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Mapping the Discourse Parents Who Work in Sexual Assault-Related Fields Create with Their Children About Sexual Assault

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Mapping the Discourse Parents Who Work in Sexual Assault-Related Fields Create with Their Children About Sexual Assault Smith ScholarWorks Theses, Dissertations, and Projects 2013 "Prevention starts at home" : mapping the discourse parents who work in sexual assault-related fields create with their children about sexual assault Karen R. Taylor Smith College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.smith.edu/theses Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Taylor, Karen R., ""Prevention starts at home" : mapping the discourse parents who work in sexual assault- related fields create with their children about sexual assault" (2013). Masters Thesis, Smith College, Northampton, MA. https://scholarworks.smith.edu/theses/611 This Masters Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in Theses, Dissertations, and Projects by an authorized administrator of Smith ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karen Taylor “Prevention Starts at Home:” Mapping the Discourse Parents who Work in Sexual Assault-Related Fields Create with their Children about Sexual Assault ABSTRACT This original empirical research study explores the discourse that parents who work in sexual assault-related fields create with their own children about sexual assault. The experience and perspectives of these parents was elicited through self-developed, semi-structured interviews composed of questions that encouraged parents to reflect on their parenting practices that they relate to or could be influenced by their professional knowledge and understanding of sexual assault, as well as how they navigate their dual roles as members of this field and as parents. Major findings were that parents do create a discourse about sexual assault, composed of communication about sexual assault, the continuum of sexual violence, sexuality, gender constructs, and safety, with themes of respect, consent, and healthy relationships interwoven among all of these topics. While there was variation in emphasis and specificity in each participant’s discourse and often within the discourse among an individual participant’s children, the majority of participants actively communicated about all of these topics. This study was conceived of as having the potential to contribute to sexual assault prevention and early intervention efforts. Implications of this study suggest that this area represents fertile ground for sexual assault prevention and that further exploration is warranted. “PREVENTION STARTS AT HOME:” MAPPING THE DISCOURSE PARENTS WHO WORK IN SEXUAL ASSAULT-RELATED FIELDS CREATE WITH THEIR CHILDREN ABOUT SEXUAL ASSAULT A project based upon an independent investigation, submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Social Work. Karen Taylor Smith College School for Social Work Northampton, Massachusetts 01063 2012 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis only exists because of the contributions of so many people. I wish to thank the study participants for their generosity of time and spirit and their willingness to share their experiences with me. I also wish to thank all the members of sexual assault-related fields for the enthusiasm and support they showed this project and their very sizeable role in recruitment efforts, as well as the daily work that they do. I have much gratitude for Dr. Rachel Burnett, my research advisor, for her steady guidance and perspective as I have grappled with this topic. Finally, I thank all my friends and loved ones for their emotional support and tolerance for how a typical conversation with me during this year generally involved a treatise about rape. This thesis is dedicated to my family, for always inspiring me to make the world a better place, and to Juan, for reminding me daily how good it already is. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................................................................. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................................................................. iii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................... 1 II LITERATURE REVIEW............................................................................................. 5 III METHODOLOGY...................................................................................................... 39 IV FINDINGS.................................................................................................................. 53 V DISCUSSION............................................................................................................... 136 REFERENCES.................................................................................................................. 154 APPENDICES Appendix A: Screening qualification................................................................................ 166 Appendix B: Human Subjects Review approval............................................................... 167 Appendix C: Recruitment letter......................................................................................... 168 Appendix D: Informed Consent......................................................................................... 169 Appendix E: Preview Interview questions ........................................................................ 171 Appendix F: Interview guide.............................................................................................. 172 iii CHAPTER I Introduction Sexual assault in the United States is perpetrated at alarmingly high rates, with between 17 to slightly over 25% of women experiencing attempted or completed rape in their lifetime, depending on measurements used, and around 3% of men reporting victimization (National Institute of Justice [NIJ], 2010). Among women who reported sexual assault in their lifetime, 54% of these attacks took place while the victim was under the age of 18 (NIJ, 2010). At most reliable estimates, only 39% of these crimes are ever reported to law officials (National Center for Victims of Crime, 2008), and for the most part rapes do not receive the type of public attention that is frequently riveted on other crime epidemics. At the same time, the myths about sexual assault—that it requires the use of physical force and it is desired by women—as well as “blame the victim” attitudes of society at large continue to obscure the existence and location of blame for these crimes and to implicitly justify their occurrence (Abbey, 2005; Easteal, 1993). As recently as 2011, women on a college campus in Toronto were told by a police department representative that they could avoid sexual assault by not dressing “like a slut” (Kwan, 2011). The bruising, torn ligaments, and DNA evidence of a hotel maid who accused a powerful politician of rape were discounted and criminal charges against him dismissed because law enforcement learned that the woman had been dishonest in other domains of her life (Eligon, 2011). Only in January 2012 was the federal definition of rape, used by the FBI to track prevalence statistics, updated from its original 1920s version to 1 now include forced oral and anal penetration with an object, the rape of men, rape of women by women, and all situations where consent cannot be freely given even if physical force is not used (Savage, 2012). These myths and attitudes have dangerous consequences, including deterring many rape survivors from disclosing their assault to law enforcement and seeking medical help, or for those who do disclose or request care, resulting in a sense of revictimization as they are met with disbelief, blame, or other stigmatizing responses (Maier, 2008). As the case of the only-recently- updated FBI definition illustrates, thousands of the reported incidents of sexual assault have been discounted in federal reporting, throwing into question the validity of federally aggregated statistics, such as the ones related above (Goode, 2011). These statistical inaccuracies and denial of certain rape scenarios have in turn perpetuated many rape myths and contributed to a general lack of awareness. However, despite these dominant attitudes, there are thousands of people who have dedicated themselves, either through their career or as activists, to the prevention of and attuned response to sexual assault. Some of the internalization processes and transformative effects on women engaging in this work are already known (Clemans, 2004; Goldblatt, Buchbinder, Eisikovits, & Arizon-Mesinger, 2009), yet very little attention has been paid to the impact on parenting. This study begins that exploration through mapping out the discourse parents who work in sexual assault-related fields create with their own children about sexual assault. Discourse, for the purposes of this study, is defined as including the ongoing approach to and communication about a topic, including nonverbal and behavioral communications in addition to specific language usage. Parents who have in some way been dedicated to a sexual assault related field (whether through paid work or volunteer contributions) were selected to 2 compose the sample for this study because it can reasonably be assumed that they have a high- awareness of sexual assault brought on, at least in part, through their engagement with the work. While such an awareness is not the unique purview of people who work in the field, this particular study is interested in the influence of engagement within the field on one’s parenting, and is thus limited to people with this experience. Exploration focused on how these
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