The Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture: an Evaluation
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Policy Commitments Made Under the Agreement on Agriculture
Order Code RL32916 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Agriculture in the WTO: Policy Commitments Made Under the Agreement on Agriculture May 12, 2005 Randy Schnepf Specialist in Agricultural Policy Resources, Science, and Industry Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Agriculture in the WTO: Policy Commitments Made Under the Agreement on Agriculture Summary The Uruguay Round (UR) of multilateral trade negotiations, completed in 1994, represented the first significant step toward reforming international agricultural trade. Under the UR negotiations, domestic policies and trade policies were viewed as interconnected. As a result, WTO member countries committed to disciplines in agricultural support in three broad areas — domestic agricultural support programs, export subsidies, and market access — often referred to as the three pillars of the Agreement on Agriculture (AA). In addition, members also agreed to provisions concerning the handling of sanitary and phytosanitary measures, dispute settlement procedures, and the continuation of the reform process. Under the auspices of the UR’s AA, WTO member countries agreed to limit and reduce the most distortive domestic support subsidies — referred to as amber box subsidies and measured by the Aggregate Measure of Support (AMS) index. Several types of indirect subsidies were identified as causing minimal distortion to agricultural production and trade, and were provided exemptions — green box, blue box, de minimis, and special treatment — from WTO disciplines. Export subsidies were capped and subject to reductions in both value and volume. In addition, members agreed to improve market access for internationally traded agricultural products by converting non-tariff trade barriers (NTBs) into tariffs (a process called tariffication); binding existing tariffs at January 1, 1995, levels; and reducing tariffs from bound levels with the all-product average tariff being reduced faster than tariffs for individual products. -
Differentiation Between Developing Countries in the WTO
Differentiation between Developing Countries in the WTO Report 2004:14 E Foto: Mats Pettersson Differentiation between Developing Countries in the WTO Swedish Board of Agriculture International Affairs Division June 2004 Authors: Jonas Kasteng Arne Karlsson Carina Lindberg Contents PROLOGUE.......................................................................................................................................................... 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................................................... 5 1 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................................... 9 1.1 Purpose of the study............................................................................................................................. 9 1.2 Limitations of the study ....................................................................................................................... 9 1.3 Background to the discussion on differentiation................................................................................ 10 1.4 Present differentiation between developing countries in the WTO.................................................... 12 1.5 Relevance of present differentiation between developing countries in the WTO .............................. 13 1.6 Outline of the new differentiation initiative...................................................................................... -
Alea Iacta Es: How Spanish Olives Will Force a Radical Change of the CAP Jacques Berthelot ([email protected]), SOL, 7 November 2018
Alea iacta es: how Spanish olives will force a radical change of the CAP Jacques Berthelot ([email protected]), SOL, 7 November 2018 Contents Summary Introduction I – The sequence of the investigation and the arguments put forward by the protagonists 1.1 – The products at issue: processed ripe olives, raw olives or both? 1.2 – The anti-dumping investigation 1.3 – The countervailing (or anti-subsidies) investigation II – Complementary fundamental arguments 2.1 – Why the EU agricultural products are not exported at their "normal value" 2.2 – Almost all EU product-specific agricultural domestic subsidies may be sued under the AoA and ASCM 2.3 – Which subsidies are product-specific (PS)? 2.4 – The case of the EU alleged PS decoupled direct payments 2.4.1 – Spanish ripe olives receive fully decoupled PS subsidies 2.4.2 – Why the other EU agricultural subsidies are not decoupled but are essentially PS 2.4.2.1 – The mixed behaviour of the guardians of the temple of decoupled subsidies 2.4.2.2 – The EU mantra that decoupled subsidies imply a market orientation of the CAP 2.4.2.3 – The reasons why the EU agricultural subsidies are not decoupled but mainly PS 2.4.2.4 – The case of input subsidies 2.4.3 – The WTO Appellate Body has departed from the GATT definition of dumping 2.4.4 – The best rebuttals of the assertion that the EU subsidies are decoupled NPS III – The consequences to draw to delete dumping and to build a totally new CAP 3.1 – Deleting the dumping impact of EU exports, particularly to developing countries 3.1.1 – Changing -
Market Access in Services 99 C
