(August 2018) ETHNICITY, CONFLICT and IDENTITY: the SENSE of BELONGING AMONG the PAKHTUNS of SWAT, PAKISTAN
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ETHNICITY, CONFLICT AND IDENTITY: THE SENSE OF BELONGING AMONG THE PAKHTUNS OF SWAT, PAKISTAN SYED WASIF AZIM DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (August 2018) ETHNICITY, CONFLICT AND IDENTITY: THE SENSE OF BELONGING AMONG THE PAKHTUNS OF SWAT, PAKISTAN Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Award of the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (August 2018) Dedicated to the triangle of my father, mother and wife i ABSTRACT Violent conflicts have perpetual and perennial impacts on societies. Ethnic and national Identities of the people are no exception to this. This research study reflects on the impacts of conflict and violence on ethnic and national identities. The scarce literature linking conflict and identities (ethnic and national) argues that conflict and violence „soften‟ or „harden‟ these identities. Moreover, the bulging literature on post 2001 conflict in Pukhtun region of Pakistan does not primarily focus on the impacts of this conflict on Pukhtun ethnic and national identities. Using constructivist theoretical position and the case study of Swat Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, this study addresses two research questions: what are the implications of conflict and violence in Swat for Pukhtun ethnic identity? And what are the consequences of the ongoing conflict for Pakistani national identity? Theoretically the study refutes the arguments in the literature that identity softens or hardens and argues that the impacts of conflict and violence on ethnic and national identities are complex and multi-dimensional. Methodologically, the study is based on an ethnographic field work comprising in-depth semi structured interviews, focus group discussions, ethnographic observations and field notes arranged from November 2016 to May 2017 in different administrative tehsils of Swat. This study proposes that during the conflict, performing aspects of ethnic identity i.e. cultural code (Pukhtunwali) was affected and transformed in multiple ways resulting in a perception that „ideal Pukhtunwali is dead.‟ Consequently, claims to ethnic identity contextually shift to ascribed aspects of Pukhtun identity i.e. language, land, tribal affiliations, and „birth in a Pukhtun home.‟ Likewise, the conflict adds to the complexity of Pukhtun ethnic identity by sharpening and straining intra-ethnic relations among the Pukhtuns. These diverse and multiple impacts can also be witnessed on different aspects of Pakistani national identity where it is neither lost nor reaffirmed. In this context, the study posits that there is a contest on the assumed unifying nature of Islam as a marker of Pakistani identity. Through the discourse of „pride and sacrifice‟, Pukhtuns own the nation state of Pakistan, yet on the other hand are critical of the state for not acknowledging and compensating the sacrifices of Pukhtuns in Swat. Similarly, Pakistani military is considered as an institution which significantly represents Pakistani national identity by Pukhtuns in Swat. The military‟s persuasive presence in Swat is in question. Celebrating national days like 23rd of March and 14th of August is another significant aspect of Pakistani national identity. Such impacts have significant repercussions for the state of Pakistan. Keywords: Ethnicity, Identity, Conflict, Swat, Pakhtuns, Pakistan ii Table of Contents Abstract i Acknowledgments vii Chapter 1: Introduction to the thesis 1 1.1. Theoretical Framework 11 1.2. Research methodology 30 Chapter 2: Conflict, Violence and Culture: The violation of Purdah in Swat 43 Introduction 43 2.1. Conflict and Women Purdah: Militants, Military and IDPs 48 2.2. Conflict, Violence and Home Purdah 57 2.3. Conflict and elder men Purdah 66 2.4. Conflict and locality Purdah 67 Conclusion 69 Chapter 3: Conflict, Violence and Culture: The interplay of Jarga, Committee and Organization with conflict in Swat 71 Introduction 71 3.1. Jarga, Pukhtunwali, Committee and Tanzeem in Swat 73 3.2. Conflict and violence impacts Jarga, Committee and Tanzeem in Swat 81 Conclusion 99 Chapter 4: Conflict, Violence and Culture: Hujra, Melmastya & Gham-Khadi in Swat Introduction 102 4.1. Our Hujra has been deserted: Conflict, Violence, Hujra and Melmastya in Swat 104 4.2. Conflict, Violence and the performance of Gham-Khadi/Marae-Jwandae in Swat 117 Conclusion 127 Chapter 5: Conflict and Violence in Swat: Impacts on the social relationship between Mashar and Kashar, Badal, Honor-Shame complex and the contextuality-complexity of Pukhtun ethnic identity 129 Introduction 129 5.1. Mashar and Kashar: Who cares? 131 5.2. Badal and Violence: What happened? 