DOCSLIB.ORG

MOSHOOD KASHIMAWO OLAWALE ABIOLA Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, Born on August 24, 1937, in Abeokuta, Ogun State, Was a Popul

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
MOSHOOD KASHIMAWO OLAWALE ABIOLA Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, Born on August 24, 1937, in Abeokuta, Ogun State, Was a Popul MOSHOOD KASHIMAWO OLAWALE ABIOLA Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, born on August 24, 1937, in Abeokuta, Ogun State, was a popular Nigerian Yoruba businessman, publisher, politician and aristocrat of the Egba clan. Moshood was his father’s twenty- third child but the first of his father’s children to survive infancy hence the name “Kashimawo”. MKO showed entrepreneurial talents at a very young age, at the tender age of nine he started his first business selling firewood before going to school, in order to support his old father and his siblings. He established a band at age fifteen where he performed at different functions in return for food and later got perfected enough to begin requesting money for his exhibitions which he utilized to uphold his family and his secondary education at the Baptist Boys High School, Abeokuta. He was the editor of the school magazine The Trumpeter, Olusegun Obasanjo was his deputy editor. At the age of 19 he joined the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons ostensibly because of its strange pan Nigerian origin compared with the Obafemi Awolowo-led Action Group. In 1956, Moshood Abiola started his professional life as bank clerk with Barclays Bank plc in Ibadan, South-West Nigeria. After two years he joined the Western Region Finance Corporation as an executive accounts officer before leaving for Glasgow, Scotland to pursue his higher education. In Glasgow he received 1st class in political economy, commercial law and management accountancy. He also received a distinction from the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Scotland. On his return to Nigeria, he worked as a senior accountant at the University of Lagos Teaching Hospital. He later went onto Pfizer, before joining the ITT Corporation, where he rose to the position of Vice President, Africa and Middle-East. Moshood had investments in Nigeria and West Africa. He set up Abiola Farms, Abiola Bookshops, Radio Communications Nigeria, Wonder bakeries, Concord Press, Concord Airlines, Summit Oil International Ltd, Africa Ocean lines, Habib Bank, Decca W.A. Ltd, and Abiola Football Club. In addition to these, he also managed to perform his duties as Chairman of the G15 Business Council, President of the Nigerian Stock Exchange, Patron of the Kwame Nkrumah Foundation. Moshood Abiola sprang to national and global prominence as a consequence of his humanitarian exercises. The Congressional Black Caucus of the United States of America issued the following tribute to Moshood Abiola, “Because of this man, there is both cause for hope and certainty that the agony and protests of those who suffer injustice shall give way to peace and human dignity. The children of the world shall know the great work of this extraordinary leader and his fervent mission to right wrong, to do justice, and to serve mankind. The enemies which imperil the future of generations to come: poverty, ignorance, disease, hunger, and racism have each seen effects of the valiant work of Chief Abiola. Through him and others like him, never again will freedom rest in the domain of the few. We, the members of the Congressional Black Caucus salute him this day as a hero in the global pursuit to preserve the history and the legacy of the African diaspora” From 1972 until his death, Moshood Abiola had been conferred with 197 traditional titles by 68 different communities in Nigeria, in response to the fact that his financial assistance resulted in the construction of 63 secondary schools, 121 mosques and churches, 41 libraries, 21 water projects in 24 states of Nigeria, and was grand patron to 149 societies or associations in Nigeria. Moshood Abiola was twice voted worldwide businessman of the year, and gained various honorary doctorates from universities all over the world. In 1987 he was given the golden key to the city of Washington D.C., and he was bestowed with an award from the NAACP and the King Center in the USA, and also the International Committee on Education for Teaching in Paris, among others too numerous to mention. In Nigeria, the Oloye MKO Abiola was made the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland. It is the most noteworthy chieftaincy title accessible to everyday citizens around the Yoruba, and has just been given by the tribe 14 times in its history. This basically rendered MKO the ceremonial Viceroy of the greater part of his tribes people. According to the folklore of the tribe as recounted by the Yoruba elders, the Aare Ona Kakanfo is expected to die a warrior in the defense of his nation in order to prove himself in the eyes of both the divine and the mortal as having been worthy of his title. Chief MKO Abiola contested for President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria along with Amb. Babagana Kingibe as his running mate in the June 12 general election in the year 1993, which was widely adjudged as the most fairest, freest and peaceful in the history of this country but was annulled by the government of that time and this ignited a lot of agitation. June 12, more than any other day, subsequently, symbolized the struggles and sacrifices made by countless Nigerians to establish democracy as our way of national governance. Chief MKO Abiola and others gave their lives that we might have democracy, that the will of the people would be sovereign and not suppressed by the will of the few. The award of GCFR to Chief Abiola serves as an acknowledgement that he won the 1993 election and should have been allowed to serve as our president after winning that free and fair expression of the popular will. In recognition