A History of the Concept of Parameter in Generative Grammar

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A History of the Concept of Parameter in Generative Grammar UNIVERSITA’ DEGLI STUDI DI VERONA DEPARTMENT OF CULTURES AND CIVILISATIONS GRADUATE SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES DOCTORAL PROGRAM IN PHILOLOGY, LITERATURE AND LINGUISTICS WITH THE FINANCIAL CONTRIBUTION OF FONDAZIONE CARIVERONA Cycle / year XXIX / 2014 TITLE OF THE DOCTORAL THESIS A HISTORY OF THE CONCEPT OF PARAMETER IN GENERATIVE GRAMMAR S.S.D. L-LIN/01 Coordinator: Prof./ssa RAFFAELLA BERTAZZOLI Tutor: Prof. GIORGIO GRAFFI Co-tutor: Prof. DENIS DELFITTO Doctoral Student: Dott. ALESSANDRO RIOLFI This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License, Italy. To read a copy of the licence, visit the web page: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. NoDerivatives — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you may not distribute the modified material. A history of the concept of parameter in Generative Grammar Alessandro Riolfi PhD thesis Verona, 23 May 2017 ABSTRACT This thesis traces the history of the concept of parameter in Generative Grammar, from the first steps of the Principles and Parameters model in the late 1970s to the advent of the Minimalist Program (MP), examining how this notion has been implemented both during and after this transition. The analysis carried out in this dissertation starts from the systematization of the so-called “standard theory” of Generative Grammar in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (1965) until the last developments of the MP. Chapter I offers an overview of the protohistory of the concept of parameter by focusing on the factors, both theoretical and empirical, at the basis of the systematic formulation of this notion in Chomsky (1981a). The theoretical factors are identified with the distinction between descriptive and explanatory adequacy and Chomsky’s proposed solution to the so-called problem of the poverty of the stimulus . The empirical factor consists in the outcome of Rizzi’s and Taraldsen’s pre-parametric inquiries, which shed new light on the systematicity of linguistic variation. In Chapter II, I examine the individual formulation of the main parameters that were proposed in Generative Grammar within the Government-Binding (GB) Theory of the Eighties. While the parameters at issue are taken from the list that is proposed in Rizzi (2014), in the first part of the chapter they are retrospectively classified according to the specific syntactic property they would refer to in current minimalist theories. Chapter III focuses on the debate about the concept of parameter which took place during the first decade of the 21 st century. The first two positions which are discussed are Kayne’s (2000, 2005) microparametric approach, which draws from the idea that parametric variation is located in the lexicon, and Baker’s (2001, 2008a) macroparametric approach, which instead relies on the classical idea that parameters are expressed on principles. These two approaches are then confronted with Newmeyer’s (2004, 2005) criticism, which points out their descriptive and theoretical flaws. This chapter ends with the presentation of the parametric model proposed by Roberts & Holmberg (2010), which overcomes the limitations of micro- and macro-parameters by combining a lexically-based, microparametric view of linguistic variation with the idea that parametric variation is an emergent property of the interaction of UG, primary linguistic data, and third-factor considerations. Chapters IV and V evaluate the classical parameters of the GB Theory which still play a role in current generative theory. Chapter IV reviews the null subject parameter, the 3 V-to-T movement parameter, the polysynthesis parameter, and the overt vs covert wh- movement parameter, while Chapter V is devoted to the history of the head-complement parameter. While on the one hand null subject, V-to-T, and polysynthesis can be reconciled with Roberts & Holmberg’s theory, which is based on the assumption that the locus of parameters is the functional lexicon, on the other it is argued that wh-movement and head-directionality pertain to the A-P interface, as envisioned by Berwick & Chomsky (2011). The picture emerging from this analysis highlights that the nature of parametric variation is twofold: syntactic and post-syntactic. This has an interesting consequence on the duality between head-movement and phrasal movement, as only in narrow syntax heads are observed to move, with XPs being linearized post-syntactically. 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writing of this PhD thesis has not been an easy task. Surprisingly, this is also true of this acknowledgments section, which would easily rival the length of this whole work if I could thank all the people who have been supporting and helping me during the last three years. First of all, I would like to thank my supervisors, prof. Giorgio Graffi and prof. Denis Delfitto. In particular, prof. Graffi has been following my work ever since my MA thesis, and I am very grateful to him not only for always being supportive and for helping me with my writings, but also and especially for transmitting me his passion for linguistics and its history. During our meetings, his knowledge of the subject and his sharp observations have stimulated my curiosity and have pushed me further and further in developing by research. I am also grateful to the Department of Cultures and Civilisations of the University of Verona, whose activities and seminars have given me food for thought and have stimulated my growth as a scholar. Secondly, I am very grateful to prof. Luigi Rizzi and prof. Ur Shlonsky. During my experience as a visiting student at the University of Geneva, their insights and suggestions on my research project have significantly contributed to the final shape of this thesis. Finally, but not least, I would like to thank my thesis evaluators, prof. Frederick Newmeyer and prof. Ur Shlonsky, for their useful comments and their feedback. 