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2012 Rakhine State Riots
2012 Rakhine State riots The 2012 Rakhine State riots were a series of conflicts 2012 Rakhine State riots primarily between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in northern Rakhine State, Myanmar, though by October Part of the Persecution of Muslims in Muslims of all ethnicities had begun to be targeted.[5][6][7] The Myanmar riots started came after weeks of sectarian disputes including a Location Rakhine State, gang rape and murder of a Rakhine woman by Rohingya Myanmar [8] Muslims. On 8 June 2012, Rohingyas started to protest from Date 8 June 2012 Friday's prayers in Maungdaw township. More than a dozen (UTC+06:30) residents were killed after police started firing.[9] State of Attack Religious emergency was declared in Rakhine, allowing military to type [10][11] participate in administration of the region. As of 22 Deaths June: 88[1][2][3] August, officially there had been 88 casualties – 57 Muslims and October: at least 80[4] [1] 31 Buddhists. An estimated 90,000 people were displaced by 100,000 displaced[4] the violence.[12][13] About 2,528 houses were burned; of those, 1,336 belonged to Rohingyas and 1,192 belonged to Rakhines.[14] Rohingya NGOs have accused the Burmese army and police of playing a role in targeting Rohingya through mass arrests and arbitrary violence[15] though an in-depth research by the International Crisis Group reported that members of both communities were grateful for the protection provided by the military.[16] While the government response was praised by the United States and European Union,[17][18] NGOs were more critical, citing discrimination of Rohingyas by the previous military government.[17] The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and several human rights groups rejected the President Thein Sein's proposal to resettle the Rohingya abroad.[19][20] Fighting broke out again in October, resulting in at least 80 deaths, the displacement of more than 20,000 people, and the burning of thousands of homes. -
Influx of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh by A.S.M
Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: F Political Science Volume 21 Issue 1 Version 1.0 Year 2021 Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research Journal Publisher: Global Journals Online ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587X Influx of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh By A.S.M. Firoz-Ul-Hassan Jahangirnagar University Abstract- The Rohingya crisis has ascended as a potential threat to Bangladesh's inside steadiness. Strangely, Bangladesh is currently facilitating around a million displaced Rohingya people which outcomes in genuine worry of national security. Although the repatriation of Rohingya to their homeland will be ambiguous in coming days and at the same time, their stay in Bangladesh might be continuing for a longer period of time. Bangladesh government is struggling as well to control and manage migration risks undermining public confidence in the integrity of government policy. Bangladesh government has been making diplomatic efforts in persuading Myanmar to repatriate the refugees over months but in reality, it is highly unlikely the Bangladesh government will succeed in sending the refugees back to Myanmar in any shortest possible time. Apart from keeping diplomatic efforts continue for their repatriation to Myanmar, Bangladesh government should have appropriate security strategy for addressing the concern of security until arriving in an amicable solution of this prolonged crisis. The paper attempts to discover the potential threat of Rohingya refugees towards the national security as well as to understand the progress Bangladesh has made so far for their repatriation to Myanmar. Keywords: rohingya, stateless community, livelihood, national security and repatriation. GJHSS-F Classification: FOR Code: 360199 InfluxofRohingyaRefugeesinBangladesh Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of: © 2021. -
Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: the Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar
Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: The Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar Journal of Living Together (2018) Volume 4-5, Issue 1, pp. 37-49 ISSN: 2373-6615 (Print); 2373-6631 (Online) Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: The Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar Beth Fang Columbia University 37 Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: The Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar Journal of Living Together (2018) Volume 4-5, Issue 1 Abstract The Rohingya refugee crises in Bangladesh and recent UN Security Council’s debate on whether to prosecute Burmese military general for genocide once again brought the Rakhine-Rohingya conflict to public attention. As this research aims to inspect the Rakhine-Rohingya relation, I will be analyzing the series of riots that occurred in 2012 and ended as the 2016 crackdown started. This incident epitomizes the resurgence of the persecution of Rohingya Muslims. It marks a new turning point of the conflict between the Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims residing in the Rakhine state of Myanmar. A case study approach will be taken to develop a comprehensive understanding of the issues, and thus provide adequate facts and evidences for making recommendations. Keywords: Myanmar, Rohingya refugees, interethnic conflict, interreligious conflict, conflict resolution, peacebuilding, sustainable peace 38 Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: The Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar Journal of Living Together (2018) Volume 4-5, Issue 1 Introduction Multiculturalism in Myanmar is headlined by the, pp.intercommunal 43-55 violence between Buddhists and Muslims in the Rakhine state, southwest of Myanmar. The country is predominantly Buddhist with a growing Muslim population. A long-history of Muslim enslavement by Burma-Buddhists and perceived religious superiority of being Buddhist have caused ongoing quarrels interfering the peaceful coexistence of the two religious groups (Royal Historical Commission of Burma, 1960; World Bank, 2014). -