of his immense and meritorious contribution to the growth and development of commerce, agriculture, industry, sports, and political sagacity. Chief MKO Abiola, the man whose sacrifice paved the way for our democracy, an outstanding industrialist, a businessman of repute and a philanthropist per excellence is being honoured with the award of Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR). AMBASSADOR BABAGANA KINGIBE Ambassador Babagana Kingibe born on the 25th June, 1945 into the family of Mustafa Shuwa and Ya Kingi Mallam, is a Nigerian politician and political appointee having held many high-level Nigerian governmental positions. He hails from Borno State in the North Eastern part of Nigeria, and is of Kanuri extraction. Ambassador Babagana Kingibe served from October 2002 to September 2006 as AU Special Envoy to Sudan and subsequently Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and head of the AU Mission in Sudan (AMIS) and Darfur. Kingibe grew up in the city of Maiduguri and attended primary schools in the city. In 1958, he was admitted into the Borno Provincial Secondary School, however, in 1960, he traveled to London to complete his O'Level and A-level at Bishop's Stortford College under a Borno Native Authority sponsored scholarship scheme. He took up further studies earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in International Relations at the University of Sussex where he was mates with Thabo Mbeki. He started pursuing a doctorate programme in Switzerland but he left the program before completing his degree. He returned to Nigeria and started work as a Research and Planning Officer at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria but he soon left the college to become the head of Features and Current Affairs at the Broadcasting Corporation of Northern Nigeria. In 1972, he joined the Nigerian Foreign Service where he started as a Senior Counselor and later became the head of the political desk at the Nigerian High Commission in London. During the Obasanjo administration in the late 1970s, Kingibe worked in the political department as principal secretary and was involved in the government's return to civil rule programme, states creation and boundary adjustment, local government reforms and the constitutional drafting committee. In 1981, at age 36, he was appointed the Nigerian Ambassador to Greece and later the country's representative in Pakistan. Kingibe entered Nigerian political scene during the beginning of the Third Republic. In 1988, he was made director of organization of the People's Front of Nigeria (PFN) which was then led by late Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. The PFN later joined Social Democratic Party in 1989. During the conduct of elections for national executive positions in the party, Kingibe was sponsored by the People's Front faction of SDP as the party's chairman, a position he went on to clinch. As chairman, Kingibe was involved in the organization of party's gubernatorial and presidential primaries in 1991 and 1992 respectively. However, after the cancellations of presidential elections in 1992 in which late Shehu Musa Yaradua was a candidate, Kingibe put himself forward as a presidential candidate. He made a split from his initial camp, the PFN group and used his relationships with SDP state party chairman to build his campaign. He lost the keenly contested primary conducted in Jos but after much prodding from SDP governors; he was selected by the primary winner, MKO Abiola as Vice-presidential running mate, creating a Muslim-Muslim ticket which was initially thought to be a deal breaker in the general elections. The pair won the electoral majority although the result was annulled by abdicating President, General Ibrahim Babangida. Babagana later joined General Sani Abacha as the Foreign Minister of Nigeria from 1993 to 1995. Babagana also served as Minister of Internal Affairs, Minister of Power and Steel, Nigeria's Ambassador to Greece and Pakistan. He also served as the Secretary to the Government of the Federation under the Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s Administration between July 2007 and Sept 2008. Ambassador Babagana Kingibe was a detribalized Nigerian, a bridge builder and a seasoned technocrat.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Politics of Human Rights: Beyond the Abolitionist Paradigm in Africa
    Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 17 Issue 3 1996 The Politics of Human Rights: Beyond the Abolitionist Paradigm in Africa Makau wa Mutua Harvard Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Humanitarian Law Commons Recommended Citation Makau w. Mutua, The Politics of Human Rights: Beyond the Abolitionist Paradigm in Africa, 17 MICH. J. INT'L L. 591 (1996). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol17/iss3/2 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN RIGHTS: BEYOND THE ABOLITIONIST PARADIGM IN AFRICA CLAUDE E. WELCH, PROTECTING HUMAN RIGHTS IN AFRICA: STRATEGIES AND ROLES OF NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995. xiii + 356 pp. Reviewed by Makau wa Mutua* INTRODUCTION Over the last decade, the subject of human rights in Africa has become highly topical in the West primarily because of the emphasis placed by the industrial democracies on the postwar formulation of human rights and the universalization of its norms.' Both the United States2 and the European Union3 have built human rights considerations into their foreign policy frameworks. But the stuff of rights animated Africans long before the eruption of this spate of Western interest.4 Struggles against colonial rule and current efforts to democratize the African post-colonial state form the unbroken chain of the quest for just * Associate Director, Human Rights Program, Harvard Law School; S.J.D., Harvard Law School (1987); LL.M., Harvard Law School (1985); LL.M., University of Dar-es-salaam (1984); LL.B., University of Dar-es-salaam (1983).