5 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1 – The birth of the concept of “parameter” in Generative Grammar and its development until Lectures on Government and Binding (1981a)..............................11 1.1 – The theoretical foundations of Generative Grammar.............................................11 1.1.1 – The research program in Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (1965)..................12 1.1.2 – The paradox of language learning: the logical problem of the “poverty of the stimulus” .....................................................................................................................16 1.2 – Prehistory of the term “parameter” ........................................................................19 1.2.1 – The Extended Standard Theory and the search for linguistic universals ........19 1.2.2 – The term “parameter” in Conditions on Rules of Grammar (1976)..................22 1.3 – Generative Grammar’s development in the second half of the Seventies and the first explicit parameters ..................................................................................................25 1.3.1 – The Subjacency Condition and the Nominative Island Condition....................25 1.3.2 – From a language-particular approach to a comparative approach in the investigation of UG .....................................................................................................29 1.3.3 – The first example of parametrization: Rizzi and the principle of Subjacency ..30 1.3.4 – Taraldsen and the Null Subject parameter .....................................................32 1.3.5 – Toward the systematic formulation of the P&P model ....................................35 1.4 – The concept of parameter as an epistemological necessity ..................................36 1.4.1 – The concept of parameter in the “Pisa Lectures”............................................36 1.4.2 – Language typology in the P&P model: core grammar and periphery..............39 1.4.3 – The concept of parameter and language acquisition ......................................41 1.5 – Conclusions...........................................................................................................43 Chapter 2 – The formulation of the main parameters of the Government-Binding Theory...............................................................................................................................45 2.1 – A retrospective classification of the parameters of the Government-Binding Theory .......................................................................................................................................45 2.1.1 – Locality, Case-assignment, Merge and Linearization Parameters..................46 2.1.2 – Some notes on Spellout Parameters ..............................................................47 2.2 – The formulation of the first explicit parameters......................................................49 7 2.2.1 – The parameterization of Subjacency extended: the bounding nodes in French ....................................................................................................................................50 2.2.2 – The formulation of the Null Subject Parameter ...............................................57 2.2.3 – The lexical parameter of S’-deletion ...............................................................71
Recommended publications
  • Circumstantial Evidence for Syntactic Head Movement
    Circumstantial Evidence for Syntactic Head Move ment Bartosz Wiland University of Pozna 1. Introduction Recently, a number of analyses have advanced a thesis that syntactic heads are immobile and that head movement does not exist in grammar (cf. Mahajan 2001, 2003; Müller 2004, a.o.) or is severely restricted (e.g. Koopman and Szabolcsi 2000, Nilsen 2003). Such approaches take dislocation of the head X0 to be an instance of a remnant movement of the XP-constituent, preceded by vacating movements of other members of the XP. Detrimental to the claim that head movement does not exist is a scenario in which a dislocation of X0 is followed by a remnant movement of the XP-constituent. Such a derivational scenario is outlined in (1). 0 0 0 (1) a. [YP Y [P [XP X ZP]]] 0 0 0 b. [YP Y [P X + [XP tX0 ZP]]] 0 0 0 c. [YP [XP tX0 ZP][Y Y [P X + tXP ]]] The only possibility of dislocating the head X0 before remnant XP-fronting (in (1c)) is by X0-movement (in (1b)). In this paper, I argue that the derivational scenario in (1) is attested in Polish and it allows us to explain the interpretive contrast between (2a–d) and (2e). (2) a. Jan znowu pos a Marii ksi k . (repetitive) Ja n-NOM again sent Mary-DAT book-ACC b. Jan znowu Marii pos a ksi k . (repetitive) Ja n-NOM again Mary-DAT sent book-ACC c. Jan znowu ksi k pos a Marii. (repetitive) Jan-NOM again book-ACC sent Mary-DAT d.
