalism primarily on principles of popular sovereignty: the Constitution owes its legitimacy as higher law to the fact that it was ratified by the American people through a supermajoritarian process. As such, it must be interpreted according to the original meaning that it had at the time of ratification. To give it another meaning today is to allow judges to enforce a legal rule that was never actually embraced and enacted by the people. Whatever the merits of this argument in general, it faces particular hurdles when applied to the Fourteenth Amendment. The Fourteenth Amendment was a purely partisan measure, drafted and enacted entirely by Republicans in a rump Reconstruction Congress in which the Southern states were denied representation; it would never have made it through Congress had all of the elected Senators and Representatives been permitted to vote. And it was ratified not by the collective assent of the American people, but rather at gunpoint. The Southern states had been placed under military rule, and were forced to ratify the Amendment—which they despised—as a condition of ending military occupation and rejoining the Union. The Amendment can therefore claim no warrant to democratic legitimacy through original popular sovereignty. It was added to the Constitution despite its open failure to obtain the support of the necessary supermajority of the American people.
    [Show full text]
  • The Obvious Constitutionality of Health Care Reform1
    ANDREW KOPPELMAN Bad News for Mail Robbers: The Obvious Constitutionality of Health Care Reform1 The Supreme Court may be headed for its most dramatic intervention in American politics—and most flagrant abuse of its power—since Bush v. Gore.2 Challenges to President Obama’s health care law3 have started to work their way toward the Court and have been sustained by two Republican-appointed district judges.4 1. A version of this Essay was presented at “Healthcare Reform: The Law and Its Implications,” a seminar of the American Health Lawyers Association, held in Chicago on December 6, 2010. This Essay consolidates and adds to arguments presented in an earlier series of blog posts. Andrew Koppelman, Can’t Think of Another One, BALKINIZATION (Dec. 14, 2010, 11:17 AM), http://balkin.blogspot.com/2010/12/cant-think-of-another-one.html; Andrew Koppelman, Health Care Reform: The Broccoli Objection, BALKINIZATION (Jan. 19, 2011, 4:48 PM), http://balkin.blogspot.com/2011/01/ health-care-reform-broccoli-objection.html; Andrew Koppelman, Non Sequiturs in the Florida Health Care Decision, BALKINIZATION (Feb. 2, 2011, 2:42 PM), http://balkin.blogspot.com/2011/02/non-sequiturs-in-florida-health-care.html; Andrew Koppelman, The Virginia Court’s Bizarre Health Law Decision, BALKINIZATION (Dec. 13, 2010, 5:01 PM), http://balkin.blogspot.com/2010/12/virginia-courts-bizarre-health-law.html. 2. 531 U.S. 98 (2000). For defenses of the modest proposition that the Supreme Court is not constitutionally authorized to appoint the President, see, for example, Laurence H. Tribe, eroG v. hsuB and Its Disguises: Freeing Bush v.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress
    U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Updated April 6, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44891 U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Summary The U.S. role in the world refers to the overall character, purpose, or direction of U.S. participation in international affairs and the country’s overall relationship to the rest of the world. The U.S. role in the world can be viewed as establishing the overall context or framework for U.S. policymakers for developing, implementing, and measuring the success of U.S. policies and actions on specific international issues, and for foreign countries or other observers for interpreting and understanding U.S. actions on the world stage. While descriptions of the U.S. role in the world since the end of World War II vary in their specifics, it can be described in general terms as consisting of four key elements: global leadership; defense and promotion of the liberal international order; defense and promotion of freedom, democracy, and human rights; and prevention of the emergence of regional hegemons in Eurasia. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. role in the world is changing, and if so, what implications this might have for the United States and the world. A change in the U.S. role could have significant and even profound effects on U.S. security, freedom, and prosperity. It could significantly affect U.S. policy in areas such as relations with allies and other countries, defense plans and programs, trade and international finance, foreign assistance, and human rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Criminal Justice John Rappaport†