    [Show full text]
  • Municipal Campaign Takes Off As New York City Council Condemns Nigeria Dictatorship, Supports Sanctions
    he Africa F1117d lss11e' '996 Municipal Campaign Takes Off As New York City Council Condemns Nigeria Dictatorship, Supports Sanctions Testifying in favor of the New York City Council resolution were (from left) Hafsat A biola, daughter of imprisoned Nigerian president-elect MKO Abiola; Africa Fund Executive Director Jennifer Davis, and former New York City Mayor David N. Dinkins. Credit: Mike Fleshman New York is the first U.S. city to publicly condemn the "The execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa last November Nigerian military dictatorship and call for U.S. economic outraged and disgusted the American people," said Davis. sanctions. On February 6 the City Council voted "In the months ahead we will see many more initiatives like unanimously for a Nigeria democracy resolution the New York City Council resolution as concerned introduced by Bronx council member Wendell Foster. The Americans become more informed and more active on action followed a briefing on the political and human rights behalf of human rights and democracy in Nigeria." crisis in the west African nation by The Africa Fund and Nigerian pro-democracy activists. New Orleans became the second city to adopt a Nigeria democracy resolution in April 3. The measure, introduced The council heard testimony from over a dozen Nigerian by Council Member Roy Glapion, is similar to New York's and U.S. human rights activists, including Owens Wiwa, and also passed unanimously. the brother of executed Nigerian environmentalist Ken Saro-Wiwa; Hafsat Abiola, the daughter of the jailed The Africa Fund is distributing the resolutions to elected winner of Nigeria's annulled 1993 Presidential election; officials across the country as part of its tlational Chief Ralph Obioha, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • State of Forest Regeneration in Southwest Nigeria
    Vol. 8(26), pp. 3381- 3383, 11 July, 2013 African Journal of Agricultural DOI: 10.5897/AJAR09.035 ISSN 1991-637X ©2013 Academic Journals Research http://www.academicjournals.org/AJAR Short Communication State of forest regeneration in Southwest Nigeria O. I. Faleyimu1*, B. O. Agbeja2 and O. Akinyemi1 1Federal College of Forestry Mechanization, Afaka, Kaduna, Nigeria. 2Department of Forest Resources Management, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Oyo Sate, Nigeria. Accepted 13 August, 2010 The study investigated the state of forest regeneration in southwest Nigeria forest service. Secondary data were collected from the state forestry departments in South-Western Nigeria. The information was based on the forest regeneration between 1988 and 2004 as stipulated in the national forest policy of 1988. The study revealed that there were a total of 1619.19 ha of forest regeneration between 1988 and 2004 in south-west Nigeria. The largest was in Oyo State with an area of 6745 ha, followed by Ondo State with 4910.27 ha. Others were Ogun State (2700 ha), Ekiti State (1456 ha), Lagos State (656 ha) and the least was in Osun State with 481 ha. In this regards, unless there is regeneration and sustained yield to equate harvest, the depletion rates of the forest are bound to continue with adverse consequences on the environment. Key words: Forest regeneration, forest policy, forest management. INTRODUCTION Literature is replete with overwhelming evidence of the country’s forest policy. This utopian situation is rarely, if significance of forests to human existence. Diouf (1997) ever, achieved. asserted that forests are the most important terrestrial The more usual case is that certain elements of a gene banks on earth.