    [Show full text]
  • Wh-Concord in Okinawan = Syntactic Movement + Morphological Merger
    University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 22 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 39th Annual Penn Article 20 Linguistics Conference 2016 Wh-Concord in Okinawan = Syntactic Movement + Morphological Merger Kunio Kinjo Yohei Oseki Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Kinjo, Kunio and Oseki, Yohei (2016) "Wh-Concord in Okinawan = Syntactic Movement + Morphological Merger," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 22 : Iss. 1 , Article 20. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol22/iss1/20 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol22/iss1/20 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Wh-Concord in Okinawan = Syntactic Movement + Morphological Merger Abstract The main purpose of this paper is to provide a novel account for Wh-Concord in Okinawan based on the Copy Theory of Movement and Distributed Morphology. We propose that Wh-Concord interrogatives and Japanese-type wh-interrogatives have exactly the same derivation in the syntactic component: the Q- particle -ga, base-generated as adjoined to a wh-phrase, undergoes movement to the clause-final position. The two types of interrogatives are distinguished in the post-syntactic component: only in Wh-Concord, the -r morpheme on C0 triggers Morphological Merger, which makes it possible to Spell-Out lower copy of -ga. It is shown that the proposed analysis correctly predicts three descriptive generalizations on the distribution of -ga in
    [Show full text]
  • Derivational Economy in Syntax and Semantics
    Derivational Economy in Syntax and Semantics Željko Bošković and Troy Messick Summary Economy considerations have always played an important role in the generative theory of grammar. They are particularly prominent in the most recent instantiation of this approach, the Minimalist Program, which explores the possibility that Universal Grammar is an optimal way of satisfying requirements that are imposed on the language faculty by the external systems that interface with the language faculty which is also characterized by optimal, computationally efficient design. In this respect, the operations of the computational system that produce linguistic expressions must be optimal in that they must satisfy general considerations of simplicity and efficient design. Simply put, the guiding principles here are do something only if you need to; and if you do need to, do it in the most economical/efficient way. These considerations ban superfluous steps in derivations and superfluous symbols in representations. Under economy guidelines, movement takes place only when there is a need for it (with both syntactic and semantic considerations playing a role here), and when it does take place, it takes place in the most economical way: it is as short as possible and carries as little material as possible. Furthermore, economy is evaluated locally, on the basis of immediately available structure. The locality of syntactic dependencies is also enforced by minimal search and by limiting the number of syntactic objects and the amount of structure that are accessible in the derivation. This is achieved by transferring parts of syntactic structure to the interfaces during the derivation, the transferred parts not being accessible for further syntactic operations.
    [Show full text]
  • Syntactic Movement 24.900/R02
    October 19, 2018 Syntactic movement 24.900/R02 Syntactic movement Introduction to Linguistics, Instructor: Prof. Adam Albright Section R02, Suzana Fong ([email protected]) Recitation #6, October 19, 2018 1 Overview and recap Recall: this is the structure that we have for sentences: (1) CP 0 C C IP 0 NP I I VP 0 (modifier(s)) V V (XP) Where XP is the complement of the verb; it can be an NP, a PP, or a CP. This gives us a neat structure to capture the linear order of English interrogative sentences: (2) Yes/No question (closed-ended question) (3) Constituent question (open-ended question) a. The dog will eat the watermelon. a. Rosa has criticized Ana. b. Will the dog eat the watermelon? b. Who has Rosa cricitized ? Hypothesis: auxiliaries and interrogatives phrases (what, which picture, etc) are born in the position that their non- interrogative counterparts occupy and then they are moved to C and Spec-CP, respectively. ² Movement: an operation that takes a constituent (phrase or head) and places it elsewhere in the sentence. ² Consequence of movement: constituents can be interpreted in one position (e.g. complement of VP), but pro- nounced in another (e.g. Spec-CP). This property of languages is called displacement. 1/10 October 19, 2018 Syntactic movement 24.900/R02 Formalizing movement (4) a. Take an element α (word or phrase) and move it to an eligible higher position P. i. P must be empty (no overt morpheme). ii. P must be a suitable host for the type of element (heads to heads/argument positions, phrases to modifier positions) b.