An Overview of French Riots : 1981-2004 Fabien Jobard
An Overview of French Riots : 1981-2004 Fabien Jobard To cite this version: Fabien Jobard. An Overview of French Riots : 1981-2004. Dave Waddington; Fabien Jobard; Mike King. Rioting in the UK and France. A Comparative Analysis, Willan Publishing, pp.27-38, 2009, 978-1-84392-504-0. hal-00550788 HAL Id: hal-00550788 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00550788 Submitted on 19 May 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. An Overview of French Riots, 1981-2004 Fabien Jobard In contemporary France, ‘riots’i refer to urban disorders mainly, if not exclusively, located in urban areas called banlieues*. The aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of such events in the two decades or more leading up to the most recent French riots of 2005-7. It will soon become evident that there is no recent French academic tradition devoted to theoretically explaining these preceding riots to rank alongside the British literature alluded to in the previous chapter. Here, our contribution will trace the historical evolution of the riots and their consequences in two areas: the policies that were implemented as a response to those urban disorders, and the influence of the riots on the political representations in France. -
Radical Politics Between Protest and Parliament
tripleC 15(2): 459-476, 2017 http://www.triple-c.at The Alternative to Occupy? Radical politics between protest and parliament Emil Husted* and Allan Dreyer Hansen** *Department of Organization, Copenhagen Business School, Copenhagen, Denmark, www.cbs.dk/en/staff/ehioa **Department of Social Sciences and Business, Roskilde University, Roskilde, Den- mark, www.ruc.dk/~adh Abstract: In this paper, we compare the political anatomy of two distinct enactments of (left- ist) radical politics: Occupy Wall Street, a large social movement in the United States, and The Alternative, a recently elected political party in Denmark. Based on Ernesto Laclau’s conceptualization of ‘the universal’ and ‘the particular’, we show how the institutionalization of radical politics (as carried out by The Alternative) entails a move from universality towards particularity. This move, however, comes with the risk of cutting off supporters who no longer feel represented by the project. We refer to this problem as the problem of particularization. In conclusion, we use the analysis to propose a conceptual distinction between radical movements and radical parties: While the former is constituted by a potentially infinite chain of equivalent grievances, the latter is constituted by a prioritized set of differential demands. While both are important, we argue that they must remain distinct in order to preserve the universal spirit of contemporary radical politics. Keywords: Radical Politics, Radical Movements, Radical Parties, Discourse Theory, Ernesto Laclau, Universalism, Particularism, Occupy Wall Street, The Alternative Acknowledgement: First of all, we would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the editorial team at tripleC for their constructive comments. -
IS Entry Into Rakhine Conflict : Urgency in Nation‑Building
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. IS entry into Rakhine conflict : urgency in nation‑building Jasminder Singh; Muhammad Haziq Jani 2021 Jasminder Singh, & Muhammad Haziq Jani. (2021). IS entry into Rakhine conflict : urgency in nation‑building. (RSIS Commentaries, No. 005). RSIS Commentaries. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/146472 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 30 Sep 2021 04:00:43 SGT IS Entry into Rakhine Conflict: Urgency in Nation-Building By Jasminder Singh & Muhammad Haziq Jani SYNOPSIS The entry of the IS affiliate in Myanmar, Katibah al-Mahdi fi Bilad al-Arakan, could potentially intensify communal violence in Rakhine State. Myanmar’s long-term solution lies in nation-building, which must be intensified in the new year. COMMENTARY IS’ EARLY attempts to insert itself into the communal conflict in Rakhine seemed to have manifested, at best, in tenuous support for the Rohingya; it referenced the need for jihad in Myanmar. In June 2014, when self-proclaimed caliph Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi announced the so-called Islamic State (IS) in his speech that also called for jihad in Myanmar, he promised revenge for atrocities committed against Muslims. In 2016, the amir of IS affiliate in Bangladesh (or IS Bengal) Abu Ibrahim al-Hanif reiterated the call for jihad, viewing Bangladesh as a stepping stone to Myanmar. Other pro-IS groups in Bangladesh also called for jihad in Myanmar to support the Rohingya, including key IS affiliate Neo-Jamaatul Mujahidin Bangladesh. Rise of ARSA Such calls to jihad in Myanmar were also sounded by pro-IS groups in Pakistan and India, such as the Lashkar-e-Toiba and Indian Mujahidin, as well as IS supporters in Southeast Asia. -