    [Show full text]
  • Naiis National Factsheet
    NAIIS SHEET The 2018 Nigeria HIV/AIDS Indicator and Impact Survey (NAIIS) was a national household-based survey that assessed the prevalence of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and related health indicators. Data collection in South West Zone was done from July through December 2018. Data were collected from household members age 0-64 years. Home-based HIV counseling and testing services were provided to people who participated in the survey. Participants receiving an HIV-positive test result were linked to treatment services. NAIIS data includes national, zonal, and state information on HIV control activities in Nigeria. NAIIS was led by the Government of Nigeria through the Federal Ministry of Health (FMoH) and the National Agency for the Control of AIDS (NACA), conducted with funding from the United States (U.S.) President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria with technical assistance from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). The survey was implemented by the NAIIS Consortium, led by the University of Maryland, Baltimore (UMB) under the supervision of the NAIIS Technical Committee. Female Male Total Unweighted HIV Indicator % 95%CI* % 95%CI % 95%CI sample size † HIV prevalence 15–49 years 1.4 1.2–1.7 0.7 0.5–0.9 1.1 0.9–1.9 22,248 15-64 years 1.5 1.3–1.8 0.8 0.6–1.0 1.2 1.0–1.4 26,867 ‡ Viral load suppression 15–49 years 49.7 41.8–57.5 25.9 13.6–38.3 43.0 35.8–50.3 242 15-64 years 49.2 42.2–56.2 29.4 18.9–39.9 43.1 36.7–49.5 325 * The 95% CI (confidence interval) indicates the interval within which the true population parameter is expected to fall 95% of the time.
    [Show full text]
  • 1998: Nigeria's Year of Tragedy and Transition
    THE AFRICA FUND ' WINTER 1998-1999 NO.7 ISSUE I HUMAN RIGHTS 1998: NIGERIA'S YEAR OF TRAGEDY AND TRANSITION T his was a dramatic year in Nigeria, SKEPTICISM ABOUNDS tion cards failed to arrive at registration where the unexpected deaths of Nige­ sites in the south and west, resulting in rian dictator General Sani Abacha and Many doubted the army's intentions. widespread disenfranchisement of vot­ the illegally imprisoned President­ For over 13 years Nigerians have heard ers outside the army's northern politi­ elect, Moshood Abiola, were swiftly successive generals promise free elec­ cal base. Members of the Independent followed by a new general consolidat­ tions and democracy only to deliver National Electoral Commission (INEC), ing his power amid fresh promises of more dictatorship. Abubakar's deci­ the government agency in charge of the elections to end decades of military sion to impose yet another military vote, were handpicked by Abubakar and rule. These developments have sud­ controlled "transition to democracy" serve at his sole discretion. Local coun­ denly and profoundly altered the on the people without their consent cil elections held on December 5-a test course of the Nigerian democracy has been harshly criticized by Nigeri­ run for 1999 state, federal and Presiden­ struggle and THE AFRICA FuND an human rights and pro-democracy tial elections-revealed many of these launched a Nigeria Transition Watch leaders who point out that General flaws and underscored the importance project to meet the new challenge and Abubakar was a senior member of the of THE AFRICA FuND project, established protect the integrity of the promised Abacha dictatorship.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria in Political Transition
    Order Code IB98046 Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Nigeria in Political Transition Updated June 26, 2002 Theodros Dagne Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress CONTENTS SUMMARY MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS Current Issues Historical and Political Background Transition to Civilian Rule Elections Current Economic and Social Conditions Issues in U.S.-Nigerian Relations Background The United States and the Obasanjo Government CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS, REPORTS, AND DOCUMENTS FOR ADDITIONAL READING CRS Reports IB98046 06-26-02 Nigeria in Political Transition SUMMARY On June 8, 1998, General Sani Abacha, in U.S. assistance to Nigeria. In August 2000, the military leader who took power in Nigeria President Clinton paid a state visit to Nigeria. in 1993, died of a reported heart attack and He met with President Obasanjo in Abuja and was replaced by General Abdulsalam addressed the Nigerian parliament. Several Abubakar. On July 7, 1998, Moshood Abiola, new U.S. initiatives were announced, includ- the believed winner of the 1993 presidential ing increased support for AIDS prevention election, also died of a heart attack during a and treatment programs in Nigeria and en- meeting with U.S. officials. General Abubakar hanced trade and commercial development. released political prisoners and initiated politi- cal, economic, and social reforms. He also In May 2001, President Obasanjo met established a new independent electoral com- with President Bush and other senior officials mission and outlined a schedule for elections in Washington. The two presidents discussed and transition to civilian rule, pledging to a wide range of issues, including trade, peace- hand over power to an elected civilian govern- keeping, and the HIV/AIDS crisis in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Partly Free 4.0