    [Show full text]
  • SYNTACTIC VS. POST-SYNTACTIC MOVEMENT* Susi Wurmbrand
    SYNTACTIC VS. POST-SYNTACTIC MOVEMENT* Susi Wurmbrand University of Connecticut 1. Introduction This paper addresses the question of where word order variation that has no semantic effect is represented. The case I will concentrate on is multiple verb constructions in West Germanic, which involve complex patterns of re-ordering of the verbal elements involved. As an illustration consider (1): while Dutch allows either order between a modal and the selected infinitive (in this construction), the infinitive has to precede the modal in German, whereas the modal has to precede the infinitive in Afrikaans. Importantly, all sentences in (1) have the same meaning and re-ordering has no semantic effect. (1) John can work tomorrow. a. dat Jan morgen werken kan / kan werken Dutch that Jan tomorrow work can / can work b. dass Hans morgen arbeiten kann / *kann arbeiten German that John tomorrow work can / can work c. dat Jan môre *werk kan / kan werk Afrikaans that Jan tomorrow work can / can work In this paper I will pursue the idea that semantically vacuous word order changes are not part of syntax proper, but rather occur in a post-syntactic (PF) component. The mechanism suggested for this re-ordering will be language and construction specific inversion of sister nodes. I will present two preliminary arguments for this view: i) morphological operations feed verb cluster re-ordering; ii) only the word orders that cannot be derived by simple inversion of sister nodes show semantic/pragmatic effects. 2. Re-ordering tools Before discussing various options that have been suggested to derive the word order differences in verb clusters, it is important to note that some re-ordering mechanism is necessary and that the different word orders cannot be just the result of different base structures.
    [Show full text]
  • Malagasy Extraposition: Evidence for PF Movement
    Nat Lang Linguist Theory https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-021-09505-2 Malagasy extraposition Evidence for PF movement Eric Potsdam1 Received: 28 August 2018 / Accepted: 23 January 2021 © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature B.V. part of Springer Nature 2021 Abstract Extraposition is the non-canonical placement of dependents in a right- peripheral position in a clause. The Austronesian language Malagasy has basic VOXS word order, however, extraposition leads to VOSX. Extraposed constituents behave syntactically as though they were in their undisplaced position inside the predicate at both LF and Spell Out. This paper argues that extraposition is achieved via movement at Phonological Form (PF). I argue against alternatives that would derive extraposi- tion with syntactic A’ movement or stranding analyses. Within a Minimalist model of grammar, movement operations take place on the branch from Spell Out to PF and have only phonological consequences. Keywords Malagasy · Extraposition · Movement · Phonological Form · Word order 1 Introduction Extraposition—the non-canonical placement of certain constituents in a right- peripheral position—has been investigated in detail in only a small number of lan- guages. There is a considerable literature for English, SOV Germanic languages Ger- man and Dutch, and the SOV language Hindi-Urdu. The construction has not been widely explored in other, typologically distinct languages. This lacuna means that we have probably not seen the full range of options and have also not tested pro- posed analyses in the widest possible way. The goal of this paper is to investigate in some detail extraposition in Malagasy, an Austronesian language with basic VOXS word order spoken by approximately 17 million people on the island of Madagascar.
    [Show full text]
  • I PREPOSITION STRANDING and PIED-PIPING in YORUBA FOCUS CONSTRUCTIONS by © Joseph Ajayi a Thesis Submitted to the School Of
    PREPOSITION STRANDING AND PIED-PIPING IN YORUBA FOCUS CONSTRUCTIONS by © Joseph Ajayi A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Department of Linguistics Memorial University of Newfoundland July 2019 St John’s Newfoundland i ABSTRACT The thesis examines P-stranding and pied-piping in focus constructions in Yoruba language, one of the Benue-Congo languages spoken in Western part of Nigeria. This research is unique given the fact that while existing literature and theories on P-stranding and pied-piping have solely hammered cross- linguistic differences, the thesis discovers intra-linguistic features of P-stranding and pied-piping in Yoruba. According to literature, a language is either a P-stranding or pied-piping one. On the contrary, Yoruba exhibits both P-stranding and pied-piping features in similar environments in focus constructions. It is discovered that a number of prepositions can only strand while some others can solely pied-pipe. The thesis further examines another behavioral patterns of prepositions in Yoruba focus constructions. Interestingly and quite strangely, it is discovered that some prepositions drop, or pied-pipe with the occurrence of resumptive pronouns in Yoruba focus. These multifarious behavioral patterns of prepositions in Yoruba focus pose a great challenge as to how to account for these patterns within the existing literature and theories which rather deal with P-stranding as cross-linguistic affairs. The thesis, however, tackles this challenge by extracting two different theories to account for these preposition features in Yoruba focus as each of the theories (Abels 2003 Phase Theory and Law 1998 Incorporation Thoery) cannot, in isolation, capture the features.
