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Working Paper 65 View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by IDS OpenDocs Working Paper 65 The Political Economy of Long-Term Revenue Decline in Sri Lanka Mick Moore February 2017 www.ictd.ac ICTD Working Paper 65 The Political Economy of Long-Term Revenue Decline in Sri Lanka Mick Moore February 2017 1 The International Centre for Tax and Development is a global policy research network that deals with the political economy of taxation policies and practices in relation to the poorer parts of the world. Its operational objectives are to generate and disseminate relevant knowledge to policymakers and to mobilise knowledge in ways that will widen and deepen public debate about taxation issues within poorer countries. Its ultimate objective is to contribute to development in the poorer parts of the world and help make taxation policies more conducive to pro-poor economic growth and good governance. The ICTD’s research strategy and organisational structures are designed to bring about productive interaction between established experts and new stakeholders. The ICTD is funded with UK aid from the UK Government, and by the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad), a directorate under the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA); however, the views expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the UK and Norwegian Governments’ official policies. The Political Economy of Long-Term Revenue Decline in Sri Lanka Mick Moore ICTD Working Paper 65 First published by the Institute of Development Studies in February 2017 © Institute of Development Studies 2017 ISBN: 978-1-78118-349-6 This is an Open Access paper distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial 4.0 International license, which permits downloading and sharing provided the original authors and source are credited – but the work is not used for commercial purposes. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/legalcode Readers are encouraged to quote and reproduce material from this series. In return, ICTD requests due acknowledgment and quotes to be referenced as above. Available from: The International Centre for Tax and Development at the Institute of Development Studies, Brighton BN1 9RE, UK Tel: +44 (0) 1273 606261 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ictd/en/publications IDS is a charitable company limited by guarantee and registered in England Charity Registration Number 306371 Charitable Company Number 877338 2 The Political Economy of Long-Term Revenue Decline in Sri Lanka Mick Moore Summary From the 1950s to the 1980s, Sri Lankan governments collected a high proportion of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in taxes. They spent most of that money on mass provision of health and education services, and subsidised food. Sri Lanka was a model welfare state, with unusually high human development indicators. Contemporary Sri Lankan governments spend very little on their poor citizens. A major reason is that since 1990 the proportion of GDP collected in tax revenue has steadily declined, such that it is now at unusually low levels. Internal conflict, although almost endemic, does not explain declining tax collection. The decline results from a continuous series of policy decisions to exempt wealthier people, businesses, incomes and assets from taxes. This paper analyses the more identifiable political and institutional processes through which the political preferences of the wealthy and powerful were translated into low revenue collection. They are: the declining power of popular forces (notably programmatic political parties and trade unions); the emergence of foreign aid and loans as an alternative to domestic revenue mobilisation; the institutionalisation of pressure to exempt the private sector from taxes; powerful executive presidents who undermined or dispensed with the authority of ministers of finance; and a political and institutional lock-in to a high dependence on taxes levied on a declining sector of the economy – imports – and to the Customs Department that collects them. Keywords: taxation; Sri Lanka; history; Customs Department; Inland Revenue Department; inequality. Mick Moore is a Professorial Fellow at the Institute of Development Studies, and the founding Chief Executive Officer of the International Centre for Tax and Development, UK. 3 Contents Summary 3 Acknowledgements 5 Acronyms 5 Introduction: taxing fashions 6 1 An unprecedented and puzzling decline 7 2 Why was the tax take high in the mid-twentieth century? 