    Nigeria | Freedom House Page 1 of 4 About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us Subscribe Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD - View another year - Nigeria Nigeria Freedom in the World 2012 - Select year - OVERVIEW: 2012 SCORES The ruling People’s Democratic Party retained control of the presidency, the National Assembly, and the STATUS majority of governorships in April 2011 elections. Hailed by many observers as a marked improvement from the 2007 elections, the polls were nevertheless marred by violence and suspected voter fraud. The Partly worst bloodshed occurred in the north, where rioting by disaffected opposition supporters ignited a wave of clashes that left more than 800 people dead and at least 65,000 displaced. Since President Goodluck Free Jonathan’s inauguration in May, Nigeria has suffered a series of high-profile attacks by the extremist movement Boko Haram, prompting a brutal crackdown by the security forces. FREEDOM RATING The armed forces ruled Nigeria for much of the period after independence from Great Britain in 1960. Beginning 4.0 with the first coup in January 1966, military officers consistently claimed that only they could manage a diverse CIVIL LIBERTIES Nigerian polity beset by simmering tensions among the country’s 250 ethnic groups, as well as between religious communities. Muslims, who constitute a majority in the north, make up about 50 percent of the overall population, 4 while Christians, who dominate in the south, account for most of the remaining 50 percent. Ethnic and regional tensions led to the attempted secession of Nigeria’s oil-rich southeast as the Republic of Biafra in 1967, which POLITICAL RIGHTS touched off a three-year civil war and a devastating famine that together caused more than one million deaths.
    [Show full text]
  • A Case Study of Renaming the University of Lagos As Moshood Abiola University
    Asian Journal of Business and Management (ISSN: 2321 – 2803) Volume 01– Issue 04, October 2013 Resistance to Change in Nigeria: A Case Study of Renaming the University of Lagos as Moshood Abiola University A. A. Adeyemo1 1Agricultural Rural Management Training Institute, (ARMTI), PMB 1343, Ilorin, Nigeria P. M. Onikoyi2 2Agricultural Rural Management Training Institute, (ARMTI), PMB 1343, Ilorin, Nigeria ABSTRACT— The University of Lagos, Nigeria was established in 1962 and has provided quality education to students both within and outside the Country. It has impacted positively on education and academic matters globally. Chief Moshood Abiola was a popular Nigerian businessman and politician. He died in 1998 as a political Hero while in detention because of his insistence on claiming his electoral victory. In 2012, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria took a decision to honour him for making the ultimate sacrifice in pursuit of justice and truth by renaming the University of Lagos as Moshood Abiola University. Many people and corporate bodies including Students, Lecturers and the Alumni Association of the University strongly expressed their rejection of the decision on the renaming. However, some other group of people did not find anything wrong in the decision. The reasons adduced for resistance to the nomenclatural change cover legal, historical and political factors. Controversies, generated by the decision of the President to rename the institution have lingered on for several months but the change is yet to be effected. This suggested that the proposed name change has been successfully resisted, at least, to some extent. This experience has, therefore, become a typical case study on resistance to change.
    [Show full text]
  • Mass Atrocities Report 2020.Cdr
    Save The Date National Day of Mourning May 28 2021 #NDOM CKING cmyk brand media: 08067749344 trocities Casualities Email: [email protected], [email protected] Website: www.globalrights.orgs, www.Nigeriamourns.org Social Media: @globalrightsng@Nigeria 2020 report TRA Mass A Contents Executive Summary 2 Mass Atrocities Report: 2020 Infographics 4 Through The Valley Of The Shadow Of Violence: 5 An Analytical Summary 5 Analysis By Region 6 Month By Month Analysis 11 Timeline Of Violence In Southern Kaduna 17 Methodology 20 Conclusion 22 groups fared poorly. For instance, in spite of the pandemic and its accompanying lockdowns, and Executive need for social distancing, some state governments, particularly Lagos and Kaduna, and the Federal Capital Territory Administration, did not hesitate to Summary demolish slum communities without prior notice to make room for 'development' projects, and walked away unperturbed about the humanitarian crisis that The year 2020 was a brutal year for most, as the they had created, or how they had further coronavirus pandemic disrupted nations and jeopardized the public health crisis the nation was systems across the world. COVID-19 heralded the confronted with. largest and most fatal global health crisis in recent Rather than seek to protect unaccompanied and times, with incredible infection rates, and an vulnerable minors in the wake of the pandemic, some unprecedented loss of lives in almost every nation. northern state governors, hurriedly proscribed the Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, continued informal Almajiranci system of education, which has its own trajectory of grief and loss, contending not for decades been notorious for engendering various only with the global health pandemic, but also with its forms of child abuse, rounded up Almajiri children endemic insecurity that has spiralled exponentially in and expelled these vulnerable class of children to the past decade their 'states of origin' as part of their response to Our tracking of mass atrocities across Nigeria for curbing the spread of covid19.