    [Show full text]
  • A Theory of Generalized Pied-Piping Sayaka Funakoshi, Doctor Of
    ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: A Theory of Generalized Pied-Piping Sayaka Funakoshi, Doctor of Philosophy, 2015 Dissertation directed by: Professor Howard Lasnik Department of Linguistics The purpose of this thesis is to construct a theory to derive how pied-piping of formal features of a moved element takes place, by which some syntactic phenomena related to φ-features can be accounted for. Ura (2001) proposes that pied-piping of formal-features of a moved element is constrained by an economy condition like relativized minimality. On the basis of Ura’s (2001) proposal, I propose that how far an element that undergoes movement can carry its formal features, especially focusing on φ-features in this thesis, is determined by two conditions, a locality condition on the generalized pied-piping and an anti-locality condition onmovement. Given the proposed analysis, some patterns of so-called wh-agreement found in Bantu languages can be explained and with the assumption that φ-features play an role for binding, presence or absence of WCO effects in various languages can be derived without recourse to A/A-distinctions.¯ ATHEORYOFGENERALIZEDPIED-PIPING by Sayaka Funakoshi Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2015 Advisory Committee: Professor Howard Lasnik, Chair/Advisor Professor Norbert Hornstein Professor Omer Preminger Professor Steven Ross Professor Juan Uriagereka c Copyright by ! Sayaka Funakoshi 2015 Acknowledgments First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor Howard Lasnik for his patience, support and encouragement.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction to Transformational Grammar
    Introduction to Transformational Grammar Kyle Johnson University of Massachusetts at Amherst Fall 2004 Contents Preface iii 1 The Subject Matter 1 1.1 Linguisticsaslearningtheory . 1 1.2 The evidential basis of syntactic theory . 7 2 Phrase Structure 15 2.1 SubstitutionClasses............................. 16 2.2 Phrases .................................... 20 2.3 Xphrases................................... 29 2.4 ArgumentsandModifiers ......................... 41 3 Positioning Arguments 57 3.1 Expletives and the Extended Projection Principle . ..... 58 3.2 Case Theory and ordering complements . 61 3.3 Small Clauses and the Derived Subjects Hypothesis . ... 68 3.4 PROandControlInfinitives . .. .. .. .. .. .. 79 3.5 Evidence for Argument Movement from Quantifier Float . 83 3.6 Towards a typology of infinitive types . 92 3.7 Constraints on Argument Movement and the typology of verbs . 97 4 Verb Movement 105 4.1 The “Classic” Verb Movement account . 106 4.2 Head Movement’s role in “Verb Second” word order . 115 4.3 The Pollockian revolution: exploded IPs . 123 4.4 Features and covert movement . 136 5 Determiner Phrases and Noun Movement 149 5.1 TheDPHypothesis ............................. 151 5.2 NounMovement............................... 155 Contents 6 Complement Structure 179 6.1 Nouns and the θ-rolestheyassign .................... 180 6.2 Double Object constructions and Larsonian shells . 195 6.3 Complement structure and Object Shift . 207 7 Subjects and Complex Predicates 229 7.1 Gettingintotherightposition . 229 7.2 SubjectArguments ............................. 233 7.2.1 ArgumentStructure ........................ 235 7.2.2 The syntactic benefits of ν .................... 245 7.3 The relative positions of µP and νP: Evidence from ‘again’ . 246 7.4 The Minimal Link Condition and Romance causatives . 254 7.5 RemainingProblems ............................ 271 7.5.1 The main verb in English is too high .