    Some Doubts About “Democratizing” Criminal Justice John Rappaport† The American criminal justice system’s ills are by now so familiar as scarcely to bear repeating: unprecedented levels of incarceration, doled out disproportion- ately across racial groups, and police that seem to antagonize and hurt the now- distrustful communities they are tasked to serve and protect. Systemic social ail- ments like these seldom permit straightforward diagnoses, let alone simple cures. In this case, however, a large, diverse, and influential group of experts—the legal acad- emy’s “democratizers”—all identify the same disease: the retreat of local democratic control in favor of a bureaucratic “machinery” disconnected from public values and the people themselves. Neighborhood juries, for example, internalize the costs of pun- ishing their own; neighborhood police, “of” and answerable to the community, think twice before drawing their weapons or stopping a local boy on a hunch. The experts and detached professionals who populate our dominant bureaucratic institutions, in contrast, are motivated by different, less salubrious, incentives. Across the gamut of criminal justice decision-making, the democratizers maintain, the influence of the local laity is a moderating, equalizing, and ultimately legitimating one. A generous dose of participatory democracy won’t solve all our problems, but it’s our best shot to get the criminal justice system back on its feet. This Article’s warning is plain: don’t take the medicine. “Democratization” wields undeniable rhetorical appeal but will not really fix what ails us—and may just make it worse. The democratization movement, this Article argues, rests on con- ceptually problematic and empirically dubious premises about the makeup, prefer- ences, and independence of local “communities.” It relies on the proudly counterin- tuitive claim that laypeople are largely lenient and egalitarian, contrary to a wealth of social scientific evidence.
    [Show full text]
  • The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform
    University of Colorado Law School Colorado Law Scholarly Commons Articles Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship 2018 The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform Benjamin Levin University of Colorado Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Law and Race Commons, Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons, and the Legal Writing and Research Commons Citation Information Benjamin Levin, The Consensus Myth in Criminal Justice Reform, 117 MICH. L. REV. 259 (2018), available at https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles/1205. Copyright Statement Copyright protected. Use of materials from this collection beyond the exceptions provided for in the Fair Use and Educational Use clauses of the U.S. Copyright Law may violate federal law. Permission to publish or reproduce is required. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship at Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CONSENSUS MYTH IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORM Benjamin Levin* It has become popular to identify a “consensus” on criminal justice reform, but how deep is that consensus, actually? This Article argues that the pur- ported consensus is much more limited than it initially appears. Despite shared reformist vocabulary, the consensus rests on distinct critiques that identify different flaws and justify distinct policy solutions. The underlying disagreements transcend traditional left/right political divides and speak to deeper disputes about the state and the role of criminal law in society.
    [Show full text]
  • Oklahoma City University Law Review
    OCULREV Fall 2014 Somin 415--440 (Do Not Delete) 2/9/2015 5:32 PM OKLAHOMA CITY UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW VOLUME 39 FALL 2014 NUMBER 3 SPEECH WILLIAM BRENNAN LECTURE 2014: NFIB V. SEBELIUS AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEBATE OVER FEDERALISM Ilya Somin* INTRODUCTION I would like to start by thanking Professor Andrew Spiropoulos for his wonderful introduction, and all of you for braving the extreme cold to come and listen to a lecture about constitutional federalism.1 I want to also thank Oklahoma City University for hosting the William Brennan lecture series. It is a great honor for me to follow in the footsteps of the many distinguished past lecturers, such as William Eskridge, Erwin Chemerinsky, Randy Barnett, Nicole Garnett, and last year’s speaker, Judge Diane Sykes. Many of the previous lecturers are either former law school professors of mine or professional colleagues and mentors that I have learned a great deal from. * Professor of Law, George Mason University School of Law. This Article is adapted from the William J. Brennan Lecture delivered at Oklahoma City University School of Law in January 2014. 1. It is perhaps worth noting that the temperature in Oklahoma City on the night I gave the lecture was barely above zero. 415 OCULREV Fall 2014 Somin 415--440 (Do Not Delete) 2/9/2015 5:32 PM 416 Oklahoma City University Law Review [Vol. 39 I should also say a word about Justice William Brennan, the man after whom this lecture series is named. He was unquestionably one of the most successful and influential Supreme Court justices of the twentieth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Eminent Domain Abuse