Mental Environmentalism: the Rt Ue Goal of the Occupy Wall Street Movement Jay Menees University of South Carolina - Columbia
University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Senior Theses Honors College Spring 5-10-2014 Mental Environmentalism: The rT ue Goal of the Occupy Wall Street Movement Jay Menees University of South Carolina - Columbia Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses Part of the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Menees, Jay, "Mental Environmentalism: The rT ue Goal of the Occupy Wall Street Movement" (2014). Senior Theses. 24. https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses/24 This Thesis is brought to you by the Honors College at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MENTAL ENVIRONMENTALISM: THE TRUE GOAL OF THE OCCUPY WALL STREET MOVEMENT By Jay Colin Menees Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation with Honors from the South Carolina Honors College May 2014 Approved: Jason Osborne Ph.D. Director of Thesis Christian Price Second Reader Steve Lynn, Dean For South Carolina Honors College Menees 2 Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………..3 Senior Thesis……………………………………………………………………….…….4 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….23 Works Cited……………………………………………………………………………..24 Menees 3 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to expose the actual goal behind the Occupy Wall Street Movement. The paper discusses the criticism behind the Occupy Wall Street movement for its apparent lack of goals. It then takes a retrospective look back to the establishment and founding organization, Adbusters, for answers on a “one demand” or goal. From here it will discuss the founding body, Adbusters, and its philosophical and political ideology. After this, the paper will tie facets of the Occupy Wall Street movement back to Adbusters and their philosophy of mental environmentalism in order to show that mental environmentalism was the goal of the movement all along. -
P/Occupy Milieus. the Human Microphone and The
[5] P/occupy Milieus: The Human Microphone and the Space between Protesters Ulrike Bergermann NANCY A political movement trying to find new modes of communication, representation, and decision-making cannot use well-known media, especially when “representation” is contested. Can one voice speak for many people? Is the parliamentary mode of speaking for others to be overcome? In 2011, the protesters of “Occupy Wall Street” looked for other medialities and tried new “soft technologies” like the so-called human microphone. This article connects its use to Jean-Luc Nancy’s concept of “being-with” as part of an ontology of a non-hierarchical thinking, and asks for the possibility of adopting it—even where the “co-appearing” people have not been equally “co” (given their educational, racialized, and gendered backgrounds) in the first place when they became part of the “media politics of being-with.” An intervention is something that comes in between. Digital culture is a term vaguely denoting a culture that makes use of digital tools—or perhaps a mode of the digital tools’ functioning. In any case, the title Interventions in Digital Cultures evokes the idea of halting fluidity, of blocking a space through which something is moving. Is any contemporary political action conceivable without the use of digital media? Are the images of resistance versus fluidity, of a rage against an ongoing machine—like in the famous story of the sabots, the wooden clogs thrown into sewing machines by eighteenth century factory workers to stop them taking over jobs—pervasive in all “interventions in digital cultures” thinking? If we consider the digital in terms of ubiquity, miniaturization, and connectedness, we see ourselves immersed in it with ever fewer spaces for pauses in communication and control. -
Introduction
Forum: Human Rights Committee 2 Issue: Reviewing the Human Rights situation in Myanmar Student Officer: Khalifa Elmagarmid Position: Deputy President Introduction During the Second World War, Burma, which is now referred to as Myanmar, was being ruled by the British. However, when the Japanese invaded, the Buddhist chose to support them while the Rohingyas stayed loyal to the British. Despite the British winning the war, the minority Rohingyas were portrayed as the enemies. Even after the war, when Myanmar gained independence, the Rohingyas were blamed for the economic turmoil of the country. Since the start of this internal conflict about 379,000 Rohingyas have fled to Bangladesh, a neighbouring country, as most villages have been burned. The Rohingya are the Muslim minority group in a Buddhist majority Rakhine state. The country of Myanmar has subjected the Rohingyas to torture specifically because of their religious affiliations. The torture is focused in Rakhine although it is also happening in Map of Myanmar Myanmar. This discrimination requires immediate attention as not only are they being denied citizenship, but they're also being murdered and are then choosing to leave their belongings in hopes of starting another life. This ethnic cleansing raises numerous questions surrounding human rights. The Bangladesh's Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has told Myanmar to allow their citizens back, however this has been ignored. The leader of the military, Gen Min Aung Hlaing, said that the country "could not accept and recognise the term 'Rohingya' by hiding the truth". This was said to support the government's claim that the Rohingya are actually from Bangladesh while the Buddhists are originally from Myanmar; the claim is that on March 1942, “Rohingya”, a made up name, was used to cover up their true origins. -