    [Show full text]
  • Syntax of Elliptical and Discontinuous Nominals
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Syntax of Elliptical and Discontinuous Nominals A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Linguistics by Dimitrios Ntelitheos 2004 1 The thesis of Dimitrios Ntelitheos is approved. _________________________________ Anoop Mahajan _________________________________ Timothy A. Stowell _________________________________ Hilda Koopman, Committee Chair University of California, Los Angeles 2004 2 στον Αλέξανδρο … για κείνον που ήρθε ανάµεσά µας να σφίξει τα δαχτυλά µας στην παλάµη … Μ. Αναγνωστάκης 3 CONTENTS 1 Introduction 1 2 Nominal Ellipsis and Discontinuity as Sister Operations 6 2.1 Nominal Ellipsis as NP-Topicalization 6 2.1.1 Ellipsis and Movement 6 2.1.2 On a Nominal Left Periphery 10 2.1.3 On the Existence of a Nominal FocusP 12 2.1.4 On the existence of a Nominal TopicP 18 2.2 Focus as a Licensing Mechanism for Nominal Ellipsis 25 2.2.1 Against a pro Analysis of Nominal Ellipsis 25 2.2.2 Focus Condition on Ellipsis 30 2.3 Topicalization and Focalization in Discontinuous DPs 33 2.4 Ellipsis and rich morphology 38 2.5 Fanselow & Ćavar (2002) 51 3 Common Properties Between Nominal Ellipsis and Discontinuous DPs 54 3.1 Same Type of Modifiers 54 3.2 Morphological Evidence 58 4 Some Problems 60 4.1 Restrictions on Discontinuity 60 4.2 Discontinuity without Nominal Ellipsis 64 5 Conclusion 69 References 70 4 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS Syntax of Elliptical and Discontinuous Nominals by Dimitrios Ntelitheos Master of Arts in Linguistics University of California, Los Angeles, 2003 Professor Hilda Koopman, Chair This thesis proposes a new analysis of two superficially different phenomena – nominal ellipsis and discontinuous DPs.
    [Show full text]
  • Against the Scrambling Anti-Movement Movement *
    Against the Scrambling anti-Movement Movement* John Frederick Bailyn Stony Brook University 1. Introduction: Free Word Order and Scrambling This article argues against two recent non-movement accounts of free word order in Russian – van Gelderen (2003) (hereafter VG) and Bo!kovi" (2004) (hereafter B) and in favor of Scrambling-as- Movement. Both VG and B claim (a) that the (re)ordering of major constituents in Russian results from a process that is not movement, and (b) that (most) Russian (re)orderings result from a process distinct from that of Japanese. In sections 2 and 3 of this article I present the VG and B approaches and argue against them. In the final section, I argue that Japanese and Russian do not differ in the manner described by either author, and that a unified discourse- driven account of Scrambling as Last Resort movement is both theoretically more desirable and empirically more successful. The issue at hand is the proper account of alternative word orders for identical major constituents in so-called “free” word order languages. Typical cases are given in (1) (local) and (2) (long- distance) for Japanese and (3) for Russian (the bold element is the constituent separated from canonical (thematic) position): (1) a. Mary-ga sono hon-o yonda (Japanese) MaryNOM that bookACC read ‘Mary read that book.’ b. sono hon-o Mary-ga ___ yonda that bookACC MaryNOM read ‘That book Mary read ___ .’ (2) sono hon-o John-ga [ Mary-ga ___ katta to] itta] that book JohnNOM MaryNOM bought that thinks ‘That book John thinks that Mary bought ___ .’ *Ideas in this article have been presented at Utrecht, Tilburg and Yale Universities, and in seminars in St.
    [Show full text]
  • Generative Linguistics Within the Cognitive Neuroscience of Language Alec Marantz
    Generative linguistics within the cognitive neuroscience of language Alec Marantz Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, MIT Standard practice in linguistics often obscures the connection between theory and data, leading some to the conclusion that generative linguistics could not serve as the basis for a cognitive neuroscience of language. Here the foundations and methodology of generative grammar are clarified with the goal of explaining how generative theory already functions as a reasonable source of hypotheses about the representation and computation of language in the mind and brain. The claims of generative theory, as exemplified, e.g., within Chomsky’s (2000) Minimalist Program, are contrasted with those of theories endorsing parallel architectures with independent systems of generative phonology, syntax and semantics. The single generative engine within Minimalist approaches rejects dual routes to linguistic representations, including possible extra-syntactic strategies for semantic structure-building. Clarification of the implications of this property of generative theory undermines the foundations of an autonomous psycholinguistics, as established in the 1970’s, and brings linguistic theory back to the center of a unified cognitive neuroscience of language. 2 1. The place of linguistics* The first decade of the 21st century should be a golden era for the cognitive neuroscience of language. Fifty years of contemporary linguistic analysis of language can be coupled with a wide range of brain imaging and brain monitoring machines to test hypotheses and refine theory and understanding. However, there is still a gulf between mainstream linguistics within the generative linguistic tradition and most of those engaged in experimental cognitive neuroscience research. Some have argued that the fault here lies with the linguists, whose generative theories are based in principle on separating the study of linguistic representations from research on the acquisition and use of language in the minds and brains of speakers.
    [Show full text]