140 5.3. Where is Pukhtun honor? Shame is prevalent 146 5.4. We are Pukhtuns by name: The contextuality of Pukhtun ethnic identity 153 iii 5.5. Conflict and the complexity of ethnic identity: Intra-ethnic relations in Swat 158 Conclusion 162 Chapter 6: Conflict, Violence and National Identity: Pakistani military and Pukhtun’s performance of national holidays in Swat 165 Introduction 165 6.1. Conflict and Pakistani Military in Swat 166 6.2. Showing indifference and discontent: Conflict and the celebration of national holidays in Swat 181 Conclusion 190 Chapter 7: Conflict, Violence and National Identity: Islam, pride, sacrifice and inter- ethnic relations in Swat 191 Introduction 191 7.1. Conflict and violence in Swat: Islam and Pakistani National Identity 192 7.2. The discourse of Pride, Sacrifice and complains in the Conflict of Swat 202 7.3. Conflict and violence in Swat: Inter-ethnic relations and boundaries 205 7.4. Repercussions for Pakistani state 210 Conclusion 214 Conclusion of the Thesis 216 Implication, Limitations and Future research 225 Bibliography 230 Annexures 247 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First of all, thanks to Almighty Allah for His blessings in completing this thesis. This research work would not have been possible without the help, support and encouragement of a number of people and institutions. I am thankful to Higher Education Commission of Pakistan (HEC) for granting me an „Indigenous PhD Scholarship‟ for my PhD studies and IRSIP fellowship for my 6 months stay in the University of Washington, Seattle. In University of Washington Seattle, I am highly obliged to Dr. Cabeiri Robinson, my host supervisor. Her cooperation and intellectual insights made my stay at Seattle more effective and fruitful than i have imagined. Professor Nathalie Williams provided me with much help and support in various ways, especially arranging office in Sociology department and a talk in the same department along with reading parts of my thesis. Hussain, my roommate in the US provided much support. He along with Khan Zeb, Jameel Ahmad and his family, members of Seattle Adabi Mehfil and many other individuals made my stay enjoyable in Seattle. The International Student office and its staff in the University of Washington deserve much appreciation for their support, especially Keith Snodgrass of the South Asia Center needs a word. In University of Peshawar, I am thankful to the staff at Department of Political Science, for their support throughout this study. I am highly thankful to Dr Muhammad Ayub Jan, my research supervisor, for his supervision, encouragement and much support. This study would never have been possible without his support. He was also extremely helpful in matters indirectly related to this study and to my time as a PhD scholar. Dr. Abdul Rauf, Dr Zubair, Dr Sami Raza, Dr Shahida Aman, Dr Noreen Naseer, Dr. Taj Muharram Khan, Dr. A. Z. Hilali, Dr. Zahid Anwar, also deserves much appreciation for supporting and helping me in the department of political science. Amir Raza from the same department must be mentioned here for his hospitality and help in the US, during my six v months fellowship. My gratitude also goes to Dr. Andrea Fleshinberg, Dr. Sanaa Alimia, Dr. Jan, Peter Hartung, Dr. James Caron, Dr Robert Nichols, Dr Isik Kuscu, Dr Vanessa Tinker and many others, whom I may not have mentioned here. The clerical staff in the University of Peshawar and specifically at the Department of Political science was extremely supportive. Israr Ahmed in the account section deserves special mention. Among others, Murad Khan, Shams ul Amin, Gulfam sahib and Atif were very much helpful and cooperative. Saeed Ullah lala needs much appreciation for his support in many different forms. My sincere thanks and gratitude go to some of my close friends Sajjad Hussain, Wajid Mehmood Khattak, Hassan Shah, Faiz-ul-Ibrar Khattak, Shabir Ahmad, Meehran and Asif Saleem. Their appreciation, encouragement, unconditional love and valuable suggestions helped me a lot in completing this thesis. Field work was the most challenging aspect of this research project. My sincere thanks and gratitude goes to Dr Sultan-i-Rome from Swat, who proved very helpful during and after my field work. His guidance and support made this study possible. My gratitude goes to the people of Swat. In fact, the study is a shared venture of the author and people of Swat. They deserve every appreciation. My mother Nizakat Ara Begum, my father Syed Azim Shah and my wife Shakeela Naz deserve special mention not only for their exceptional love and conviction but also for their assistance throughout this study. I have no words to thank them in real sense. I am also thankful to my elder brothers Syed Waqar Azim and Syed Kashif Azim. The unconditional love and care of my sister also deserve mention and gratitude. I am thankful to everyone who has supported me in this endeavor. Syed Wasif Azim 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION TO THE THESIS The event of 11 September 2001 and the so-called „war on terror‟ have an enormous impact on Pakistan, especially its north-western part (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province) 1 and former FATA2, where majority of Pukhtuns 3 live and which borders Afghanistan. Pakistan and its Pukhtun population drew the attention of policy experts, media and academic inquiries from across the world. However, many of these media reports and the research studies conducted are distorted, incomplete, essentialist or stereotyped, mainly because of the lack of access to these conflict zones and the impression of colonial writings on these studies.