The Rohingya Crisis
Southern Ontario Model United Nations Assembly XLVII United Nations Security Council: Rohingya Crisis Topic 002: The Rohingya Crisis The Rohingya Crisis is the world’s fastest growing refugee crisis and a major humanitarian problem1. It thus affects Myanmar, surrounding nations, and the rest of the world2. The Security Council is tasked with ending the crisis and determining what to do with Rohingya refugees. Furthermore, the Council must determine how to approach the Burmese government. It must take into account previous statements by the United Nations and the 2018 conflict between the Burmese government and the UN. A complicated history, uncooperative nations, and millions of lives at stake make this one of the greatest humanitarian crises of our time. It is imperative that the Security Council quickly and effectively find a solution. 1 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-41566561 2 Ibid. Southern Ontario Model United Nations Assembly XLVII United Nations Security Council: Rohingya Crisis History The Rohingya are the historic people of Arakan, a large area on the western coast of Myanmar3. The first recorded civilization in Arakan was ethnically Indian, with Islam and the group now ethnically known as the Rohingya appearing the 8th or 9th century. The Burmese Rakhine seem to have arrived in small numbers no earlier than the late 10th century, most likely the 11th. Arakan then became a part of the Bengal Muslim Kingdom of Mrauk U. Rakhine State (the modern name for the area dominated by the Rohingya) then became a British colony, and then a constituent state of Burma. Tensions between the Buddhist state and Muslim Rohingya was always present, but spiked in 1978 and 1991-92, when the military junta actively persecuted Rohingya. -
General Assembly Distr.: General 6 September 2013
United Nations A/HRC/24/NGO/92 General Assembly Distr.: General 6 September 2013 English only Human Rights Council Twenty-fourth session Agenda item 4 Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention Written statement* submitted by International Educational Development, Inc., a non-governmental organization on the roster The Secretary-General has received the following written statement which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31. [22 August 2013] * This written statement is issued, unedited, in the language(s) received from the submitting non- governmental organization(s). GE.13- 16725 A/HRC/24/NGO/92 Treatment of ethnic nationalities in Myanmar * International Educational Development, Inc. (IED) and the Association of Humanitarian Lawyers (AHL) have monitored the situation in Myanmar for 23 years. 1 We have submitted written statements and made oral ones at many sessions and have been twice invited by the United States Congress to present testimony at hearings. In our statement for the UN Human Rights Council’s 22 nd session, we called attention to the ethnic conflict between the national government and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) which had extended well beyond the time of the national government’s assurances to the international community that a lasting peace was a priority and surely well at hand. In spite of a visible peace agreement between the government and the KIA in late May, in recent days alleged government-backed militias have attacked KIA installations. According to The Irrawaddy , a government-backed militia called the Kachin Border Guard Force attacked Kachin bases in two towns in the Pangwa region. -
Reading the Riots: Investigating Newspaper Discourse on French Urban Violence in 2005
READING THE RIOTS: INVESTIGATING NEWSPAPER DISCOURSE ON FRENCH URBAN VIOLENCE IN 2005 Laura Costelloe, LLB, M.St. (Oxon) This thesis is submitted in part fulfilment of the academic requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisors: Prof. Angela Chambers Dr. Helen Kelly-Holmes Submitted to the University of Limerick, November 2013 i ii External Examiner: Prof. Michał Krzyżanowski Örebro University, Sweden Internal Examiner: Dr. David Atkinson, University of Limerick iii iv READING THE RIOTS: INVESTIGATING NEWSPAPER DISCOURSE ON FRENCH URBAN VIOLENCE IN 2005 Author: Laura Costelloe November 2005 saw a significant flashpoint in the long-running history of tensions between minority groups and those in power in France. Two teenagers, allegedly while hiding from the police, were accidently electrocuted in a Parisian sub-station. This incident was the catalyst for the spread of violent riots in communities across banlieues or urban French districts lasting for a number of weeks. Mindful of the printed news media as important sites of ideology production, this study contributes to a growing body of work on newspaper representations of the banlieues, with focus on the particularly traumatic events of November 2005. Recognising the active role of the media in constituting and shaping reality, my interest lies not merely in identifying instances of prejudicial discourse in French newspaper texts, but also in highlighting how largely covert ideological structures of power and dominance can be disguised in ostensibly neutral discourse. This study examines French newspaper representations of urban violence in 2005, combining a qualitative Critical Discourse Analytical methodology with a quantitative Corpus- Assisted Discourse Studies examination of a corpus of texts specifically created for the study.