S P E C I S T A U L D I MARKETACCESS: UNFINISHEDBUSINESS E POST-URUGUAYROUND S INVENTORYANDISSUES ThisstudywaspreparedbyWTO'sEconomicResearchandAnalysisDivisionwith importantcontributionsbytheAgricultureandCommoditiesDivision,theTradein ServicesDivisionandtheIntegratedDataBaseSectionoftheStatisticsDivision. TheprojectcoordinatorwasMarcBacchetta. 6 Table of Contents Page Section I: Introduction 1 Section II: Industrial Products 7 A. Post-Uruguay Round tariffs 7 B. Other trade policy measures 18 Technical Notes to Section II 24 Appendix to Section II 28 Section III: Agricultural Products A. The Agreement on Agriculture’s origins 45 B. Trade policies under the Agriculture Agreement 46 C. Trends in trade and continuation of the reform process 64 Appendix Tables 68 Section IV: Services 97 A. The international services economy 97 B. Market access in services 99 C. The Uruguay Round and subsequent negotiations 103 D. What can be expected in the new round? 114 E. Issues arising in negotiations 122 Appendix to Section IV 133 Bibliography 141 i Tables, Boxes and Figures Page Section II Table II.1. Bound tariffs on industrial products. Scope of bindings, simple averages, standard deviations and tariff peaks 8 Table II.2. Bound tariffs on industrial products. Simple averages by country and MTN category 11 Table II.3. Bound tariffs on industrial products. Simple average tariff and standard deviation by stage of processing 14 Table II.4. Bound and applied tariffs on industrial products. Simple averages 17 Table II.5. Applied tariffs on industrial products. Duty free lines, simple averages, standard deviations and tariff peaks. 19 Table II.6. Frequency of core non-tariff barriers of selected countries 20 Table II.7. Pervasiveness of core non-tariff barriers affecting the manufacturing sector 21 Table II.8. -
Agriculture at the Uruguay Round: the European Union´S Hindering Position Towards Trade Liberalization
ISA-FLACSO Joint Conference Buenos Aires, July 24th, 2014 Agriculture at the Uruguay Round: the European Union´s hindering position towards trade liberalization Patricia Nasser de Carvalho Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) [email protected] 1 Abstract The European Union started acting as unified trading actor in GATT negotiations in the 1960s and in the same decade launched it´s Common Agriculture Policy (CAP) that since then helped hindering a multilateral trade agreement on agriculture. The Uruguay Round, which started in 1986, prolonged for an agriculture dispute, was finished in 1994 with an agreement to reduce non-tariff barriers to agriculture imports and tariffs were scheduled for phased reductions. In this context, this article proposals are to a) discuss the European Union's position on negotiations that led to the Uruguay Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) including the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) and the Dispute Settlement Agreement (which in theory should improve the process of resolving trade conflicts) b) show that although those agreements were set to ensure a more harmonic trade negotiations to liberalize trade on agriculture, the European Union did not change it's essence protectionist agriculture policy, since CAP continued hindering an agreement with concrete results towards liberalization on agriculture. The aim is to show that although all these agreements, high price levels, barriers to foreign trade and pressure under the common budget persisted and deepened in the European agriculture market after the URAA. 1. Introduction The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU), one of the most important symbols and paradigmatic policies of the European regional integration process and that could best fulfill the aim of building a unified image of Europe, had completed fifty years in 2012. -
Subsidies on Upland Cotton
United States – Subsidies on Upland Cotton (WT/DS267) Executive Summary of the Rebuttal Submission of the United States of America September 1, 2003 Introduction and Overview 1. The comparison under the Peace Clause proviso in Article 13(b)(ii) must be made with respect to the support as “decided” by those measures. In the case of the challenged U.S. measures, the support was decided in terms of a rate, not an amount of budgetary outlay. The rate of support decided during marketing year 1992 was 72.9 cents per pound of upland cotton; the rate of support granted for the 1999-2001 crops was only 51.92 cents per pound; and the rate of support that measures grant for the 2002 crop is only 52 cents per pound. Thus, in no marketing year from 1999 through 2002 have U.S. measures breached the Peace Clause.1 2. Brazil has claimed that additional “decisions” by the United States during the 1992 marketing year to impose a 10 percent acreage reduction program and 15 percent “normal flex acres” reduced the level of support below 72.9 cents per pound. However, the 72.9 cents per pound rate of support most accurately expresses the revenue ensured by the United States to upland cotton producers. Even on the unrealistic assumption that these program elements reduced the level of support by 10 and 15 percent, respectively (that is, the maximum theoretical effect these program elements could have had), the 1992 rate of support would still be 67.625 cents per pound, well above the levels for marketing years 1999-2001 and 2002. -
Trade Liberalization in China's Accession To