    The Civil Rights Implications of Eminent Domain Abuse A Briefing Before The United States Commission on Civil Rights Held in Washington, DC Briefing Report Table of Contents i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................................... iii SUMMARY OF PROCEEDINGS ..................................................................................................1 Panelist Presentations...........................................................................................................1 Ilya Somin................................................................................................................1 J. Peter Byrne...........................................................................................................3 Hilary Shelton ..........................................................................................................6 David Beito ..............................................................................................................9 Discussion..........................................................................................................................10 COMMISSIONERS’ STATEMENTS AND REBUTTALS.........................................................21 Martin R. Castro.................................................................................................................21 Abigail Thernstrom............................................................................................................24 Roberta Achtenberg
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction to Decentralization and Development
    University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2018 Introduction to Decentralization and Development Shitong Qiao Richard A. Epstein Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Shitong Qiao & Richard A. Epstein, "Introduction to Decentralization and Development," 102 Minnesota Law Review 1485 (2018). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Foreword_5fmt Foreword Introduction to Decentralization and Development Shitong Qiao† & Richard A. Epstein†† On March 14–15, 2017, a group of Asian and American scholars working in the areas of law, economics, and political sci- ence gathered at the University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law. They debated and discussed decentralization and development at a conference cosponsored by New York University’s Classical Liberal Institute and the University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law’s Centre for Chinese Law. What does decentralization mean? How do we best measure decentralization? Is interjuris- dictional competition a race to the bottom or a race to the top? Is decentralization desirable in China or other jurisdictions? This symposium contains papers presented at the confer- ence, in which authors take various approaches to the relation- ship between decentralization and development: one group of scholars takes a universal and theoretical approach; while the second group of scholars offers original case studies from China, exploring decentralization and its implications on development.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy, Political Ignorance, and Constitutional Reform
    _________________ DEBATE _________________ DEMOCRACY, POLITICAL IGNORANCE, AND CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM In this Debate, Professors Ilya Somin and Sanford Levinson dis- cuss the constitutional implications of a federal government whose “size, scope, and complexity” are far beyond anything that the framers could have possibly imagined and an electorate that is more likely to be able to name the Three Stooges than the three branches of their government. Both professors agree that the situation is problematic for our democratic form of government and that concerted efforts could—and should—be taken to alleviate the problem. As to what those steps should be, they offer two very different solutions. Professor Somin begins by agreeing with critics of the U.S. Consti- tution, such as Professor Levinson, that “our present constitutional sys- tem has significant flaws.” He worries, however, that constitutional re- forms made in the midst of widespread political ignorance carry no guarantee of establishing anything better. Instead, Professor Somin advocates addressing the problem by “reduc[ing] the overweening power of government over society.” Although large-scale reductions are unlikely in the short term, he asserts that the process can begin by “reestablish[ing] constitutional limits on government power that have eroded over the last several decades.” Professor Levinson argues, however, that a return to a radically smaller replublic is simply not plausible and efforts to effect such change are akin to “swimming upstream, perhaps against a waterfall.” We would be better served, he believes, by adapting our Constitution to match the complexity of the modern state. Through an increase in the number of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Ilya Somin George Mason University School of Law