    [Show full text]
  • ZONAL South West
    SOUTH WEST ZONE BACKGROUND The South-West geopolitical zone of Nigeria is made up of six (6) states, namely, Ondo, Osun, Oyo, Ekiti, Lagos and Ogun States with one hundred and thirty seven (137) Local Government Areas (LGAs). Ondo state has eighteen(18) LGAs, Osun state with thirty (30) LGAs, Oyo has thirty three (33) LGAs, Ekiti state with sixteen (16) LGAs, Lagos state with twenty (20) LGAs and Ogun state with twenty (20) LGAs respectively. The population of the entire region according to the 2006 population census is about thirty eight (38) million people. Apart from agriculture as the mainstay of economic activities for the majority in the rural communities, the zone is also known for its commerce and trading activities with a preponderance of micro, small and medium indigenous industries that are into manufacturing, fabrication and agro-allied produce. Agriculture thrives very well in the area because the zone is endowed with fertile land. The main food crops grown in the zone include, yam, cassava, cocoyam and maize while the cash crops include, rubber, cocoa, banana and various types of fruits. The zone is blessed with solid minerals and natural resources in rich deposits such as, granite, crude oil, sand stone, lignite, kaoline, clay, coal, tin, etc. The zone has high potential to attract investments in the following areas: i. Agro-allied industries (cocoa, Cassava starch and flour; yam as well as fruits and vegetable canning); ii. Textiles (Cotton Socks, Fishing nets and Mosquito nets); iii. Industrial Minerals/Quarrying (Glass industry, Table ware, Aggregate plant including stone crushing plants); iv.
    [Show full text]
  • E-Orality, Language Development and Communicative Competence of a Yoruba Child: Issues and Challenges
    Caribbean Educational Research Journal The University of the West Indies Vol. 4, No. 1, April 2016, 37-46 Cave Hill Campus E-orality, Language Development and Communicative Competence of a Yoruba Child: Issues and Challenges Azeez Akinwumi Sesan* and Lucky Aikabeli *Osun State University, Ikire Campus, Osun State, Nigeria Moshood Abiola Polytechnic, Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria Linguists and other language experts have acknowledged that language is primarily spoken before its secondary function of writing. The developmental stages of a child are pre-dominated by speeches of the adults and other caregivers in the child's environment. In the traditional Yoruba societies and before the modern social structures, the child's language and speech development was enhanced with series of oral performances. With the emergence of modern technologies of communication such as radio, television and internet, there has been a change in the psychodynamics of oral literature and hence, the phenomenon of e-orality. This paper, therefore, seeks to examine and discuss the issues and challenges of e-orality in the contemporary Yoruba societies and how this has impacted on the language development and communicative competence of a child. Data are gathered through unstructured interview at selected rural communities. Presentation and analysis of data reveal that the natural “texture” of orality is not felt in the contemporary stage of e-orality. Keywords: E-orality, communicative competence, oral literature, language development, modern technologies *Corresponding Author. Email: [email protected] ISSN 1727-5512 ©School of Education, The University of the West Indies Cave Hill Campus http://www.cavehill.uwi.edu/fhe/hum/publications/EducationCERJ.htm References Akintunde, A.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria Country Assessment
    NIGERIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT COUNTRY INFORMATION AND POLICY UNIT, ASYLUM AND APPEALS POLICY DIRECTORATE IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE VERSION APRIL 2000 I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment has been placed on the Internet (http:www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE 1 Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III. ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.3 IV.
    [Show full text]