Trade Liberalization in China’s Accession to WTO Elena Ianchovichina and Will Martin World Bank Abstract China’s forthcoming accession to the WTO involves reforms across a wide range of sectors in China, both in directly trade-related sectors and behind the border. The implications of these reforms are greatly influenced by the starting point—a partially reformed economy with relatively high import duties, but in which export sectors benefit from liberal duty exemptions on their inputs. The paper takes account of this special feature in assessing the implications of reform. We find that China and its major trading partners gain from accession, while some competing countries suffer smaller losses. The adjustments required are greatly reduced by the dramatic liberalization that China undertook in the 1990s. JEL Classification: F02, F13, F14. ________________________________________________________________________ *Corresponding address: Elena Ianchovichina, MC8-810, World Bank, 1818 H St NW, Washington DC 20433. Ph 1-202-458-8910. Fax 1-202-522-1557. Email: [email protected] I. Introduction Accession to the WTO will be a major milestone in China’s economic development, modernization and integration into the world economy. Completion of the accession formalities will not be the end, but rather the beginning, of a new process of reform and adaptation that builds on the sweeping economic changes begun in 1978. The reform era in China, and other East Asian transition economies (Martin, 2001), has been a period of extraordinary growth in trade and output. Part of the growth in trade has been a consequence of economic reforms that have stimulated opening to the outside world, and part has been a consequence of the economic growth that opening to the world has done so much to facilitate. -
Conflicts Between U.S. Law and the World Trade Organization's Dispute Settlement Reports: Should the Court of International
Conflicts Between U.S. Law and the World Trade Organization’s Dispute Settlement Reports: Should the Court of International Trade and the Federal Circuit Seek to Reconcile Their Decisions with the WTO’s Reports in the Antidumping and Countervailing Duty Area? By Neal J. Reynolds1 I. Introduction In April 1994, the Uruguay Round Agreements, which were designed to establish a more comprehensive regime governing international trade among member states, were adopted by the United States and more than one hundred other nations.2 As the text of the Agreements indicated, they were “reciprocal and mutually advantageous arrangements {that were} directed to the substantial reduction of tariffs and other barriers to trade and the elimination of discriminatory treatment in international trade relations.”3 Among its other important achievements, the Uruguay Round established the World Trade Organization (“WTO”), which was designed to be a “permanent forum for member governments to address issues affecting their multilateral trade relations as well as to supervise implementation of the trade agreements negotiated in the Uruguay Round.”4 One important component of the Uruguay Round negotiations was the adoption of two 1 Mr. Reynolds is the Assistant General Counsel for Litigation at the U.S. International Trade Commission. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author. The paper was not prepared by the Commission or on its behalf, and does not represent the official views of the Commission or any individual commissioner. 2 See generally Final Act Embodying the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, April 15, 1994. 3 Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Chapeau, April 15, 1994. -
Peru's Trade in Services: Multilateral and Preferential Liberalization
MILE 11 Thesis | September 2011 Peru’s Trade in Services: Multilateral and Preferential Liberalization Cristina Sanchez Rocha Supervisor: Pierre Sauvé MILE 11 World Trade Institute Cristina Sánchez Rocha TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................................... 2 LIST OF ABREVIATIONS ................................................................................................................. 4 1. Introduction.................................................................................................................................... 6 2. Peru’s Services Trade Profile........................................................................................................ 8 2.1. Peru’s services economy and foreign trade........................................................................... 8 2.2. Peru’s Inward and Outward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).............................................. 10 2.3. Peru’s statistics on Mode 3.................................................................................................. 11 2.3.1. FDI received by Peru................................................................................................. 11 2.3.1. Peru’s FDI abroad ..................................................................................................... 12 3. Revealed Comparative Advantage Index.................................................................................... 14 3.1. Services Exports................................................................................................................. -
The Bali Agreemtn, at Last: an Assessment from the Perspective Of