8 3 Explaining decreasing revenue collection 12 4 Changing electoral pressures 15 5 ‘Easy’ non-tax funding 17 6 Institutionalised pressure for tax exemptions 19 7 Absentee finance ministers 20 8 Lock-in to import taxes 22 9 Concluding comments 26 References 29 Tables Table 1 Summary economic and fiscal statistics, 5-year average 6 Table 2 Sources of government revenue (%), 1970/1-2015, 5-year average 14 Table 3 Major sources of government revenue (% of total), 1938/9 and 2011-14 23 4 Acknowledgements I am very grateful to the following people and institutions for discussion of the issues in this paper and/or comments on earlier drafts: Joanne Asquith, Sunil Bastian, Richard Bird, Indrajit Coomaraswamy, Nishan de Mel, Mike Durst, N. Gajendran, Godfrey Gunatilleke, Murtaza Jaferjee, Saman Kelegama, Dharmasena Koditawakku, Waziona Ligomeka, Michael Lipton, Giulia Mascagni, Nimal Sanderatne, D. D. M. Waidyasekera, Gamini Wickremesinghe, Anushka Wijesinghe, and various staff members who participated in meetings in Colombo at the Central Bank, the Customs Department, the Inland Revenue Department, the Institute of Policy Studies, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Treasury, and the World Bank. Acronyms BTT Business Turnover Tax EPZ Export Processing Zone FEEC Foreign Exchange Entitlement Certificate GCEC Greater Colombo Economic Commission GDP Gross Domestic Product GMOA General Medical Officers’ Association GNP Gross National Product GST Goods and Services Tax IMF International Monetary Fund IRD Inland Revenue Department JVP Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna SLFP Sri Lanka Freedom Party UNP United National Party VAT Value Added Tax 5 Introduction: taxing fashions Governments of poorer countries should aim to raise a higher proportion of Gross National Product (GNP) in tax revenue.1 Every government should aim to collect at least 20 per cent of GNP. These are the messages that the international community has been sending out in recent years.2 Taxing has become internationally fashionable. Sri Lankan governments have, however, been following their own, very different, fiscal fashions. They were once quite avid taxers. For the first 30 years after independence in 1948, the ratio of government revenue collection to GDP – a figure that I will henceforth term the ‘tax take’ – oscillated around a long-term average of 21 per cent.3 This was a rather high figure for a country that was then relatively poor. In the 1980s, the tax take settled down to a near-stable 20 per cent. But it began to decline from around 1990, slowly but almost continuously.4 By 2014 the figure had almost halved, to just 11 per cent of GDP (see Table 1). This figure is exceptionally low. The government currently collects only about half as much revenue as one would expect when one takes into account the structure of the economy, and the fact that Sri Lanka is now a middle-income country (World Bank 2012: 7).5 Table 1 Summary economic and fiscal statistics, 5-year average Period Government Ratio of Annual rate Official development assistance as % Terms of revenue as government of GDP of government expenditure trade (note % of GDP spending to growth (%) 1) (1951 = government 100) revenue OECD figures World Bank figures (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) 1951-55 21 91 1956-60 23 93 1961-55 22 1.3 3.6 3 3 78 1966-70 21 1.3 5.3 8 9 60 1971-75 21 1.3 2.6 7 9 41 1976-80 21 1.6 5.5 16 23 41 1981-85 19 1.7 5.2 19 26 27 1986-90 21 1.6 3.4 18 27 26 1991-95 20 1.5 5.4 11 22 25 1996-2000 18 1.4 5.0 7 10 23 2001-05 16 1.6 4.0 8 12 21 2006-10 15 1.5 6.4 5 8 20 2011-14 13 1.6 7.3 3 4 19 Sources: Figures in columns (a), (b), (c) and (f) are from the Annual Reports of the Central Bank of Ceylon/Sri Lanka. Figures in column (d) are from the OECD (<http://www.oecd.org/dac/financing-sustainable-development/development- finance-data/>), and those in column (e) are from the World Development Indicators (<http://data.worldbank.org/data- catalog/world-development-indicators>). Note 1: Terms of trade = ratio of prices of exports to prices of imports, relative to a benchmark period. 1 Government revenue is conventionally divided into tax and non-tax revenue. The distinction between the two is, however, not clear-cut. In Sri Lanka, as in most countries, non-tax revenue is relatively small: it has accounted for an average of 12% of total annual revenue since 1970/1. It comprises mainly income from the ownership of property and other assets, and a range of fees and administration charges. In this paper I ignore the distinction, and use the terms ‘revenue’ and ‘tax’ interchangeably. 2 e.g. these proposals were in the initial draft communiqué of the Third International Conference on Financing for Development, held in Addis Ababa in July 2015. 3 Unless stated otherwise, all statistics relating to Sri Lanka are those given in the Annual Reports of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. 4 The raw figures on the tax take provide some scope to disagree on the exact date of the onset of the decline. I have chosen 1990 by calculating a three-year moving average of the tax take. 5 Within South Asia, Sri Lanka is matched only by Bangladesh as the least effective collector of income taxes.
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