    WHY POLITICAL IGNORANCE UNDERMINES THE WISDOM OF THE MANY Ilya Somin George Mason University School of Law Critical Review, Vol. 26, Nos. 1-2, pp. 151-169, 2014 (Symposium on Hélène Landemore’s Democratic Reason: Politics, Cognitive Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many) George Mason University Legal Studies Research Paper Series LS 16-04 This paper is available on the Social Science Research Network at ssrn.com/abstract=2729327 Ilya Somin WHY POLITICAL IGNORANCE UNDERMINES THE WISDOM OF THE MANY ABSTRACT: Hélène Landemore’s Democratic Reason effectively demonstrates how cognitive diversity may potentially improve the quality of democratic decisions. But in setting out the preconditions that democracy must meet in order for the many to make collectively well-informed decisions, Landemore undermines the case for voter competence more than she strengthens it. The conditions she specifies are highly unlikely to be achieved by any real-world democracy. Widespread voter ignorance and the size and complexity of modern government are severe obstacles to any effort to implement Landemore’s vision. Better-informed decision making is more likely to be achieved by allowing a wider range of issues to be decided by “voting with your feet” instead of at the ballot box. Hélène Landemore’s Democratic Reason: Politics, Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many (Princeton University Press, 2013) is a valuable contribution to the literature on democratic competence and the “miracle of aggregation.” Unlike most previous scholarship, it analyzes the potential benefits of diversity of knowledge and perspective in the electorate. It also effectively sets forth many of the conditions that must be established before a large group of laypeople can aggregate informa- tion more effectively than a small group of experts.
    [Show full text]
  • Comrades Or Foes: Did the Russians Break the Law Or New Ground for the First Amendment?
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DigitalCommons@Pace Pace Law Review Volume 39 Issue 1 Fall 2018 Article 2 September 2018 Comrades or Foes: Did the Russians Break the Law or New Ground for the First Amendment? Artem M. Joukov University of Southern California Samantha M. Caspar University of Alabama School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Criminal Law Commons, Election Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the National Security Law Commons Recommended Citation Artem M. Joukov and Samantha M. Caspar, Comrades or Foes: Did the Russians Break the Law or New Ground for the First Amendment?, 39 Pace L. Rev. 43 (2018) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr/vol39/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLE 2_CASPAR.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/8/2019 7:33 PM Comrades or Foes: Did the Russians Break the Law or New Ground for the First Amendment? Artem M. Joukov* & Samantha M. Caspar** Freedom of Speech is a “weakness our enemies do not share. That’s why it’s so important.” –Christopher Nolan1 This Article discusses the recent decision by the United States Federal Government to indict more than a dozen Russian nationals for conspiracy to defraud the United States of America.
    [Show full text]
  • An End to Marijuana Prohibition with Footnotes, National Review Article
    AN END TO Marijuana Prohibition The drive to legalize picks up E T H A N A. NA D E L M A N N EVER before have so many Americans supported 600,000, or 87 percent, of marijuana arrests are for nothing N 14 more than possession of small amounts. Millions of decriminalizing and even legalizing marijuana. Seventy-two Americans have never been arrested or convicted of any percent say that for simple marijuana possession, people criminal offense except this.15 Enforcing marijuana laws 16 should not be incarcerated but fined: the generally accepted costs an estimated $10-15 billion in direct costs alone. 1 definition of “decriminalization.” Even more Americans Punishments range widely across the country, from support making marijuana legal for medical purposes. modest fines to a few days in jail to many years in prison. Support for broader legalization ranges between 25 and 42 Prosecutors often contend that no one goes to prison for 2 percent, depending on how one asks the question. Two of simple possession—but tens, perhaps hundreds, of thousands every five Americans—according to a 2003 Zogby poll— of people on probation and parole are locked up each year say “the government should treat marijuana more or less the because their urine tested positive for marijuana or because same way it treats alcohol: It should regulate it, control it, they were picked up in possession of a joint. Alabama 3 tax it, and only make it illegal for children.” currently locks up people convicted three times of marijuana Close to 100 million Americans—including more than possession for 15 years to life.17 There are probably—no firm half of those between the ages of 18 and 50—have tried estimates exist—100,000 Americans behind bars tonight for 4 marijuana at least once.
    [Show full text]