THE BALI AGREEMENT, AT LAST AN ASSESSMENT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF DEVELOPING COUNTRIES WORKING PAPER | December 2014 EUGENIO DÍAZ-BONILLA AND DAVID LABORDE Name Introduction and On December 7, 2013, after several days of work and the usual posturing and drama, Members of the WTO closed the Ninth Ministerial Conference with an agreement on the organization’s first comprehensive multilateral trade package. Until that point, the trade agreements completed since the WTO’s creation in 1995 had been mainly regional and plurilateral ones, including some but not all WTO members. In many cases, these agreements were negotiated outside of the WTO altogether. The implementation of the Bali agreement should have taken place during 2014 but reached an impasse by the end of June; the reasons why will be discussed in detail below, but it was basically due to differences in opinion about the WTO’s treatment of public food stocks in developing countries.1 Only on November 27, 2014, almost a year after the original Bali Ministerial, did WTO members managed to patch up their differences. 2 This recent agreement allows the implementation of the assorted policy decisions that were supposed to have been settled at Bali but were held up by the dispute on public food stocks to finally proceed, and puts back on track the post-Bali work program that should now be defined by mid-2015. This paper discusses the results of the Bali Ministerial Conference of December 2013 (sometimes called the “Bali Pack- age”), the problems encountered during 2014, and how were they solved in November 2014, as well as the potential implications for the post-Bali work program which remains critical to unlocking the Doha Round. -
Countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States: Agricultural
Countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States: Agricultural policy issues in the context of the World Trade Organization Countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States: Agricultural policy issues in the context of the World Trade Organization Lars Brink FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS, ROME 2014 The designations employed and the presentation of material in this information product do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) concerning the legal or development status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The mention of specific companies or products of manufacturers, whether or not these have been patented, does not imply that these have been endorsed or recommended by FAO in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. The views expressed in this information product are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of FAO. E-ISBN 978-92-5-108449-6 (PDF) © FAO, 2014 FAO encourages the use, reproduction and dissemination of material in this information product. Except where otherwise indicated, material may be copied, downloaded and printed for private study, research and teaching purposes, or for use in non-commercial products or services, provided that appropriate acknowledgement of FAO as the source and copyright holder is given and that FAO’s endorsement of users’ views, products or services is not implied in any way. All requests for translation and adaptation rights, and for resale and other commercial use rights should be made via www.fao.org/contact-us/licence-request or addressed to [email protected]. -
The Impact of the Wto Agreement on Agriculture on Food Security in Developing Countries
135 EAAE Seminar Challenges for the Global Agricultural Trade Regime after Doha THE IMPACT OF THE WTO AGREEMENT ON AGRICULTURE ON FOOD SECURITY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES Jelena Birovljev University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Economics in Subotica, Serbia [email protected] Biljana Ćetković University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Economics in Subotica, Serbia [email protected] Abstract: Free trade has become a modern-day creed, accepted by both wealthy industrialized countries and many governments of developing countries as the generator of economic growth, development and employment. However, free trade has also been condemned by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in developing countries as the tool through which the economic dominance of wealthy, developed countries is institutionalized and maintained. Agriculture has been one of the most controversial issues in the multilateral trade negotiations for the past fifty years. The aim of this article is to examine food security implications of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture. It discusses the WTO Agreement on Agriculture, which is systematically favoring agricultural producers in industrialized countries at the expense of farmers in developing countries, and explores ways in which the Agreement may be modified to achieve a more equal chance for success for both parties. The article also deals with the extent to which realization of the Agreement’s stated objective – the establishment of a fair and market-oriented agricultural trading system—is likely to advance food security in developing countries. The first section defines food security, discusses the relationship between trade and food security, and analyzes the impact of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture on food security in developing countries.